Domestic Violence Legislation and its Implementation
Domestic Violence Legislation and its Implementation
Domestic Violence Legislation and its Implementation
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DOMESTIC VIOLENCE<br />
LEGISLATION AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION<br />
This again challenges the spirit of gender specifi c legislation as women generally hold an unequal<br />
position within the family <strong>and</strong> in society. This consequence may be avoided if the law is gender<br />
specifi c. The Lao law is a good example in this regard as it has a provision on “impact on assets”<br />
caused by domestic violence, which includes aspects such as the non-performance of alimony<br />
obligations, causing women to lose inheritance rights <strong>and</strong> the destruction of house <strong>and</strong> property. 39<br />
COVERAGE OF THE LAW<br />
The signifi cance of gender-neutral legislation is also evident in “self-defence” exemptions<br />
contained in domestic violence legislation. The only country to exempt violence committed in<br />
self defence from other acts of violence is Singapore. 40 While the inclusion of this clause may<br />
protect women who perpetrate acts of violence in self defence, it may provide a justifi cation to<br />
men committing domestic violence. Instead, the Philippine law provides a defi nition of “battered<br />
women’s syndrome” that can be used by women perpetrating acts of violence in self defence. 41<br />
All the laws in the ASEAN region cover matrimonial relationships. Some, such as Cambodia<br />
<strong>and</strong> Indonesia, cover only existing matrimonial relationships. Others, such as Malaysia <strong>and</strong><br />
Singapore, include former spouses within the defi nition. The Philippine law adopts a broader<br />
coverage by bringing within <strong>its</strong> ambit sexual 42 or dating 43 relationships or a relationship with a<br />
person with whom there is a common child. 44 A dating relationship refers to a situation wherein<br />
“the parties live as husb<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> wife without the benefi t of marriage or are romantically involved<br />
over time <strong>and</strong> on a continuing basis during the course of the relationship.” 45<br />
The Philippine law includes within <strong>its</strong> ambit, not only common children of the woman<br />
survivor <strong>and</strong> perpetrator, but also “her children”, whether they are the children of the perpetrator<br />
or not. Hence, the Philippine law may be said to have a broad coverage as far as children are<br />
concerned. Other countries have included children <strong>and</strong> other dependents in the household.<br />
Signifi cantly, the Indonesian law includes domestic workers, in keeping with international<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ards. 46 The Indonesian law extends to relationships through marriage, guardians <strong>and</strong><br />
others. This is followed by Singapore, which also includes parents, in-laws, siblings <strong>and</strong> any<br />
other relatives or incapacitated persons of the family. However, the widest coverage is found in<br />
the Vietnamese law which does not contain any clause defi ning survivors or coverage <strong>and</strong> is<br />
gender-neutral.<br />
39 Article 32 of Lao law.<br />
40 Section 64(d) of the Singapore law.<br />
41 Section 3(c) of the Philippine law that defi nes “battered woman syndrome” as “...a scientifi cally defi ned pattern of psychological <strong>and</strong><br />
behavioural symptoms found in women living in battering relationships as a result of cumulative abuse.”<br />
42 Section 3 (f) of the Philippine law.<br />
43 Section 3 (e) of the Philippine law.<br />
44 Section 3 (a) of the Philippine law.<br />
45 Supra N-40.<br />
46 Article 2 (1) (c) of the Indonesian law.<br />
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