vi Contents4.6 The relation to von Neumann’s theory of proportionalgrowth 714.7 The effect of taxes on basic, non-basic and wage goods 734.8 On the existence of positive prices for non-basiccommodities 755 The Standard Commodity 785.1 The standard of measure in Smith and Ricardo 785.2 Marx on Bailey on Ricardo 825.3 <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s specific problem and its solution 845.4 Standard commodity, labour commanded andthe von Neumann system 885.5 The relation of the standard commodity to theaverage commodity 906 Critique of the Marginalist Approach 956.1 The analytical structure of the marginalist approach 956.2 Critique of the Austrian theory 996.3 Critique of capital as a factor of production 1036.4 Extensions of the critiques 1097 Interpreting Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities 1137.1 Interpreting <strong>Sraffa</strong>: The assumption of givenquantities 1137.2 The clash between the classical and marginalistapproaches 1167.3 Classical versus marginalist conceptions of competition 1217.4 The realisation problem 1237.5 <strong>Sraffa</strong> and Wittgenstein: The problem of method ineconomics 1267.6 <strong>Sraffa</strong> and Keynes 1317.7 Summing up 1368 The <strong>Sraffa</strong> Legacy 1388.1 Introduction 1388.2 The rediscovery of the classical approach 1398.3 The analytical contributions stemming from <strong>Sraffa</strong> 1418.4 The ‘Ricardian’ reconstruction: Pasinetti 1448.5 The ‘Marxian’ reconstruction: Garegnani 1478.6 The ‘Smithian’ reconstruction: Sylos Labini 1518.7 A preliminary evaluation of the three lines of enquiry 154References 162Index 178Introduction<strong>Piero</strong> <strong>Sraffa</strong> is, together with Keynes, probably the greatest economistof the twentieth century, and among the outstanding figures in theEuropean culture of his times. This book sets out to substantiate thisassertion, which is far from universally accepted.In fact, apart from periods (the 1930s and the 1960s–1970s) in whichcontroversy raged around the central nucleus of economic analysis – thetheory of the firm and the industry, and the theory of capital anddistribution – <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s contributions appear to be a field of interestfor specialists only, with no substantive role in present-day economicdebate. However, this is an easy way around certain crucial difficultiesin the field of economics which have yet to be surmounted. As amatter of fact, mainstream economic theory has neither demonstratedthe existence of errors in <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s analysis (as we shall see, there wereattempts in this direction, but all failed) nor adjusted to his results,which would have implied a drastic change in the direction of research,with the abandonment of its core, namely the marginalist approach tovalue and distribution. The mainstream consensus has simply followeda strategy of ignorance and detour, with the result of fragmentationbetween ‘high-brow’ analysis, internally consistent but based on unrealisticassumptions and incapable of providing clear-cut results, andhence irrelevant when it comes to dealing with real-world issues, anda host of disjointed ‘low-brow’ analyses of specific issues, such as thosedominating textbook macroeconomics, the theoretical foundations ofwhich are irremediably faulty.The distinction between ‘high-brow’ and ‘low-brow’ analyses wasexplicitly invoked by Paul Samuelson (1962: 193–4) in answer to theSraffian critiques of the mainstream economic theory consensus of thepost-Second World War decades. If you care for internal consistency, youchoose high-brow analyses (that is, pure general equilibrium theory); ifyou care for practical relevance, you choose the simplified models oflow-brow analyses. These, however, are marred by indefensible simplifyingassumptions, the role of which is to circumvent issues such as thoseraised by <strong>Sraffa</strong>, with recourse, for instance, to one-commodity macromodels, or partial equilibrium analysis.The result is to be seen in the marked fragmentation of present-dayeconomics, with researchers specialised each in a separate sub-field.viii
Introduction ixWith this degree of fragmentation ‘normal science’ is pursued withineach sub-field, paying mere lip-service to the connections between itand the general views of how a market economy works. However, vaguehints at the existence of a basic structure (the general equilibrium theoryof value and distribution) are not sufficient to establish the requiredconnection, since the general equilibrium structure is by its very naturefar too general and abstract to be applied to any specific issue. Indeed,the specific assumptions introduced into the general equilibrium structurein order to adapt it to deal with the specific issues at hand regularlyembody elements of the traditional marginalist theory which had comeunder devastating criticism from <strong>Sraffa</strong>. Confronted with this situation,it might well be the case to recognise that <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s suggested reconstructionof economics on the basis of a Classical-Keynesian approach providesbetter foundations for each specific field of economic research.In order to substantiate the thesis summarised above, we need toconsider <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s contributions in some detail. They are part of a grandproject, to shunt the car of economic science in a direction opposed tothe one followed by the mainstream marginalist/neoclassical/subjectiveapproach. Thus, the project itself needs to be illustrated, together withits background.Some terminological clarification may be useful here. Any simplebipartition of the theoretical battlefield beclouds the differences withineach of the two sides. In the following pages, we obviously focus on the‘Sraffian’ variety of the Classical approach, setting out to illustrate its distinctivefeatures. Conversely, the mainstream/marginalist/ neoclassical/subjective approach, which <strong>Sraffa</strong> opposes, embraces different streams,ranging from the mainstream of the period in which <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s book waspublished (as represented, for instance, by Samuelson’s influential1948 textbook) to the ‘Austrians’ explicitly criticised by <strong>Sraffa</strong>, or toWicksteed, referred to as ‘the purist of marginal theory’ (<strong>Sraffa</strong> 1960: v).The fact is that <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s criticisms apply to all of them, even if occasionallyalong different roads.We begin, in Chapter 1, with some background elements, useful butalso of no little interest in themselves, briefly illustrating <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s lifeand early writings. This includes his early views on money and banking,in connection with which he got into touch with Keynes; the politicalconnection with Antonio Gramsci, a leader of the Italian communistparty; and the celebrated articles in which he undermined the foundationsof the Marshallian theory of the firm. In Chapter 2, ‘An Italian inCambridge’, we consider the background to his 1960 book, Productionof Commodities by Means of Commodities. This means looking into thex IntroductionCambridge cultural environment dominated by such personalities asKeynes and Wittgenstein and their relations with <strong>Sraffa</strong>; the strenuousefforts spent on the critical edition of Ricardo’s works and correspondence,aiming at re-proposing the Classical approach in its original characteristics,based on the notions of division of labour and surplus, afterlong decades of misinterpretations. Chapter 3 considers <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s maincontribution, the short book – little more than a pamphlet – with explosivepotential but cryptic in its conciseness, Production of Commodities byMeans of Commodities. Chapters 4 and 5 are then devoted to consideringin greater detail some important aspects of <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s analysis: respectively,the distinction between basic and non-basic commodities, and thestandard commodity. The critique of marginalist approaches to valueand distribution is then considered in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 presentsmy interpretation of the conceptual framework which constitutes anintegral part – indeed, the foundations – of <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s 1960 book, includingthe important connections with Wittgenstein’s and Keynes’s thought.Finally, the post-1960 contributions to reconstructing a Classical-Keynesian approach are briefly surveyed in Chapter 8, where the varietyof avenues opened to economic research by <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s work is illustratedby means of an artifice, namely distinguishing three ‘Sraffian schools’.I am grateful to Tony Thirlwall and to Palgrave Macmillan for inducingme to reconsider my views on the Sraffian revolution and to try andpresent them anew in a systematic way. <strong>Sraffa</strong> once said to a colleagueof mine: ‘It took me more than thirty years to write this book, obviouslyyou need more than a few months to understand it!’ It is now about40 years since I started studying <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s works, and more than 30 yearssince I first published on the subject (Roncaglia 1975); this is of courseno guarantee in itself of a correct interpretation, but I can say that I havedone my best.In this long period, I accumulated a number of debts. First, to PaoloSylos Labini, who introduced me to <strong>Sraffa</strong>’s thought (and, with a letterof presentation, to <strong>Sraffa</strong> himself) shortly after introducing me toeconomic research as a life activity not estranged from the real world.Second, to <strong>Piero</strong> <strong>Sraffa</strong> himself, whom I first met in the summer of1970 and under whose guidance I studied in 1971–3, discussing withhim – then and subsequently – the book I was writing as well as manyother issues. For most Italian students in Cambridge at the time he wasa familiar friendly figure, interested in our studies and in our lives, eagerto discuss Italian politics. He exercised a strong influence on many of us,in different ways – but never by giving us ‘the truth’, or simply his viewson any subject: he preferred to listen to our ideas and discuss them, so
- Page 1 and 2: Piero SraffaAlessandro Roncaglia
- Page 3: ContentsList of FiguresIntroduction
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- Page 13 and 14: 14 Piero Sraffa1.4 Imperfect compet
- Page 15: 18 Piero SraffaIn many fields of ec
- Page 18 and 19: 24 Piero SraffaAn Italian in Cambri
- Page 20 and 21: 28 Piero Sraffanot something fixed,
- Page 22 and 23: 32 Piero Sraffamonetary factors on
- Page 24 and 25: 36 Piero Sraffapartnered in his lab
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- Page 46 and 47: 80 Piero Sraffaterms of labour comm
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96 Piero Sraffaconsumption goods),
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100 Piero Sraffadirectly required f
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104 Piero Sraffaproduction’ (iden
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108 Piero SraffaCritique of the Mar
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112 Piero SraffaThe growing remoten
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116 Piero Sraffareturns: Sraffa’s
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120 Piero SraffaFurthermore, the cl
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124 Piero SraffaIn this way the pro
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128 Piero SraffaSraffa raised again
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132 Piero Sraffaconnected, but can
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136 Piero SraffaThe bridge between
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140 Piero SraffaSraffa’s work for
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144 Piero SraffaThis debate is stil
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148 Piero SraffaObviously the ‘Ma
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152 Piero SraffaIn comparison to th
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156 Piero Sraffaof the path actuall
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160 Piero SraffaHowever, this const
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164 ReferencesReferences 165——
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168 ReferencesReferences 169Levhari
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172 ReferencesReferences 173——
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176 ReferencesReferences 177——
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180 IndexIndex 181Marx K., 10, 29,