The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial ...

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwanin the Colonial Period:The New-Minyo Movement and the Record “Taiwan-Ondo” by Victor K.K.MASUDA ChikakoKey words: Saijô Yaso, New Minyô Movement (Shin Minyô Undô 新 民 謡 運 動 ), Taiwan Riyô(Taiwan Ondô 「 台 湾 音 頭 」), Taiwan, RecordIntroductionUpon discussing the modern Japanese literature established after the eternal closed door isolationpolicy of the Edo period ended, we cannot ignore the cultural state of various foreign countries. Up tothis point, however, discussing modern Japanese literature envisioning foreign nations has seldom beenattempted within Japan. In recent years, taking up examples of Asia exclusively, Writers’ AsianExperiences (『 作 家 のアジア 体 験 』Sakka no Ajia Taiken) 1) , Nakano Shigeharu and Korea (『 中 野 重 治 と 朝鮮 』 Nakano Shigehiru to Chôsen) 2) , Shanghai – Urban Language 『( 言 語 都 市 ・ 上 海 』 Gengo ToshiShanhai) 3) , Shanghai Magic City (『 魔 都 上 海 』Mato Shanhai) 4) , Chinese and Japanese Literature At MutualWar – Beijing Under Occupation 1937-1945 (『 交 争 する 中 国 文 学 と 日 本 文 学 ― 淪 陥 下 北 京 1937–45』Kôsôsuru Chûgokubungaku to Nihonbungaku – Rinkanka Pekin) 5) , books were published, little by little andresearchers of Japanese Literature began shifting their focus to Asia, and with a global outlook they havebegun to apprehend modern Japanese literature. However, in the modern Japanese literature in whichthere are colossal writers and intellectuals, within the relationship among various foreign nations, therestill remains a massive heap of issues at present. In Taiwanese and Japanese literature works such as,Shimada Kinji’s ( 島 田 謹 二 ) A Literary History of a Magnificent Isle – Japanese Poets Experience Taiwan『( 華 麗 島 文 学 史 ― 日 本 詩 人 の 台 湾 体 験 ― 』Kareijima Bungakushi – Nihonshijin no Taiwan Taiken) 6) ,Nakajjima Toshirô’s ( 中 島 利 郎 ) A Concise Dictionary of Taiwanese Colonial Literature (『 日 本 統 治 期 台 湾文 学 小 事 典 』 Nihon Tôjiki Taiwan Bungaku shôjiten) 7) , Tarumi Chie’s ( 垂 水 千 恵 ) Taiwan’s Japanese1) Ashia Nobukazu, Ueda Hiroshi, Writers’ Asian Experiences ( 『 作 家 のアジア 体 験 』Sakka no Ajia Taiken)2) 鄭 勝 云 著 『 中 野 重 治 と 朝 鮮 』( 2002 年 11 月 15 日 , 新 幹 社 )。3) 和 田 博 文 ・ 大 橋 毅 彦 ・ 真 銅 正 宏 ・ 竹 松 良 明 ・ 和 田 桂 子 著 『 言 語 都 市 ・ 上 海 』(2002 年 11 月 15 日 , 藤 原 書 店 )。4) 劉 建 輝 著 『 魔 都 上 海 日 本 知 識 人 の「 近 代 」 体 験 』(1999 年 9 月 30 日 , 講 談 社 選 書 メチエ)。5) 杉 野 要 吉 編 著 『 交 争 する 中 国 文 学 と 日 本 文 学 ― 淪 陥 下 北 京 1937-45』(2000 年 6 月 15 日 , 三 元 社 )。6) 『 華 麗 島 文 学 史 ― 日 本 詩 人 の 台 湾 体 験 ― 』(1995 年 6 月 20 日 , 明 治 書 院 )。7) 『 日 本 統 治 期 台 湾 文 学 小 事 典 』( 2005 年 6 月 15 日 , 緑 蔭 書 房 )。47

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISLiterature ( 『 台 湾 の 日 本 語 文 学 』Taiwan no Nihongo Bungaku) 8) , and editors Nakajjima Toshirô ( 中 島 利郎 ), Kawara Isao ( 河 原 功 ), and Shimomura Sakujirô’s ( 下 村 作 次 郎 ) Anthology of Taiwanese ColonialLiterature 『( 日 本 統 治 期 台 湾 文 学 集 成 』Nihon Tôjiki Taiwan Bungaku Shûsei) 9) have been published facilitatingresearch. From now on in Taiwan, research in Japanese-Taiwanese related literature shouldincrease in richness.In this article, I shall take up modern Japanese literary author Saijô Yaso’s Taiwan Ondo 「( 台 湾 音頭 」 Victor. September, 1934.) and would like to consider the example of Taiwan and what kind ofcultural negotiation occurred from the New Folk Song Movement ( 新 民 謡 運 動 shinminyô undô) originatingin Japan and spreading to the colonial territories. Distinct from minyô from ancient tradition, theNew Folk Song Movement really spanned the end of the Taishô era to the Shôwa era and led byKitahara Hakusû ( 北 原 白 秋 ), Noguchi Ujô ( 野 口 雨 情 ), and Saijô Yaso, it indicates a movement for theproduction of folk song works. 10) The New Folk Song Movement ushered in a golden age during asingular period at the beginning of the Shôwa era in which songwriters and dancers, flourished intandem with the completion of the railroads, the radio, the gramophone, and the record, and spread viaradio wave to not only Japan, but its colonies, as well. 11)As Saijô Yaso is a well-known author, a copious amount of previous scholarship on his work existsto this day. 12) However, not a single thesis exists that takes up the subject for this article — Saijô Yaso’sTaiwan Marching Songs. In this article I wish to show that the New Folk Song Movement which developedin Japan also spread to colonial Taiwan, and I wish to consider Saijô Yaso’s work, TaiwanMarching Songs, as an example, and various aspects which induced cultural exchange and friction.1 Japan’s New Folk Song Movement1) From The Children’s Song Movement to the New Folk Song MovementAkai Tori ( 「 赤 い 鳥 」“Red Bird”) 13) published in July 1934, is a celebrated magazine propelling theChildren’s Song Movement. In the words of Suzuki Miekichi, “Thinking that it would bring about thefirst movement to create value-laden, pure and elegant children’s songs and fairy tales as art for society’slittle people, I decided to supervise the publication of the monthly magazine Akai Tori.” 14) Saijô Yaso alsopublished Wasureta Bara ( 忘 れた 薔 薇 “The Forgotten Rose”) 15) in September 1918 and Kanaria (かなり8) 『 台 湾 の 日 本 語 文 学 』( 1995 年 1 月 24 日 , 五 柳 書 院 )。9) 『 日 本 統 治 期 台 湾 文 学 集 成 』( 2002 年 ~ 2003 年 , 緑 陰 書 房 )。10) 「 新 民 謡 運 動 の 先 駆 」( 古 茂 田 信 男 『 雨 情 と 新 民 謡 運 動 』1989 年 11 月 25 日 ,ふるさと 文 庫 )2 ~ 9 頁 に,「 新 民 謡 運 動は 始 め 詩 運 動 として 展 開 されたのであるが,やがて 詩 人 ・ 音 楽 家 の 提 携 によって 新 しい 歌 曲 歌 謡 運 動 へと 発 展 し,いわゆる 新 民 謡 ( 創 作 民 謡 ) 全 盛 時 代 を 現 出 したのである」とある。11) 『 日 本 民 謡 協 会 史 』( 1980 年 6 月 19 日 , 日 本 民 謡 協 会 )50 ~ 55 頁 。12) 「 国 文 学 論 文 目 録 データベース」( 国 文 学 研 究 資 料 館 編 ,2008 年 3 月 現 在 )では, 西 条 八 十 研 究 で 60 編 の 論 文 がある。また,「MAGAZIN−PLUS 」( 日 外 アソシエーツ 編 データベース,2008 年 3 月 現 在 )では,74 編 の 論 文 がある。13) 鈴 木 三 重 吉 主 宰 の 児 童 雑 誌 。 前 期 1918 年 7 月 ~ 1929 年 3 月 まで 127 冊 , 後 期 1931 年 1 月 ~ 1936 年 10 月 まで 196 冊を 発 刊 した。14) 福 田 清 人 「『 赤 い 鳥 』 総 論 」(『「 赤 い 鳥 」 復 刻 版 解 説 ・ 執 筆 者 索 引 』1969 年 2 月 10 日 , 日 本 近 代 文 学 館 ,4 頁 )によると, 鈴 木 三 重 吉 が 配 布 した「 童 話 と 童 謡 を 創 作 する 最 初 の 文 学 的 運 動 」という 印 刷 物 に 記 された 言 葉 にこのようにある。15) 『 赤 い 鳥 』 第 1 巻 3 号 ( 1918 年 9 月 1 日 )40 ~ 41 頁 。48

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)あ) 16) in November 1918 in Akai Tori and began a proactive relationship with the Children’s SongMovement. When Narita Tamezô’s 1919 composition, “Kanaria”, was published, “it was the first artisticchildren’s song to be sung throughout our nation.” 17)The Children’s Song Movement developed in the spirit of the motto, “Free and Emancipated,” out ofopposition toward the Japanese Ministry of Education’s policy of writing didactic and ceremonioussongs. 18) Aside from Saijô Yaso, others who participated in the movement included Kitahara Hakushû,Miki Rofû, Noguchi Ujô ( 野 口 雨 情 ), and the composers Yamada Kôsaku ( 山 田 耕 筰 ), Narita Tamezô ( 成田 為 三 ), and Konoe Hidemaro ( 近 衛 秀 磨 ). In 1910, before the Children’s Song Movement, Japan’s firstrecord company, Nipponophone Co., Ltd. ( 会 社 日 本 蓄 音 器 商 会 ・ニッポノフオン) appeared and throughoutthe Taishô era recorded many regional minyô such as the yagi bushi ( 八 木 節 ), the iso bushi ( 磯 節 ), thekiso bushi ( 木 曽 節 ), and many others. The development of the Children’s Song Movement which centeredaround originality, spurred the development of the New Folk Song Movement. It was not simply theexcavation and collection of minyô — original minyô would be written which celebrated the free spirit.This is what is called the New Folk Song Movement. Also, around 1918, a new music movement was toemerge from Nakayama Shinpei ( 中 山 晋 平 ), Noguchi Ujô ( 野 口 雨 情 ) and Miyagi Michio ( 宮 城 道 雄 ) whogathered at the home of Motori Nagayo ( 本 居 長 世 ) who taught at the Tokyo Music School ( 東 京 音 楽 学 校Tôkyô Ongaku Gakkô). In 1919, the Women’s College of Music performed minyô for a Folk DevelopmentFoundation recruitment, and when the concert was held, the folk song and music were united and theNew Folk Song Movement was born. 19)Meanwhile, in 1923 at the time of the Great Kantô Earthquake in the midst of evacuating victimsgnawed with anxiety, Saijô Yaso relates, “One boy was playing a harmonica. That simple melodysoothed everyone’s souls. People sought out that melody and gathered in groups of twos and threes untilbefore long there was a great crowd. Years later, I (realized) that one of my motives for writing minyôwas there.” 20) Immediately after the Great Kantô Earthquake, he started writing many original ballads. 21)In Saijô Yaso’s The Making of Popular Minyô 『( 大 衆 民 謡 のつくり 方 』Taishû Minyô no Tsukurikata)he expresses this as follows:This lyric, “Hurray! Hurray! When Mr. Young Pine grows his branches, his leaves will thicken!,” isincluded in every local folk song in almost all of Japan. In this way, formerly, lyrics (The author does notrefer to music here.) of minyô used to celebrate the particular scenic sentiment of the local, but they arenow being mixed in minyô of almost the entire country! Minyô have ceased to express the particularitiesof locals. I think that gives rise to an opportunity to create a new folk song lyric. The poets, whoactively participated in the creation of this new local minyô, were Mr. Noguchi Ujyô and KitaharaHakushû and the one followed them was I. I produced most starting around the sixth year to tenth yearof the Shôwa era while traveling various places. 22)16) 『 赤 い 鳥 』 第 1 巻 5 号 ( 1918 年 11 月 1 日 )58 ~ 59 頁 。17) 『 西 条 八 十 著 作 目 録 ・ 年 譜 』(1972 年 6 月 1 日 , 西 条 八 束 発 行 ・ 中 央 公 論 事 業 出 版 制 作 )386 頁 。18) 大 阪 国 際 児 童 文 学 館 編 『 日 本 児 童 文 学 大 事 典 第 2 巻 』( 1993 年 10 月 31 日 , 大 日 本 図 書 株 式 会 社 )の 藤 田 圭 雄 「 童 謡 」444 頁 に「『 芸 術 家 の 目 から 見 ると, 実 に 低 級 な, 愚 な, 現 在 の 子 どもが 歌 つてゐる 唱 歌 』にあきたらず, 新 しい 童 謡 運動 として 起 こったのが, 一 八 年 創 刊 の『 赤 い 鳥 』による 白 秋 ・ 八 十 を 中 心 とした 運 動 である」とある。19) 『 日 本 民 謡 協 会 史 』54 頁 。20) 『 西 条 八 十 著 作 目 録 ・ 年 譜 』( 前 出 )392 頁 。21) 「 著 作 目 録 ( 歌 謡 )」(『 西 条 八 十 著 作 目 録 ・ 年 譜 』215 ~ 337 頁 )によると, 関 東 大 震 災 以 前 にも 歌 謡 は 二 つあるが, 関東 大 震 災 後 には 一 気 に 増 えていく。22) 西 条 八 十 『 大 衆 民 謡 のつくり 方 』(1947 年 11 月 5 日 , 全 音 楽 譜 出 版 社 )(『 西 条 八 十 全 集 第 14 巻 』1993 年 7 月 30 日 , 国書 刊 行 会 ,243 頁 )。49

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISSaijyô Yaso, Kitahara Hakushû and Noguchi Ujyô composed many original minyô while travelingvarious places. Saijyô Yaso said “In the summer of the fifth year of the Shôwa era, starting on thetwenty-eighth of June, I ventured on a folksong pilgrimage all over western Japan for a month with thecompany of the painter, Mr. Furuya Shin. 23) Also, Noguchi Ujyô went on a trip to search for minyô withMirigaki Jirô from Nipponophone, which later became Columbia, and published a magazine calledMinyô Ongaku 「 民 謡 音 楽 」(Folk Music) (published by Minyô Ongaku Publishing. 24) In fact, Minyô OngakuPublishing was a part of Columbia Publishing. Because the New Folk Song Movement centered aroundoriginal minyô, it was criticized by those such as Shiratori Seigo as follows because the New Folk SongMovement centered around creative minyô. In With Regard to New Folk Song Movement「 新 しき 民 謡 について」(Atarashiki Minyô ni Tsuite), Shiratori Seigo says;It would seem that since children’s songs have flourished and the value of minyô have started beingrecognized, ordinary people have certainly started to feel closer to the thing we call “poetry” and havecome to think that it is something they can actually understand and compose. Aren’t there some poets,however, who row with this flow and manufacture poems in a simple, slipshod style and call them minyôor children’s songs? I see many of such cases. In order to examine what these new minyô are, let us take alook at works of Kitahara Hakushû and Noguchi Ujyô as its representatives. In sum, they take Japanesetradition to be something narrow and fixed, and they are remarkably self-indulgent and socially destitute.Minyô, in essence, are things that in part have emotions which surrender to passion, and in part are thingswhich delight in disestablishmentarianism. In the minyô of these two, however, lackluster, meaninglessJapanese sentiment and superficial sadness flow, but these are a far cry from the vitality normally evidentin social life. Such a lackluster tendency belongs neither to new nor to old minyô.Taking a look at the Minyô Mogusa「 民 謡 百 草 」(in Chûô Kôron, New Year’s edition) I have with meright now, to my surprise, I do not find many works which resemble even slightly minyô (or even poems).Whatever the categorization of minyô and poems may be, as a whole, there are too many imitations. 25)Shiratori Seigo criticized Kitahara Hakushû’s minyô as bourgeois, sybaritic “imitations.” Furthermore,he continues, “I believe that if poets of such superior talent as Hakushû and Ujyô come to a somewhatideological realization and tether their minyô to sociality, they may produce more vibrant and interestingworks.” (p. 90 of footnote 25) He asks for social statements in new minyô and stirred up a battle withKitahara Hakushû. 26) On the other hand, in My Folksong Writing Feeling 「 私 が 民 謡 を 書 く 気 持 」(Watashiga Minyô o Kaku Kimochi) Saijyô Yaso explains:Depending on the individual, there are some who proffer an opinion like;‘Such things like minyô in a certain place should be written by someone who is immersed in the placefor a long time, not by a professional poet who is a mere traveler.’ However, on the contrary, I undertake23) 『 民 謡 の 旅 』( 1930 年 10 月 20 日 , 朝 日 新 聞 社 )「 序 」(『 西 条 八 十 全 集 第 14 巻 』255 頁 )。24) 『 民 謡 音 楽 』は,1929 年 4 月 創 刊 。25) 白 鳥 省 吾 「 新 しき 民 謡 について」(『 日 本 詩 人 』1922 年 10 月 1 日 ,2 巻 10 号 ,83 頁 )。26) 1922 年 『 詩 と 音 楽 』『 日 本 詩 人 』 誌 上 で, 北 原 白 秋 と 白 鳥 省 吾 の 間 で 民 謡 をめぐって 繰 り 広 げられたもの。 安 智 史 「 民謡 ・ 民 衆 ・ 家 庭 ― 白 鳥 省 吾 と 北 原 白 秋 の 論 争 をめぐって ― 」( 勝 原 晴 希 編 『「 日 本 詩 人 」と 大 正 詩 〈 口 語 共 同 体 〉の誕 生 』2006 年 7 月 21 日 , 森 話 社 ,65 ~ 94 頁 )でこの 論 争 について 取 り 上 げているが「なお 慎 重 な 検 証 を 今 後 の 課 題とせざるを 得 ない」とある。この 論 争 は, 詩 壇 を 巻 き 込 んだ 論 議 であり, 今 後 も 充 分 な 検 討 が 必 要 である。50

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)composing with that kind of determination.Certainly, this opinion may have a point. However, first of all, even if it is true, is there such talentedpoet in every place? That is the issue. Next, do those who live in the place for a long time grasp and recitecharacteristics of the place better than we? That is my question. Don’t people often say that criticisms arebased on first impressions? Can’t those poets, mere travelers, who come to the place spontaneously, graspthe characteristics of the place in a more lively and sensitive manner than those who are in the place for along time and are totally used to looking at the view and experiencing human feelings of the locals byforce of habit?Based on this self-pride, I am determined to do this work. 27)Saijyô Yaso took pride in being a first-rate poet, actively visited the countrysides and created OriginalFolk Songs and practiced the New Folk Song Movement with Kitahara Hakushû and Noguchi Ujyôdespite the fact that he was not from these places.2) The Popularization of Radio, the Roots of the New Folk Song Movement,and the Arrival of the “Ondo Era”The New Folk Song Movement and local minyô quickly spread through the appearance of radiobroadcasting in 1925. “Since the start of radio broadcasting, radios spread quickly, and it is said that theaudience reached 100,000 in merely one year. The popularization was so immense that in the first yearof the Shôwa era, audiences are said to have reached 10,000. Soaring sales reached 394,000 within thefirst year of the Shôwa era, exceeded 500,000 in the third year of the Shôwa era, and passed 1,000,000in the seventh year of the Shôwa era. Therefore, the popularity of minyô accelerated even further.” 28)Ultimately, in February 1928, at the residence of Fujisawa Morihiko, the Japan Folk Song Associationwas established for the purpose of collection and research as well as the composition of lyrics and musicfor new minyô. It included poets, musicians and scholars among its members. On October 2, 1928, thefirst Folk Song Festival was held at Hibiya New Music Hall ( 日 比 谷 新 音 楽 堂 Hibiya Shin Ongakudô) withthe Japan Folk Song Association as its main participant and was sponsored by the Tokyo Ward. At thefestival, poets and musicians presented new minyô and dancers danced, and the record shows that it hasbeen held as an annual event of the Tokyo Ward every year since then. 29) Ushiyama Mitsuru describesthe Folk Song Festival and the new minyô as “The Bright Future of New Minyô” in the following manner:The annual Folk Song Festival at Hibiya New Music Hall, which became an annual event held by TheFolk Song Association, stimulated the creative elaborations done by the composers and dancers whocomposed and danced in collaboration with new folk song writers. It lead them to make further efforts andtraining, and at the same time, involved ordinary people in the realm of folk song influence, granted thema deeper understanding, and attempted to help them achieve a love for new folk songs through this betterunderstanding.On the other hand, advances into cities with local folk songs accompanied by local dances were attemptedone after another; They were polished or changed to a certain extent by the tastes of the denizens of the27) 『 大 衆 民 謡 のつくり 方 』(『 西 条 八 十 全 集 第 14 巻 』, 前 出 ,245 頁 )。28) 『 日 本 民 謡 協 会 史 』( 前 出 )51 頁 。29) 『 日 本 民 謡 協 会 史 』54 頁 および「 日 本 民 謡 協 会 」( 古 茂 田 信 男 『 雨 情 と 新 民 謡 運 動 』, 前 出 ,72 頁 ) 参 照 。51

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)Ujyô and whose music was composed by Nakamura Shinpei. This is a minyô celebrating Ôshima. Thesong was sold as a record from Victor, was sung by Satô Chiyako and became a huge hit. Before that,there were the hit songs; “Katyusha-no Uta” 「カチューシャの 唄 」(Song of Katyusa) (Lyrics by SômaGyohû, Shimamura Hôgetu, music by Nakayama Shinpei) around 1916-1917 and “Sendô Kouta” 「 船 頭 小唄 」(“Skipper Kouta”) (Lyrics by Noguchi Ujyô, music by Naayama Shinpei) in 1921, “Syussen”「 出 船 」(“Embarkation”) (Lyrics Katsuta Kôgetsu, music by Nakayama Shinpei) in 1927, but these “the popularizationof hit songs through the medium of the record was just a factory production.” 34) Also, in 1928,“Mon Paris”, 「モン ・パリ」(Lyrics by Kishida Tatsuya, music by Vincent Scott) which was used in themusical by the Takarazuka Girls Opera was released from Victor and became a huge hit. “Arabia-noUta” 「アラビアの 唄 」(“Arabian Song”) (Lyrics by Horiuchi Keizô, music by Fischer and jazzy pup songssuch as “Kimi Koishi” 「 君 恋 し 」(Miss You) (Lyrics by Shigure Otowa, music by Sassa Kôka) in 1929became popular and a soundtrack, “Tokyo Kôshinkyoku” 「 東 京 行 進 曲 」(“Tokyo Marching Song”) fromthe movie, Tokyo Kôshinkyoku, became a big hit and sold some two hundred thousand copies. 35) “Mr.Nakayama noticed that people’s minds were turning to jazzy rhythms, so he made the song melodicallyJapanese, yet jazzy and light. That’s why it was a hit.” 36) Later, “Shima no Musume” 「 島 の 娘 」(“IslandGirl”) (Lyrics by Nagata Mikihiko, music by Sasaki Syunichi), “Tokyo Ondo” 「 東 京 音 頭 」(Lyrics by SaijôYaso, music by Nakayama Shinpei) in 1933 were produced. “‘Shima no Musume’ sold out at 500,000copies. I think the only songs that reached sales of five hundred thousand were ‘Shima no Musume’‘Tokyo Ondo’ and ‘Sakura Ondo’ 「さくら 音 頭 」(Cherry Blossom Ondo).” 37) Mitsuru continues:We made a request to Mr. Nakayama Shinpei and Saijô Yaso, and they produced a song called “MarunouchiOndo” 「 丸 の 内 音 頭 」and we danced to it in Hibiya Park in the summer of that same year. But itwasn’t a big hit. The following year, we thought it didn’t become popular because it was called “Maru-nouchi.”In other words, people in Shinjuku were better off not going to Maru-no-uchi, and people inAsakusa must not like Maru-no-uchi, so there came the suggestion to change the title to “Tokyo Ondo” andre-write the lyrics by including topics like worshiping the emperor and patriotism so that it would turninto a song they could sing in their homes or anywhere. That’s how ‘Tokyo Ondo’ came about. Thisbecame a huge hit and the so-called “Ondo era” was established. 38)Along with the flowering of the New Minyô Movement, minyô developed into popular songs as ondo.Upon the arrival of the “Ondo era,” Saijô Yaso produced a number of ondo such as the titles: “FushunOndo” 「 撫 順 音 頭 」in November 1933, “Fukui Ondo” 「 福 井 音 頭 」in December, “Nihon Ondo” 「 日 本 音 頭 」in January 1934, “Matsubara Ondo” 「 松 原 音 頭 」in March, “Paris Ondo” 「 巴 里 音 頭 」, “Iroha Ondo” 「いろは 音 頭 」, “Nagasaki Ondo” 「 長 崎 音 頭 」, “Yokkaichi Ondo” 「 四 日 市 音 頭 」in April, “Nichiman Ondo” 「 日満 音 頭 」“Kurofune Ondo” 「 黒 船 音 頭 」, “Ayame Ondo” 「あやめ 音 頭 」in May, “Iga Ueno Ondo” 「 伊 賀 上 野音 頭 」“Noryô Ondo” 「 納 涼 音 頭 」in June, “Kurofune Ondo” 「 黒 船 音 頭 」, “Ginza Ondo” 「 銀 座 音 頭 」, “TairyôOndo” 「 大 漁 音 頭 」, “Beppu Ondo” 「 別 府 音 頭 」, “Shinjyuku Ondo” 「 新 宿 音 頭 」in July, “Hokkaidô Ondo”「 北 海 道 音 頭 」, “Tôhoku Ondo” 「 東 北 音 頭 」, “Tôkai Ondo” 「 東 海 音 頭 」, “Chûgoku Ondo (Oraga Chûgoku)”「 中 国 音 頭 ( お ら が 中 国 )」, “Kyûshû Ondo” 「 九 州 音 頭 」, and “Taiwan Ondo” 「 台 湾 音 頭 」. Saijô Yaso34) 長 尾 直 『 流 行 歌 のイデオロギー』(1974 年 4 月 1 日 , 世 界 思 想 社 ,31 頁 )。35) 同 書 ,80 頁 。36) 岡 庄 五 『 最 近 に 於 けるレコード 会 の 趨 勢 』( 1936 年 9 月 4 日 , 日 本 文 化 協 会 出 版 部 ,35 ~ 36 頁 )。37) 同 書 ,40 ~ 41 頁 。38) 同 書 ,42 ~ 43 頁 。53

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)to issue one-hundred-twenty-five, a geisha is applying her make-up. From issue one- hundred-six to onehundred-forty-seven,orchids by Zixuanzi 紫 軒 子 . Starting on issue one-hundred-forty-eight, photos fromthe Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpôsha 台 湾 日 々 新 報 社 were sometimes used. From issue one-hundred-eightytwo,a column section for minyô and dôyô was established. From issue one-hundred-eighty-four, thesubtitle on the front cover reads, “riyô, minyô, dôyô ( 俚 謡 ・ 民 謡 ・ 童 謡 ).” With issue two hundred in October1935, it reached nineteen years of publication. This is a short history of Wakakusa. It actively introducesand welcomes leaders of the New Minyô Movement through activities such as re-publishing “MinyôShiron” (“My Personal Statement Regarding Minyô”) or hosting a welcome party on the July 2, 1934 forKitahara Hakushû, who visited Taiwan. (Published in “Nippon no Fue” 『 日 本 の 笛 』, Japanese Flute) Asyou can see, influences of the New Minyô Movement are found abundantly. Incidentally, according to thedescription of Wakakusa (no.184), the welcome party for Kitahara Hakushû is described as follows:Welcome Party for Kitahara Hakushû-SenseiOn the occasion of our authority, Kitahara Hakushû-sensei’s arrival to Taiwan, our society is holdinga welcome party for him and will interview him. Members and fans, please join us.Place: Taihokushi Kawabata-chô, Kishû-anDate and Time: June 19. Starts: 7:00PM. Ends: 9:00PMFee: 3 yen. Please pay on the dayReservations: End June 17.Host Wakakusa-kaiMinato-kai 47)Kitahara Hakushû arrived on July 2, 1934 (Refer to Footnote 50), so his arrival must have beendelayed much longer than expected as his welcome party was planned in June. Also, Wakakusa(no.185) 48) states as follows:Kitahara Hakushû Sensei Welcome PartyOur authority, Kitahara Hakushû Sensei was expected to arrive in Taiwan in the middle of last month,but his schedule was changed and he arrived on July 1. As he has been busy, the welcome party waspostponed, however, with the permission from our teacher, we have decided to hold a rustic stylewelcome party unique to our society. So, members and others, please join us.Place: Taihokushi Kawabata-chô, Kishû-anDate and Time: July 23. Starts: 7:00PMHaiku Topic: 「Kita 北 ,Hara 原 ,Haku 白 ,Shû 秋 」Free Musubi, Five haiku per personJudge: Kitahara Hakushû Sensei47) Wakakusa, Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô, 『わかくさ 俚 謡 ・ 民 謡 ・ 童 謡 』June Issue, p.44. Publication data fault. No publicationdate.48) Wakakusa, Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô, July Issue, p.9. Publication data fault.55

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISReservation: Closes July 22Fee: 3 yen. Please bring on the dayWakakusa-kai 49)The description that he arrived on July 1 is wrong according to the newspaper article in the TaiwanNichinichi Shinpô 『 台 湾 日 日 新 報 』. (July 3, 1934, p.7) He arrived on July 2. The Wakakusa-kai has askedhim to serve as a haiku judge and his strong influence on the society can be seen. The arrival ofKitahara Hakushû to Taipei is reported in the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpô in an article titled, “Mr. KitaharaHakushû, who came to Taiwan looking forward to the tropical scenery in Taiwan, talks. MiyakeLieutenant General Army Transit Chief also arrived.” Hakushû seems to have boarded the “Hôrai-maru”and there were “three hundred thirty six” passengers. In the article, entitled, “Mr. Kitahara Hakushû’sInterview”, Kitahara states:Even though I had thought that I really, really wanted to go to Taiwan, ultimately a chance didn’tpresent itself, but this time I was summoned by Bureau Director Yasutake ( 安 武 ) of my hometown andthere finally being a reason, I am on a month-long round trip, will stay for twenty days and will beshown all corners of Taiwan. As I hadn’t seen it at my leisure, I can’t say what my first impressions are,but because I will no doubt have to show my poems, songs or verses at length please forgive me for notshowing them here. The fact that the popularity of minyô and kouta is influenced by the record is deplorable.Within the complex relationship between the writers, lyricists, or poets and the record companieswhich cannot be expressed in a single word, there exists something completely morally reprehensible.There is absolutely no literary value. However, already tired of minyô, the record companies also are ata dead end 50) .As Hakushû points out, minyô seemed to run into an impasse caused by cash-oriented recordingcompanies around 1934. In the next chapter, I would like to detail the Saijô Yaso “Taiwan Ondo” plagiarismincident.2) The Saijô Yaso “Taiwan Ondo” Plagiarism IncidentIn “Wakakusa Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô” (no. 187), Saijô Yaso’s “Taiwan Ondo” plagiarism incident isrecorded. It is rather long, but I am going to quote the whole article here.Opinions against Saijô YasoAs summarized in the previous issue 51) against Saijô Yaso’s minyô plagiarism, the public opinion in49) Ibid. p.950) Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpô,『 台 湾 日 日 新 報 』1934 July 3. Page 7.51) Wakakusa, Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô, (Issue 186, September Issue, No date of publication) On p. 23, under the title, “IsSaijô Yaso a Poet Plagiarist?”, the issue is taken up. “Based upon the story behind this, we can allege that it isindeed plagiarism. His brute boldness surprised us since he, a Japanese poet and the established writer, presentedthe shameless, unethical knockoff song so brazenly. It is indeed a copy write violation. Even if it were a coincidence,his poetic sensibility is so poor that his value as a poet would have no value. We do not really wish tocondemn him. However, against the act of cheating, we will challenge him to the end. We may be unknown, but,we are not his stepping-stones. If he wants lyrics, we will offer them free of charge. However, because it was notonly used without our permission, but was re-written so poorly, we cannot be silent. Furthermore, if it were anunknown person, we would have just dismissed it, but it was Mr. Saijô, the established authority, so we cannot56

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)Taipei boiled, and the Minami Nippoin Shinpô and The Taiwan Economic Times published in August 24ran the editorials below:Our chief of staff, Mr. Komatsu Shôtô, also joined us on the thirteenth of this month, and we discussedconcrete solutions and decided the course of future actions.Plagiarism of the Minyô, “Taiwan Ondo,” OccurredThe Painstaking Work of Member of Taiwan Wakakusa-kaiIs Released Under the Name Saijô Yaso from VictorAccusations of cheating and plagiarism from one corner of the Shimato bundan are creating an uproaras voices of criticism are being cast at Saijo Yaso, who, along with Kitahara Hakushû, are currently thenumber one minyo composers for Victor Japan, a gramophone company as famous as Columbia Records.The issue is a dispute revolving around the recently released Victor record, “Taiwan ondô,” authored bySaijô Yaso and sung by Kouta Shôtarô and Mishima Issei. The lyrics comprise four stanzas, yet, exceptfor the following underlined portions of the second stanza, “Ôgimatsureya Kitashirakawa no, Miya waZentô no, Miya wa Zentô no Mamorigami,” 「 仰 ぎまつれや 北 白 川 の, 宮 は 全 島 の, 宮 は 全 島 の 守 り 神 」“Worship Kitashirakawa, the shrine is the guardian of the whole island,” the major revelation is thatmost of the lyrics are borrowed without permission from “Taipei Ondô”, a painstaking collaborative workby members of the Wakakusa Society which is preeminent among Taiwan’s riyô ( 俚 謡 Riyô) societies. The4 4 4 4 4 4original lyrics for the underlined passage on the right are, “Nagare tsukisenu” 「 流 れつきせぬ 」“The flow4 4never ceases”. In addition, there is the phrase, “Miya wa Shimane” 「 宮 は 島 根 」. In place of “Shimane”,such an unpolished and moreover discordant word, “zentô”, is placed, which reveals evidence of strainedplagiarism. For someone like Saijô-sensei’s refashioning, it is the height of artlessness. Members ofWakakusa decided to create ondo that have abundant rustic taste in Taiwan as well. They put their heartsand souls into painstakingly creating this fruit of an ondo, so they were confident with their work.Without knowing the other party’s despicable intentions, at the time it was submitted to the arts departmentof the said company for record production negotiations, it was splendid, but because the popularityof the ondô had declined somewhat, they were told to wait a while for the right opportunity. A fewverses were then suddenly altered without the permission of the writers, attributed to another author andwas manufactured and released for sale, so, it is only natural that they became enraged. They can beproud that the value of their work was labeled as the product of Japan’s number one, Saijô Yaso.However, the shamelessness to sell another’s work with pretentious labeling, whatever the company’sbusiness pursuit or sales tactics may be and regardless of the precedent that people were taken advantageof, is indeed a disgraceful, flagrant breach of morality. It is worth thorough condemnation. It is laughablethat they are promoting Japanese nationalism with such a scam.(Minami Nihon Kiji Sairoku)Ondo StolenSaijô Yaso vs. WakakusaIt is not that it is the first time that an established writer from the Chûô bundan commits an act ofremain silent. There should be a word from him. We will await his clear response and consider future solutions.”57

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISplagiarism, but the fact that Saijô Yaso, who is known to be the most famous kouta and popular songwriter of this generation, has his hands all the way to the south in Wakakusa, which devotes itself undividedlyto the popularization and development of riyô, is seen as clear plagiarism based on part of aTaiwan ondo released recently from Victor. In the Taiwan ondo appearing at the beginning of Wakakusa,issue eighty-one, it reads, “Nagare Tsukisenu Kitashirakawa no, Miya wa Shimane no Mamorigami,” ( 流れつきせぬ 北 白 川 の, 宮 は 島 根 の 守 り 神 ) which appears as “Aogi tate matsureya Kitashirakawa no,Miya wa Zentô no Mamori gami” ( 仰 ぎ 奉 れや 北 白 川 の 宮 は 全 島 の 守 り 神 ) in Victor’s Taiwan Ondo.And Katsutarô and Mishima Issei sing this at the top of their lungs, so both “Aogi tate matsureya” and“Zentô” sound like unimaginable clichés of Saijô Yaso’s original work. Although this can be seen as apublicity stunt by a profit-making business, members of Wakakusa raged as if trampled underfoot. Thestory that he instructed Victor’s Taihoku branch chief staff how to record this “Taihoku Ondo” byborrowing from Wakakusa, and the fact that “Taiwan Ondo” was released shortly thereafter seems to beinflicting criticism not only from members of Wakakusa, but also people living in Taiwan as they thinkhe made a fool of them. (Above from Times) 52)In their extended quotations above, South Japan News Dispatch Reprint ( 南 日 本 記 事 再 録 MinamiNippon Kiji Sairoku) refers to the South Japan Dispatch ( 南 日 本 新 報 Minami Nippon Shinpô) and TheTimes (タイムス) refers to The Taiwan Economic Times ( 南 日 本 新 報 ). As for the “Taiwan Ondô” releasedfor sale by Victor with Saijô Yaso as its author, according to their reprint of the newspaper articleappearing in Wakakusa Riyô, Minyô, and Dôyô (no.187), a portion of his poem was borrowed fromWakakusa Riyô and Minyô (no.181) without their permission. The so-called plagiarism is suspect. I had alook at their article in the March 1934 Wakakusa Riyô and Minyô (no.181). The Taipei Ondô in questionappeared on pages 2-3 of Wakakusa Riyô and Minyô (no.181). I shall try to reproduce the full text.Taiwan Ondô (Island Municipal kouta) Wakakusa Society Songwriters1. Uta no Taihoku AkaruiTokoro HoihoiShima no Shizume no Shima noShizume no Aru Tokoro SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze2.  Nobiru Miyako noAsatsuyu Wakete HoihoiShima no Bunka no Shima noBunka no Tô ga uku SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no kaze3. Neon sain no Shigure oNuute HoihoiHashiru Shibasu no HashiruShibasu no Ginnezumi SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kazeァー 歌 の 台 北 明 るい 所 ホイホイ島 の 鎮 めの 島 の 鎮 めの ある 所 ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 伸 びる 都 の 朝 霧 分 けてホイホイ島 の 文 化 の 島 の 文 化 の 塔が 浮 く ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァーネオンサインの 時 雨 を縫 うて ホイホイ走 る 市 バスの 走 る 市 バスの銀 ねずみ ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風Ah, song of Taipei, a cheerful place, Hoy!Hoy!The island’s calming, the island’s calmingpart; This is – ruffle, rustle, rustle – thewind in the coconut trees!Ah, Splitting the morning fog and thesprawling city, Hoy! Hoy!Floats the tower of the island’s culture, thetower of the island’s culture This is – ruffle,rustle, rustle – the wind in the coconuttrees!Ah, Weaving through the drizzle of the neonsigns, Hoy! Hoy!The silver of the running bus, the silver ofthe running bus; This is – ruffle, rustle,rustle – the wind in the coconut trees!52) Wakakusa, Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô, September Issue, pp.12-13. Publication data fault. No publication date.58

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)4. Nenne Nemu no Ki SansenDôro HoihoiKata o Naraberya Kata oNaraberya Hana ga Chiru SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze5.  Mizu mo Shizuka naTsurubana no Yanagi HoihoiAkai Akari ga Uku Akai Akariga Uku Utaga Uku Sore SansaSarasara Yashi no Kaze6.  Nagare TsukisenuKitashirakawa no HoihoiMiya wa Shimane no Miya waShimane no Mamorigami SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze7.  Tsuki mo AnmeruMaruyama Koeriya HoihoiKoishi Hokutô no KoishiHokutô no Yuno Kemuri SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze8.  Kaoru Matsurika Daidaoni HoihoiChayori Otome no ChayoriOtome no Kasa ga iku SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze9.  Niji ga KarandaTaihokubashi o HoihoiKudaru Jyanku no KudaruJyanku no Ho ga Akai SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kaze10.  Hune wa Minami eOikaze o Ukete HoihoiShima no Miyako no Shima noMiyako no Uta Kikini SoreSansa Sarasara Yashi no Kazeァーねんね 合 歓 の 木 三 線 道路 ホイホイ肩 を 並 らべりや 肩 を 並 らべりや 花 が 散 る ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 水 も 静 かな 蔓 華 の 柳ホイホイ赤 い 灯 が 浮 く 赤 い 灯 が 浮 く唄 が 浮 く ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 流 れつきせぬ 北 白 川 のホイホイ宮 は 島 根 の 宮 は 島 根 の 守り 神 ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 月 もあんまる 円 山 越 えりや ホイホイ恋 し 北 投 の 恋 し 北 投 の 湯の 煙 り ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 薫 る 茉 莉 花 大 稻 珵 にホイホイ茶 撰 り 乙 女 の 茶 撰 り 乙 女 の笠 が 行 く ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 虹 が 絡 らんだ 台 北 橋 をホイホイ下 る 戎 克 の 下 る 戎 克 の 帆が 赤 い ソレ サンサ サラサラ 椰 子 の 風ァー 船 は 南 へ 追 風 を 受 けてホイホイ島 の 都 の 島 の 都 の 唄 聞 きに ソレ サンサ サラサラ椰 子 の 風Ah, Nighty-night sleepy silk tree, Hoy! Hoy!Shoulder to shoulder, Shoulder to shoulderthe flowers fall; This is – ruffle, rustle, rustle– the wind in the coconut trees!Ah, Tranquil waters, creeping flowers of thewillow, Hoy! Hoy!Red lanterns are afloat, red lanterns areafloat, songs are afloat; This is – ruffle,rustle, rustle – the wind in the coconuttrees!Ah, The flow of the Kitashirakawa Rivernever ceases, Hoy! Hoy!The Shrine of Shimane, the Shrine ofShimane, the guardian; This is – ruffle,rustle, rustle – the wind in the coconuttrees!Ah, the moon is full, passing Maruyama.Hoy! Hoy!Beloved Hokutô, beloved Hokutô, the steamfrom the hot springs; This is – ruffle, rustle,rustle – the wind in the coconut trees!Ah, fragrant jasmine in Daidao, Hoy! Hoy!Young maidens picking tea, young maidenspicking tea, there go the straw hats! This is– ruffle, rustle, rustle – the wind in thecoconut trees!Ah, Rainbows grasping Taihoku Bridge,Hoy! Hoy!Junkets going down river, junkets goingdown river, flying red sails; This is – ruffle,rustle, rustle – the wind in the coconuttrees!Ah, southbound ships riding the tail wind,Hoy! Hoy!To the island capital, to the island capital tolisten to the songs! This is – ruffle, rustle,rustle – the wind in the coconut trees!By contrast, we shall see “Taiwan Ondo” lyrics by Saijô Yaso, music by Nakayama Shinpei, sang byMishima Issei/Kouta Shôtarô. (“Tokyo Ondo” A remake, 1934 September Victor) I shall quote the entire59

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISlyrics. 53)HâOdore, Hayaseya ChoitoTaiwan Ondo (Yoi yoi)Shima wa Tsukiyo no, Shimawa Tsukiyo no Minami kaze(Sate) Yattona Sore Yoi yoi yoi(Yattona Sore Yoi yoi yoi)Aogi matsure ya Kitashirakawano Miya wa Zentô no, Miya waZentô o MamorigamiYama wa Nîtaka Hi no MotoIppon yo Ari no Hinoki wa, Arino Hinoki wa Sekai IchiShincha Taihoku Meisho waTainan Naka no Taichû wa,Naka no Taichû wa Kome noYamaハアー踊 れ, 喋 せや チヨイト 台湾 音 頭 (ヨイヨイ)島 は 月 夜 の, 島 は 月 夜 の 南 風(サテ)ヤツトナ ソレ ヨイヨイヨイ(ヤツトナ ソレヨイヨイヨイ)仰 ぎまつれや 北 白 川 の宮 は 全 島 の, 宮 は 全 島 の 守 り神山 は 新 高 日 の 本 一 よ阿 里 の 檜 は, 阿 里 の 檜 は 世 界一新 茶 台 北 名 所 は 台 南なかの 台 中 は,なかの 台 中 は米 の 山Ha!Dance, Talk, Hey Taiwan ondo! (Yoi! Yoi!)Island under the midnight moon, Islandunder the midnight moon of the southernwind (Ok!) Let’s go! Hey! Yoi! Yoi! Yoi!(Let’s go! Hey! Yoi! Yoi! Yoi!)Worship Kitashirakawa Shrine, the shrine isthe island’s, the shrine is the island’sguardian.Nîtaka Mountain is the Japan’s number one!The cypress trees of Ari are the world’sbest!The new tea of Taihoku, the famous attractionis Tainan. Taichu in the middle, Taichuin the middle is a mountain of rice!Arae, Kuroshio Sokoku noMinami Mamoru Warera no,Mamoru Warera no Tetsu noUde濯 へ, 黒 潮 祖 国 の 南守 る 我 等 の, 守 る 我 等 の 鉄 の腕Row to Kuroshio, south of the homeland,we shall defend it, we defend it with our ironarms!Certainly, the sixth stanza of “Taipei Ondô” and the second stanza of “Taiwan Ondô” bear resemblance.According to a newspaper report,” At the time it was submitted to the arts department of the saidcompany for record production negotiations it was splendid, but because the popularity of ondô haddeclined somewhat, they were told to wait a while for the right opportunity. A few verses were thensuddenly altered without the permission of the writers, attributed to another author and was manufacturedand released for sale,” so it is likely that Victor used “Taipei Ondô” without the permission of itsauthors. Unfortunately, Saijô Yaso may have become involved in this. I actually searched the August 24,1934 editions of the 『わかくさ』 掲 載 の 新 聞 Nannippon Shinpô ( 『 南 日 本 新 報 』“South Japan Dispatch”)and Taiwan Keizai Taimusu ( 『 台 湾 経 済 タイムス』“The Taiwan Economic Times”). Taiwan NationalUniversity had the Taiwan Keizai Taimsu from April 1932 to October 1938 and though they had theAugust 1934 editions, the only edition they did not have was the August 24 edition. It was also archivedin the National Diet Library, but it was a microfilm copy of those at Taiwan National University. Therewere some Taiwan Keizai Taimusu remaining, but when I searched Taiwan’s NACSIS-WEBCAT site forthe August 1934 edition in question, they were not archived in the public libraries. Thus, regrettably, Ihave not seen the originals in either of the two newspapers. However, I think that perhaps the reason thatonly the August 24 edition no longer remains is that during the colonial occupation policy the53) Saijô Yaso Zenshû, Vol. 8, (1992 November 20, Tosho Kankô-kai Co., p. 259)60

The Cultural Interaction between Japan and Taiwan in the Colonial Period (MASUDA)Nannippon Shinpô may have been put under pressure from Japan to not circulate that day. In 1929, SaijôYaso signed an exclusive contract with Victor, and in 1932, he also signed a one year exclusive contractwith Columbia without altering his Victor contract. In 1933, his contract with Columbia expired and hehad just the one Victor contract. However, in September 1935 he transferred his exclusive contract fromVictor to Columbia. As the reason he stated, “It wasn’t at all that Victor was a difficult company toremain with but, ultimately, my single request for lyricists and composers to be treated by the samestandards was not accepted. There were a few other reasons besides this, but that one point led me topart with Victor.” 54) I take issue with Saijô Yaso’s remark, “There were a few other reasons besides this.”Saijô Yaso will not reveal the particulars, but there may be a connection with the “Taiwan Ondô” plagiarismuproar. In former Victor belles letters department Oka Shôgo’s book, Saikin ni Okeru Recôdo kaino Sûsei 『 最 近 に 於 けるレコード 会 の 趨 勢 』, he had this to say about the state of affairs in record companiesin 1936:So, with regard to how large this business is these days, there are not many companies who areregistered, but there are many small, individual places that are manufacturing records. First of all, if wegrouped them all together, there would be about fifteen or sixteen that I could say were actual manufacturers.Then, there is an organization called the Record Manufacturers Association which makes records,but currently there are six companies participating in this. These six are Victor, Columbia, Polydor,Teichiku, Dai Nippon and also the recently affiliated King. So, I think currently the gross investmentcapital in this group is around twelve to thirteen million yen. I don’t know the figures for the individualcompanies, but in total I think it is around that much. It is thought that the total annual amount for thisbusiness is approximately thirty million yen or so. I am unable to say that these figures are definitehowever, but, basically I know that I cannot say that these figures are completely on the mark, nor can Isay that they are far off the mark. Currently, there are approximately two million records being pressedand released to the market per month, but among these it is thought that 1,500,000 are being consumedby customer demand. That being the case, presently there is a state of overproduction. 55)The records were kept producing to the extent it gets overproduction. This is because record companiesoverreached their business tactics. In Wakakusa Riyô, Minyô, and Dôyô (no.188) Yoshika Yumejiwrote the following in, “Discussing Ujô and His Work”:I met with Ujô and received his tutelage on creating dôyô for more than eighteen years, and not oneperson can imitate his teaching attitude those days with his invariable friendliness and his company asan affectionate father figure.Overall, it is probably because of his plainness, he cannot be as popular as Saijô Yaso. However,between Kitahara Hakushû’s cheerfulness and Ujô’s austere simplicity, it is indeed this austere simplicitythat is a precious thing I think, and it is a point I think that I can never stop respecting and relyingupon. 56)Here he mentions Saijô Yaso, Noguchi Ujô and Kitahara Hakushû but, the very three men whopropelled the New Minyô Movement also greatly influenced Wakakusa, seems to have left impression onhim. He writes, “(Noguchi Ujô) travelled to Taiwan twice, in 1927 (April) and in 1939 (November–54) Saijô Yaso, Uta no Jijôden,『 唄 の 自 叙 伝 』(Saijô Yaso Zenshû, Vol.17, 2007 March 20, Osho Kankô-kai, p.143)55) Oka Shôgo, Saikin ni Okeru Recôdo kai no Sûsei, 『 最 近 に 於 けるレコード 会 の 趨 勢 』fml. pp. 9-10.56) Yoshika Yumeji, Ujô-shi to Sono Sakuhin o Kataru, 「 雨 情 氏 とその 作 品 を 語 る」(Wakakusa, Riyô, Minyô, Dôyô,October Issue, Date of publication unknown, pp. 3-6)61

A Selection of Essays on Oriental Studies of ICISDecember). However, any documents with clear details of the trip do not remain, so now analysis andexplication is difficult,” but the significance of the New Minyô Movement he brought about in Taiwan isprofound. 57)ConclusionIn summation, representative leaders of the New Minyô Movement in Japan, Kitahara Hakushû, SaijôYaso, Noguchi Ujô, Nakayama Shinpei et al, brought about a New Minyô Movement in Colonial Taiwanand manysôsaku kayô (nouveau kayô) were created on Taiwan soil. Wakakusa is the representative magazineof the sôsaku kayô. Because of the excessive strategy of the record business and commercialism, theoriginal goal of the New Minyô Movement was ruined, and as can be seen in the “Taiwan Ondô” plagiarismproblem that occurred, in this way there was a dark side – Nonetheless, the global spread of theNew Minyô Movement and the arts in Taiwan were mutually influenced by one another. Thus, we havebeen able to learn one part of the cultural negotiation occurring in East Asia.N.B. – In addition, help in researching Taiwanese newspapers for this article was provided by Dr.Shyu Shing-Ching of National Taiwan University, to whom I wish to express my most extreme andhumble gratitude.57) Higashi Michihito, Noguchi Ujô—Shi to Minyôno Tabi,『 野 口 雨 情 詩 と 民 謡 の 旅 』(1995 October 31, Tôseisha, p.2)62