The formation of nasal codas in Vietnamese loanwords from French ...

The formation of nasal codas in Vietnamese loanwords from French: OT analysisChiang, Ming-HsiuNational Tsing-Hua UniversityAbstractEach language has its own phonotactic restriction. The phonotactic restriction is moreobviously shown especially when two languages interact. For instance, French nasal vowelsand consonant clusters are prohibited in Vietnamese phonology. To make the best adaptation,Vietnamese preserves the nasal feature in French loanwords. In open syllables, the nasalfeature realizes on the inserting nasal segment. In closed syllables, the nasal feature mergesinto the oral stop and thus it changes to the nasal stop. For the illicit coda segment fromFrench loanwords, Vietnamese also tries its best to preserve the voice feature and the placefeature. From OT analysis, we could see how features of the [nasal], [place], and [voice] bepreserved through the interaction of constraints.Key words: French, Loanwords, OT analysis, Vietnamese1. IntroductionFrench features four nasal vowels, namely / /, / /, / /, / /. However, nasal vowels arelacked in Vietnamese. Through the constraint interaction, we could see how nasal vowelsfrom French loanwords change and affect coda segments.1

As the colony ruled by French, Vietnamese loans a number of words from French toadapt the French culture. Vietnamese derived nasal codas are from three sources. The firstone is from the nasal vowel assimilation. In open syllables, Vietnamese changes French nasalvowels into oral counterparts and then inserts a nasal segment to compensate the nasal featureloss. At the same time, the place feature of the nasal vowel also spreads to the inserting nasalsegment to do place agreement in the rime domain.The second source is to change an oral stop following a nasal vowel to a nasal stop. Inclosed syllables, however, only the nasal feature spreads but the place feature of the stopremains the same. No rime harmony happens this time.The third source is from the lateral coda [l] or the [l] consonant cluster coda in French.In Vietnamese, only the voiceless stops [p, t, c, k], the nasals [m, n, ɲ, ŋ], and complexsegments [kp, ŋm] are allowed in the coda position 1 . Thus, the lateral coda [l] from Frenchloanwords is illicit. Finally, lateral coda [l] changes to the nasal [n] in Vietnamese.This analysis is OT-based. Through the interaction of constraints, we could see thepreferred strategies adopted in Vietnamese phonology. Section 2 compares French consonantsand vowels with Vietnamese counterparts. Section 3 discusses the environment of the nasalcoda. In section 4, OT analysis is adopted. Section 5 is the conclusion.1 Laurence C. Thompson. 1987.2

2. The consonants and vowels of French and Vietnamese2.1 French consonantsTable 1: French consonant chart2.2 Vietnamese consonantsTable 2: Vietnamese consonant chart3

Although Vietnamese contains abundant consonant phonemes, compared with French,Vietnamese still lacks four kinds of consonants, such as velar plosive /ɡ/, palatal fricatives/ʃ,ʒ/, trills /r, ʀ/, and palatal approximants /ɥ/.2.3 French vowelsTable 3: French vowel chart2.4 Vietnamese vowels 2 Table 4: Vietnamese consonant chartCompared with French, Vietnamese lacks four kinds of vowels, such as upper-mid2 I adopt Han‟s (1966) vowel description of Hanoi Vietnamese for the reason that she uses acoustic analysis. Forloanword adaptation, segment correspondent may better be acoustics-based.4

ounded vowel /ø/, lower-mid rounded vowel / /, low back vowel / /, and nasal vowels / /,/ /, / /, / /. We will focus on the Vietnamese adaptation on nasal vowels from French.3. The environment of the nasal coda.Since Vietnamese does not have nasal vowels, French nasal vowels will be changed. Inopen syllables, the nasal vowel changes to the pattern of an oral counterpart followed by anasal coda. In this way, the pattern is adjusted to Vietnamese phonotactic constraintssimultaneously keeping the original feature of the French nasal vowel. Moreover, the nasalvowel not only spreads the nasal feature but also spreads the place feature. I only list the dataof three nasal vowels, / /, / /, and / / because of the lack of data of the ench nasa / /,shown as in Table 5.Table 5. Nasal insertion in VietnameseIn the case of the pattern of nasal vowels following the stops in French, based on thesame reason of the lack of nasal vowels, the stop consonants following the nasal vowels willbe changed into the nasals in Vietnamese to preserve the nasal feature. This time, the nasalfeature is not realized as an independent segment. The following stop consonant changes into5

its homorganic nasal instead. However, if the following segment is a fricative, its placefeature will not be preserved and it will be assimilated by the preceding vowel in place. Forexample, [e.s s] changes to [et.sɐŋ] instead of [et.sɐn]. Again, we lack the data / / followedby stop consonants. The data of the three nasal vowels / /, / / and / / are listed in Table 6.Table 6. Nasal replacement in VietnameseNo rhyme harmony happened when a stop following a nasal vowel. The place featureof the stop is still kept and then it changes to its homorganic nasal. That is to say, the placefeature of the stop is highly preserved.The third source is from the coda [l] in French. Since both the coda [l] and the [l]consonant cluster coda are not allowed in Vietnamese, they need to be changed. We find thatthey are adapted as nasal [n] in Vietnamese, illustrated as Table 7 and 8.Table 7. Coda [l] ~ [n]alternation6

Table 8. Consonant cluster codas led by [l] are replaced by [n]Consonant clusters in the coda position are complicated because Vietnamese codas arelimited. In this research, we only concern about nasal codas. The adaptation of otherconsonant codas or consonant cluster codas will not be discussed in details.4. OT analysis4.1. The nasal feature preservationIn this research, OT analysis is adopted. We could see how the constraints interact.Now we start from the nasal feature preservation in Vietnamese.Since Vietnamese does not have nasal vowels, we need a markedness constraint,namely *V NASAL .(1) *V NASAL (context-free markedness constraint)Vowels must not be nasal.We need a faithfulness constraint to preserve the nasal feature, namely M AX -N ASAL .(2) M AX -N ASAL (faithfulness constraint)Every [nasal] in the input has a correspondent in the output.7

The markedness constraint, *V NASAL and the faithfulness constraint, M AX -N ASAL haveno crucial ranking. Reversing the order of ranking makes no difference.(3) *V NASAL >> M AX -N ASAL(4) M AX -N ASAL >> *V NASALHowever, to preserve the nasal feature could lead to another problem. Since only nasalconsonants are allowed in Vietnamese, the strategy to preserve the nasal feature forVietnamese could be the nasal consonant insertion. This strategy could result in anotherviolation of the faithfulness constraint, namely D EP -C.(5) D EP -C (faithfulness constraint)Output consonants must have input co espondents. (“No C epenthesis”)D EP -C should be demoted below *V NASAL and M AX -N ASAL to get the optimal candidate.8

(6) *V NASAL >> D EP -C(7) M AX -N ASAL >> D EP -CTheir ranking should be *V NASAL , M AX -N ASAL >> D EP -C.In CV syllable structures, nasal insertion is adopted to preserve the nasal feature loss.However, in CVC syllable structures, the post-vowel oral consonant is changed to the nasalconsonant, instead of the nasal segment insertion. Thus, we need another faithfulnessconstraint, namely I DENT -IO (nasal).(8) I DENT -IO (nasal) (faithfulness constraint)Correspondent segments in input and output have identical values for [nasal].The constraint I DENT -IO (nasal) should be ranked below the constraints above .(9) *V NASAL >> I DENT -IO (nasal)9

(10) M AX -N ASAL >> I DENT -IO (nasal)(11) D EP -C >> I DENT -IO (nasal)Until now, the ranking is *V NASAL , M AX -N ASAL >> D EP -C >> I DENT -IO (nasal).The strategy to preserve the nasal feature, except to do the nasal insertion after the oralvowel, inserting the nasal feature to the adjacent consonant could be another alternative.However, we see /b b/→[bom] but never /b b/→[mob] in Vietnamese. Kager (2004) statesthat the coda neutralization could be regarded as the positional faithfulness in onsets.Moreover, he proposes thatThere is an overwhelming typological tendency for neutralizing assimilation to preserve feature valuesof segments in „sa ient‟ position (onsets, initia sy ab es, oot segments, etc.), at the expense of segments inother positions (coda, medial syllables, affix segments, etc.) (Page 408)Since the onset position is so salient that it is hard for the onset to be subject to achange, we need a positional faithfulness constraint, namely I DENT -IO (nasal, onset).10

(12) I DENT -IO (nasal, onset) (Positional faithfulness constraint)An output segment standing in the onset position of a syllable has the same valuefor [nasal] as its input correspondent.I DENT -IO (nasal, onset) is undominated in Vietnamese phonology since the onsetsegment is never changed in loanword adaptation.Now, we see the interaction between one markedness constraint, *V NASAL and fourfaithfulness constraints, M AX -N ASAL , I DENT -IO (nasal, onset), D EP -C, and I DENT -IO (nasal). Forthe preservation of the nasal feature, Vietnamese applies four faithfulness constraints toprevent the change of the nasal feature or the nasal insertion.(13) markedness constraint faithfulness constraints*V NASAL M AX -N ASAL (prevent nasal vowel to become the oral vowel)I DENT -IO (nasal, onset) (prevent the onset to become the nasal segment)D EP -C (prevent the nasal consonant insertion)I DENT -IO (nasal) (prevent the segment to become the nasal)For the dominated constraints, D EP -C and I DENT -IO (nasal), the nasal consonantinsertion and the nasal feature change are both the possible ways to preserve the nasal feature.D EP -C >> I DENT -IO (nasal) also tells that the change of the nasal feature is the most possibleway to preserve the nasal feature. If there is no existing coda segment, the way to preservethe nasal feature is to do the nasal consonant insertion.11

4.2. The place feature preservationExcept the nasal feature preservation, we also find that the place feature of the stop ispreserved in the coda position. In the CV structure, the way to preserve the nasal feature is todo the nasal consonant insertion. The next problem is which nasal consonant should bechosen. To take [fr ] →[f ɲ] for example, We find that the nasal [ɲ] agrees in place with itspreceding vowel [ ]. Thus, a rhyme harmony constraint is needed, namely A GREE (rime) pl .(14) A GREE (rime) pl (context-sensitive markedness constraint)The segments in the rime of the syllable agree in place.Since it is a markedness constraint which is likely to change the place feature, we needa faithfulness constraint to preserve the place feature. In our data, only the place feature of thestop consonant is preserved. We need a faithfulness constraint, namely I DENT -IO (stop,place) 3456 .(15) I DENT -IO(stop, place)The specification for place of articulation of an input stop segment must be preservedin its output correspondent.3 The using of a cover constraint is for the following reason. For example, [b b]→[bom], we could use theconstraint I DENT -IO (labial) to preserve the place feature. For the other example, [t ]→[tɐŋ], we could use theconstraint I DENT -IO (dorsal). Thus, I use a cover constraint, I DENT -IO (place) to replace I DENT -IO (labial) orI DENT -IO (dorsal).4 To take [t ]→[tɐŋ] for example, the production of the output could be due to two possible reasons. One is theplace preservation of the stop consonant, and the other is due to the rhyme harmony. However, the example[ʃ br] →[sɐm] proves that the hypothesis of rhyme harmony is not correct.5 I do not have the data i e [ t]/[ d]→[vn] o the data i e that [ c]/→[vɲ].6 The constraint could be also I DENT -IO (-cont, place) to distinguish stops and fricatives. However, French doesnot have affricates and thus I just use I DENT -IO (stop, place) to illustrate the phenomenon. Moreover, in Frenchdata, the segments following nasal vowels are limited to the obstruents and most data are nasal vowels followingstop consonants.12

The constraint I DENT -IO (stop, place) should dominate A GREE (rime)pl. That is, the placefeature of the stop consonant should be preserved instead of the place assimilation.(16) I DENT -IO(stop, place) >> A GREE (rime) plAnother example, [e.s s]→[et.sɐŋ], shows that when the consonant following thevowel is not a stop, the following consonant will go rhyme harmony in place with thepreceding vowel, abandoning its place feature. Thus, we need another general constraint,namely I DENT -IO (place).(17) I DENT -IO(place)The specification for place of articulation of an input segment must be preserved in itsoutput correspondent.A GREE (rime) pl should dominate I DENT -IO(place). Thus, we could get the final rankingbelow.(18) I DENT -IO(stop, place) >> A GREE (rime) pl >> I DENT -IO(place)13

A GREE (rime) pl ,I DENT -IO(stop, place), and I DENT -IO(place) do not have crucial rankingwith the preceding constraints, such as *V NASAL , M AX -N ASAL , D EP -C, I DENT -IO (nasal, onset)and I DENT -IO (nasal).In terms of the place feature, there are mainly one markedness constraint and twofaithfulness constraints.(19) markedness constraint faithfulness constraints*A GREE (rime)pl I DENT -IO(stop, place)I DENT -IO(place)Finally, we see the constraint interaction in the tableau of /k / and /b b/.(20) The tableau of /k /14

(21) The tableau of /b b/4.3. The voice feature preservationThe third formation of the nasal coda is from the coda [l] in French. The lateral [l] isthe illicit coda in Vietnamese. Interestingly, only the lateral [l] in the coda changes to thenasal. In this part, I will discuss the [l] ~ [n] alternation.Since [l] is not a licit coda, we need a markedness constraint, namely *l ] σ.(22) *l ] σ[l] is not allowed in the coda position.Responding to the markedness constraint, we need a faithfulness constraint to preservethe segment.(23) M AX -CInput consonant segments must have output co espondents. (“No C de etion”)15

(24) *l ] σ >> M AX -C(25) markedness constraint faithfulness constraints*l ] σ M AX -CAlso, voiced obstruent codas are illicit in Vietnamese so we need another markednessconstraint, namely VOP.(26) VOP (context-free markedness constraint)*[+voi, -son]No obstruent must be voiced.Regarding to this markedness constraint, another faithfulness constraint is needed topreserve the voice feature, namely I DENT -IO (voice).(27) I DENT -IO(voice) (faithfulness constraint)The value of the feature [voice] of an input segment must be preserved in its outputcorrespondent.VOP and I DENT -IO (voice) should not have crucial ranking.(28)16

However, we need to compare VOP and M AX -C since consonant deletion is also apossible strategy to repair the voiced obstruent. VOP should dominate M AX -C.(29) VOP >> M AX -CFor I DENT -IO (voice) and M AX -C, they should have no crucial ranking.(30)The interaction between the markedness constraint and the faithfulness constraints isshown below.(31) markedness constraint faithfulness constraintsVOPI DENT -IO (voice)M AX -CMoreover, we find that the consonant cluster is prohibited in Vietnamese. We need amarkedness constraint, namely *C OMPLEX .(32) *C OMPLEX (context-sensitive markedness constraint)Consonant clusters are prohibited.17

*l ] σ , VOP , I DENT -IO(voice) ,and *C OMPLEX do not have crucial ranking.(33) the tableau of /s ld/(34) the tableau of /valv/5. ConclusionIn Vietnamese, nasal codas are formed from three sources which are shown below.18

In open syllables, M AX -N ASAL preserves the nasal feature and then realizes the nasalfeature as an independent nasal segment at the expense of violating D EP -IO. At the same time,A GREE (rime) pl makes the place assimilation to the inserting nasal from the preceding vowel.In closed syllables, M AX -N ASAL again preserves the nasal feature but combines it with the oralstop coda to become a nasal stop at the expense of violating A GREE (rime) pl and I DENT -IO(nasal). Because I DENT -IO (stop, place) dominates A GREE (rime) pl , the rhyme harmony failswhen the coda is the oral stop. Last, for the illicit [l] coda, I DENT -IO (voice) prevents [l] fromchanging to the voiceless stops [p, t, c, k] which are also licit codas in Vietnamese. This kindof the constraint ranking is quite universal to predict [l] ~ [n] alternation. In Seediq, [l] ischanged to [n] when it is in the coda condition 7 (Li, Paul Jen-kuei.2004, page: 174). I DENT -IO(place) prevent [l] from changing to other nasals [m, ɲ, ŋ]. The three faithful constraints,M AX -N ASAL ,I DENT -IO (place) and I DENT -IO (voice), keep the nasal feature, the place feature,and the voice feature in the process of Vietnamese loanword adaptation.7 Li, Paul Jen-kuei.2004 Selected papers on formosan languages. Taiwan: Taipei. Institute of LinguisticsAcademic Sinica.19

ReferencesHan, Mieko (1966), Vietnamese vowels, Studies in the phonology of Asian languages, 4, LosAngeles: Acoustic Phonetics Research Laboratory: University of Southern CaliforniaBarker, Milton E. (1969) "The phonological adaptation of French loanwords in Vietnamese."Mon-Khmer Studies 3: 138-147.Laurence C. Thompson (1987) Vietnamese reference grammar [electronic resource]Honolulu : University of Hawaii Press,Zuo,xiu-ling( 左 秀 靈 ) (1990) Fayuyuyin guize (French phonetic rules), Taiwan: Taipei.Jianhong publisher ( 建 宏 出 版 社 )enage (1999) Optimality theory. New York, NY : Cambridge University Press.Clements, G. N. (2001) Representational economy in constraint-based phonology. In T.Alan Hall (ed.), Distinctive Feature Theory, 71-146. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Li, Paul Jen-kuei (2004) Selected papers on formosan languages. Taiwan: Taipei. Institute ofLinguistics Academic Sinica.Arsenault, Paul (2009). Coronal features and retroflexion in Dhivehi and other Indo-Aryanlanguages. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 30. 17-33.20