24 <strong>Piero</strong> <strong>Sraffa</strong>An Italian in Cambridge 25wishing neither to take such an oath nor to dissociate himself from theline chosen by the Communist party, which was to fulfil what mightbe seen as a purely formal obligation in order to keep channels of communicationopen with the younger generations (a line that meant apainful volte-face for the famous Latinist, Concetto Marchesi, a militantcommunist who took the oath after a public declaration that he wouldnever do so).After a year spent settling in (despite his previous stays in England,his English was by no means perfect when he arrived, his French beingrather better), <strong>Sraffa</strong> taught courses in Cambridge on the theory of valueand on the German and Italian financial systems. 4 His lessons causedsomething of a stir: <strong>Sraffa</strong> discussed the theories of the classical economists,Ricardo in particular, and the theories of general economic equilibriumexpounded by Walras and Pareto – little of which was knownin England – as well as advancing his own criticisms of the Cambridge(Marshall–Pigou) tradition, concerning in particular the theory of thefirm. However, <strong>Sraffa</strong> found himself growing increasingly shy aboutspeaking in public, and thus about giving lectures, too. As a result,thanks to Keynes, he was then appointed librarian of the MarshallLibrary, the library of the economics faculty (since 4 May 1931), andassistant director of research (1935). 5In the cloistered calm of Cambridge <strong>Sraffa</strong> developed his researchalong three lines connected in one great design: the work on the criticaledition of Ricardo’s writings, entrusted to him in 1930 by the RoyalEconomic Society on the initiative of Keynes; research in the field ofthe theory of value, which was to culminate after 30 years’ labour inProduction of Commodities by Means of Commodities (in the Preface <strong>Sraffa</strong>recalls showing Keynes an outline of the central propositions as early(Continued)‘Stringher’ grants for postgraduate studies abroad, reserved to young Italianeconomists. In these and many other ways (as in his connections with the leadersof the Italian Communist Party, especially relating to publication of Gramsci’swritings: cf. e.g. Vacca 2000), <strong>Sraffa</strong> maintained very strong connections withItaly, which he regularly visited up to 1973.4The notes for these lectures are preserved in the <strong>Sraffa</strong> Papers: D2/4 for thelectures on Advanced theory of value, and D2/5 for the lectures on Continentalbanking. On the content of these latter ones, which were focused on a comparisonbetween the English (specialised banking) system and the German one, cf.Panico (1998: 170–3). In the <strong>Sraffa</strong> Papers (D2/8) there are also the notes forshort courses on Industry given during the war (1941–3); in these, as Marcuzzo(2004: 131) remarks, <strong>Sraffa</strong> discusses how control over the biggest firms hadmoved from the capitalist entrepreneurs to the financiers.5On <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s activities in Cambridge, cf. Marcuzzo (2004).as 1928); and a collateral interest in the development of Keynesiantheory, in particular during the early 1930s. It was, moreover, atCambridge that <strong>Sraffa</strong> made acquaintance with the Austrian philosopherLudwig Wittgenstein (1885–1951), who became a friend and onwhom <strong>Sraffa</strong> exerted a significant influence.In the following sections we shall be considering, in order, <strong>Sraffa</strong>’srelation with Wittgenstein and with Keynes, his critique of Hayek, hisinterpretation of Ricardo and the classics. In the next chapter we shallconsider his 1960 magnum opus.2.2 Wittgenstein<strong>Sraffa</strong> met Wittgenstein in 1929. The Austrian philosopher had justarrived in Cambridge, invited there by Bertrand Russell who had hadWittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921) published in Englisha few years before. The book constituted a fundamental contributionto the development of modern philosophy, and is considered by manythe culmination of logical neo-positivism. Wittgenstein had ponderedand drafted it during the First World War, first on the Russian front,then on the Italian front, and finally during his period of imprisonmentin Italy at the end of the war (up to August 1919). Wittgensteinhimself conceived it as the terminus of philosophical research; havingcompleted it, he was convinced that he had no further work to doin the philosophical field. A difficult, withdrawn character, he thusretreated to teach in a small Austrian village primary school and workas a monastery gardener. His contact with the philosophical research ofthis period was indeed scant: a few letters and the occasional meetingswith Bertrand Russell or the young Frank Ramsey, another philosopherand mathematician at Cambridge, who was also a friend of <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s andwho died in 1930 at the early age of 26, but above all with the so-calledCircle of Vienna, whose moving spirit was Moritz Schlick.It may well have been the Vienna Circle discussions – and in particulara celebrated lecture Brouwer gave on the foundations of mathematics –that finally persuaded Wittgenstein that after all some work remainedto be done also in the philosophical field. So it was that Wittgensteinarrived in Cambridge early in 1929, to become fellow of Trinity Collegeafter a few months and to remain there – with a few odd breaks – untilhis death in April 1951.During the periods in which they were both in Cambridge,Wittgenstein and <strong>Sraffa</strong> would in general spend one afternoon aweek together, discussion ranging far and wide rather than specifically
26 <strong>Piero</strong> <strong>Sraffa</strong>dwelling on philosophy or economics as such. However, their debateshad a decisive influence on the Austrian philosopher, with his transitionfrom the logical atomism of the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus to themature positions emerging in the Philosophical Investigations, publishedposthumously in 1953.Georg von Wright, a pupil of Wittgenstein, reports him as once havingsaid ‘that his discussions with <strong>Sraffa</strong> made him feel like a tree fromwhich all the branches had been cut’. 6 Wittgenstein himself is still moreexplicit in his Preface to the Philosophical Investigations: ‘I am indebtedto [the criticism] which a teacher of this university, Mr. P. <strong>Sraffa</strong>, formany years unceasingly practised on my thoughts. I am indebted tothis stimulus for the most consequential ideas of this book’ [the italicsare Wittgenstein’s].There is some disagreement among the specialists on the relationbetween the early and late Wittgenstein: some speak of continuity, othersof a hiatus. My impression is that, gradual as the change may have been,showing no evident sudden breakthrough, it was nevertheless very deep.With drastic simplification, and disregarding various other aspects(by no means secondary) of Wittgenstein’s thought, we may illustratehis position as follows. The Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus argued a correspondencebetween the world and the elements that constitute it(‘facts’) on the one hand, and our representation of the world (whoseconstituent elements are ‘thoughts’, expressed in ‘propositions’) onthe other. On this basis Wittgenstein argued that it is possible to builda set of propositions, each describing a ‘fact’ and all together describingthe world, or more precisely all those aspects of the world that canbe described in a rational form: in other words, that which can be theobject of scientific knowledge. Moreover, concerning all that is notsusceptible to rational description (feelings, religious beliefs, aestheticjudgements, etc.) ‘one must be silent’. 76von Wright (1958: 15–16). Among those who had experienced <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s criticalpowers, this anecdote was a source of admiration for Wittgenstein: ‘only thebranches are cut, while his tree survives!’7‘1. The world is everything that is the case. […]1.2 The world divides into facts. […]3. The logical picture of the facts is the thought. […]4. The thought is the significant proposition. […]4.26 The specification of all true elementary propositions describes theworld completely. […]7. Whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent’. (Wittgenstein1921: 31, 43, 61, 91, 189.) We shall be returning to the subject in § 3.4.An Italian in Cambridge 27Later, in Philosophical Investigations, Wittgenstein went on to abandonthe idea of language as a univocal representation of the world, as wellas the idea of the ‘unspeakable’. Discussions with <strong>Sraffa</strong> seem to haveplayed a role in this change. In this connection, there is an anecdotethat Wittgenstein himself told his pupils, one of whom – Malcolm(1958: 69) – recounts it in his biography of the master: one day, asthey were travelling together on the train from Cambridge to London,‘<strong>Sraffa</strong> made a gesture, familiar to Neapolitans and meaning somethinglike disgust or contempt, of brushing the underneath of his chin withan outward sweep of the finger tips of one hand’. The gesture can onlyacquire a specific meaning within the context in which it is performed,in particular in the context of prevailing social conventions, thuscontradicting Wittgenstein’s idea that every proposition ought to holda definite place in rational language, independently of the variouscontexts in which it may be employed. 8Thus, in Philosophical Investigations Wittgenstein develops a new theoryof language and the relations between it and the world it should describe.There is not just one type of language, Wittgenstein (1953: 21, 33)asserts, ‘but there are countless kinds: countless different types of use ofwhat we call “symbols”, “words”, “sentences”. And this multiplicity is8According to Malcolm (1958: 69), the object of the discussion was Wittgenstein’sidea ‘that a proposition and that which it describes must have the same “logicalform”, the same “logical multiplicity”’; according to von Wright, as Malcolmreports in a footnote, the object of the discussion was the idea that each propositionshould have a ‘grammar’. In a conversation (21 December 1973) <strong>Sraffa</strong>confirmed the anecdote, telling me that von Wright was right. The correctnessof von Wright’s interpretation is also confirmed in a letter by <strong>Sraffa</strong>, dated23 October 1974 (now in the <strong>Sraffa</strong> Papers, C 303) quoted in Bellofiore and Potier(1998: 73).After repeating the anecdote, Monk (1990: 259–60 of the Italian translation)recalls that once Wittgenstein told Rush Rhees that <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s influence had drivenhim to adopt an anthropological approach: namely, while the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus analysed language in itself, abstracting from the circumstancesin which it is used, the Philosophical Investigations focus on contextualisedlanguage.Sen (2004: 30–1) recalls that, when he tried to enquire of <strong>Sraffa</strong> about theanecdote, <strong>Sraffa</strong> answered that he did not recall it; Sen concludes that the anecdotemust be ‘more of a tale with a moral than an actual event’. However, anyoneacquainted with <strong>Sraffa</strong> knows that, when confronted with enquiries about thefacts of his life (most frequently in connection with Gramsci), the ‘do not recall’answer was his habitual, gentle way of escape. Let us add that Wittgenstein, theoriginal source of Malcolm’s and von Wright’s accounts, was most certainly notthe kind of person who had the habit of inventing anecdotes.
- Page 1 and 2: Piero SraffaAlessandro Roncaglia
- Page 3 and 4: ContentsList of FiguresIntroduction
- Page 5 and 6: Introduction ixWith this degree of
- Page 7 and 8: 2 Piero Sraffa(1874-1961), professo
- Page 9 and 10: 6 Piero Sraffarevaluation of the li
- Page 11 and 12: 10 Piero Sraffaadministration of th
- Page 13 and 14: 14 Piero Sraffa1.4 Imperfect compet
- Page 15: 18 Piero SraffaIn many fields of ec
- Page 20 and 21: 28 Piero Sraffanot something fixed,
- Page 22 and 23: 32 Piero Sraffamonetary factors on
- Page 24 and 25: 36 Piero Sraffapartnered in his lab
- Page 26 and 27: 40 Piero SraffaActually, there was
- Page 28 and 29: 44 Piero Sraffadistribution of the
- Page 30 and 31: 48 Piero SraffaLet us recall at thi
- Page 32 and 33: 52 Piero Sraffathe other hand, the
- Page 34 and 35: 56 Piero Sraffaof production. 24 Bu
- Page 36 and 37: 4Basic and Non-Basic Products4.1 Ba
- Page 38 and 39: 64 Piero SraffaA line of argument s
- Page 40 and 41: 68 Piero Sraffathe system stemming
- Page 42 and 43: 72 Piero Sraffaplan that would yiel
- Page 44 and 45: 76 Piero Sraffaproduced less quanti
- Page 46 and 47: 80 Piero Sraffaterms of labour comm
- Page 48 and 49: 84 Piero Sraffaof value is, and mus
- Page 50 and 51: 88 Piero Sraffabeing invariant to c
- Page 52 and 53: 92 Piero Sraffa(variable plus const
- Page 54 and 55: 96 Piero Sraffaconsumption goods),
- Page 56 and 57: 100 Piero Sraffadirectly required f
- Page 58 and 59: 104 Piero Sraffaproduction’ (iden
- Page 60 and 61: 108 Piero SraffaCritique of the Mar
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- Page 64 and 65: 116 Piero Sraffareturns: Sraffa’s
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124 Piero SraffaIn this way the pro
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128 Piero SraffaSraffa raised again
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132 Piero Sraffaconnected, but can
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136 Piero SraffaThe bridge between
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140 Piero SraffaSraffa’s work for
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144 Piero SraffaThis debate is stil
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148 Piero SraffaObviously the ‘Ma
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152 Piero SraffaIn comparison to th
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156 Piero Sraffaof the path actuall
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160 Piero SraffaHowever, this const
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164 ReferencesReferences 165——
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168 ReferencesReferences 169Levhari
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172 ReferencesReferences 173——
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176 ReferencesReferences 177——
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180 IndexIndex 181Marx K., 10, 29,