ifda dossier 50 - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

international foundation for development alternatives
fundacibn intemacional para altemativas de desarrollo
fondation Internationale pour un autre developpement
ifda dossier 50
EDITORIAL
10 years of IFDA, 50 Issues of the Dossier 2
LOCAL SPACE
. The Indigenous problematique (Rodolfc Stavenhagen)
. NGC work of organising the rural poor (Anisur Rahmanj
. Debarroll0 y medio ambiente (Maurice Strong)
. The women's movement: Latin American perspective (A. Santa Cruz) 25
. The Nairobi '85 Kanifesto on women and the crisis in Africa 3 1
. Asian women speak out 36
. Note sur Ie concept de dGconnexion ("delinking") (Samir Amin) 3 8
Science transfer for development (Abdus Salam) 4 5
, SUPPLEMENT; INDEX DOSSIER 39-50
GLOBAL SPACE
--------p
-p---
. Mal-development in industrial countries (Erhard Eppler) 5 7
Bad neighbours (William dark) 65
. Peace and development (Jimoh Omo-Fadaka) 67
. The great peace journey (Inga Thorsson) 75
NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM
The dirty dozen: global campaign against hazardous pesticides
European mothers: a "free choice" for feeding their babies?
International Consumer Movement acts on tobacco promotion
Equateur: RIIP
Geneva: DOCIP
Argentina: FLACSO buses colaboraci6n
Philippines: Mindanao Community Theatre network
India: Namedia Foundation
Guinea Bissau: INEP
Rongead: Un reseau agro-alimentaire pour quoi faire?
LETTERS/FGCITNOTES/MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION 95
e x e v e cormittee: ismaii-saDt -i abddXo, o;,i~wa be,. :?ii:ah, gcci'rey gunat:!!&?, j~r.
meijer, marc nerfin (president), 'lgnacy sachs, nldrie-an9el"que savane, juan somavia,
rcdotfo stavenhagen, inga thorsstin, bernard wood
cour'c":? co-chairpersons 1985-1966: aido ajellc, raJni kothari
2 place du narch6, 1760 nyon, ~witzerland; phune 41 !2?) 61 82 82; tt-'m 78840 ifda ch
row office: 207 via par~isperna, 00184 rtime, :t.aIy; phone 39 (6) 48 65 87

ifd: dossier 50 . november/decernber 1985 edi toria1
10 YEARS OF IFDA, 50 ISSUES OF THE DOSSIER
ue sec zb'i's as an oppoi>tur.ity to present the --- Dossier to its many r
reidars l sce insert between pcgs~ tit? and 57).
~ e ~
The ether- IFUA publication, the SUNS, appears daily in Kyon and Rome
shse ISSO (its 1 flovember issue 'bears 7iUi,354). It atcenpts to cover,
from a Third Vortd point of vieu, the north-3uth and development coop-.
eraticm debate i*: the United :Sations fora, especially in Geneu~, Rome
and .Vau York, ¥i veil as the Third V,'orldfs effoz~ts towards collect-ivc.
self-reliaice. It is a speciatizcd publication circulated to szibsar-ibsrs
only (specimen cop$ and taz-ift's are available qmn request).
IFDA. a7.80 engages in specific* projects. The largest one uas the third
*?,:em project> earl-ied our .fron 1977 to lS8d ct tke request and with
the support of the Dutch and Ncruegi-an gover~nents. Its pzdyose uas to
ore"; to 7zu: aator: and unhear.2 voices the discussion on the Limited Uation.'
Interwtiod Development Strategy for the 80s. IfLustr&i:,
IfWe netuork-ing method3 some 60 inscitut-Lone arid 630 indiuidua'is from
all reqicns participated in 1^3 s'tuiies, repcvts, seminars and othei-
activit iee, I-CS principal Zo~y-tem
resu2.t i8 the Dcssier itself> shich
uas orig

i fda dossier 50 . november/decernber 1985 local space
THE INDIGENOUS PROBLEMIQUE
by Rodolfo Stavenhagen
El Calegio de Mexico
Apartado 20671
Mexico DF 10740, Mexico
Resume: L'auteur dgfinit les peuples indigenes come les habitants orl-
ginels dun territoire qui, 2 la suite des circonstancr-s historiques
(conquzte et/ou colonisation) ont perdu leur souverajnete et sont subor-
.donn6s 2 une sdciSt6 plus vaste et 5 un Etat our lequel 11s n'ont pas de
pouvoir. I1 examine les facteurs qui ont contribug i la prise de con-
science de la probl6mat.lque indig?:~e, notamment la dGcolonisation,
l'auto-determination reconnue par les Nations Lrnieo come un des droits
de l'houune, la sensibilisation aux violations des droits de I'home, les
contacts entre peuples indigenes et 'civilisation moc'erne', la re-d6cou-
verte des valeurs indigenes. I1 analyse ies origines de la problematique
indigene, principalemeni en Am6rique du Nord et du Sud (oh se trouvent
la moitie des populations rkpondant la definition sugg-ii6a). I1 aborde
ensuite les principaux problgmes contemporains des peuples indigenes,
dont Ie principal ast probablement celiii de la cullure et de l'identite
face aux ethnocidss. Iefauteur pose 2 cet Sgard un certain nombre de
questions sp6ciflques cencrees sur la dilemme existentiel auqu-il sont
confrontes ies peuples indigenes. 11 ne a'agit pas de refuser la change-
ment culturel, mais de pernettre aux culc-ires indigenes de repondre aux
defis modernes en developpant leur propre potential et de contribuer
ainsi 2 la culture universelle.
Resucen: El autor define a 10s pueblos indfgenos como habitintes origl-
nales de un territorio, 10s cuales. en consecuencia de circunstancias
historicas (conquista y/o colonizaci6n) han perdido su soberanfa y estzn
subordinados a una sociedad mayor y a un Estado sobre el. cual no tienen
nivgGn poder. Examina 10s factores que han contribuido a1 tema de con-
ci-incia de la problemStica indlgena, especialmante la decolonizaci6n, la
autodeterminaci6n, reconocida por las Naciones Unidas como uno de 10s
derechos del hombre, 10s contactos entre les pueblos indigenes y la "ci-
vilizsci6n modernat', el re-descubrier-to de 10s valores indigenes. Ana-
liza lor orfgenes de la problsmatica indtgena, principalmenta en America
del Norte y del Sur (en donde se encuentran el 50: de las poblaciones
quo corresponden a la definition sugerida). Luego aborda 10s principales
probl.emas conterapor5neos de Los puebLori indfge~ws, de 13s ~^niles el
principal es probablementa el de la cultura y el de la identidad frente
a 10s genocidios. El autor plantea preguntas especificas centradas scbre
el dilema existencial a1 que hacen frente 10s pueblos indigenes. No se
trata de rehusar ei cambio cultural. pero de peraltar a las culturas
indigenas ue responder a los desaflos modernos, desarrollando su proprio
potenc.ial y contribuyendo as1 a la cultura universal.

Rodolfo Stavenhagen
THE INDIGENOUS PROBLEMATIQUE
Who are the Indigenous?
Indigenous populations may be defined as the original inhab-
itants of a territory who, because of historical circumstan-
ces (generally conquest and/or colonization by another peo-
ple), have lost their sovereignty and have become subordina-
ted to the wider society and the state over which they do
not exercise any control.
Frequently the issues faced by indigenous populations are
dealt with within the framework of minority problems. But
whereas many indigenous peoples in the world constitute in-
deed ethnic minorities within the wider society, in some
cases they are numerical majorities, who do not, however,
enjoy a corresponding share of political and economic power.
That is why indigenous peoples distinguish their problems
from those of other ethnic, linguistic, religious, national
or racial minorities, and consider that they should be dealt
with separately. Some indigenous organizations insist that
they should be called "First Nations".
The concept of indigenous peoples sometimes overlaps or is
used indiscriminately with other terms such as natives, abo-
riginals, "autochtones" or tribal populations. But again,
while most tribal peoples may be considered as indigenous,
not all indigenous peoples should be considered as tribals.
In the Americas, the indigenous populations are known as
Indians.
Indigenous populations are found in different parts of the
world and their number may be placed at probably close to a
hundred million. The ma-jority are concentrated on the An-.eri-
can continent, both North and South (around fifty million),
but they also include the Australian aborigines, the New
Zealand Maori, the Sami people in Scandinavia, the Inuit of
the Arctic region, and sundry other groups. Before independ-
ence, the peoples of Africa and Asia were referred to as
"natives" by the colonial powers, but this terminology is of
course no longer in use. On these continents, the minority
tribal peoples often find themselves in situations similar
to those of the indigenous in other parts of the world.
Public aEenzss about in

of the earth. Many indigenous peoples consider their situa-
tion as being similar to that of the colonies and demand
similar attention to their problems. The concept of internal
colonialism is frequently used to describe the relationship
between indigenous peoples and the State to which they be-
long.
2) The principle of self-determination of peoples is a major
international human right, recognized by the United Nations.
But even though the UN has been very clear that this princi-
ple should not be interpreted as applying to minorities
within the framework of established independent states, in-
digenous peoples consider that the principle of self-deter-
mination should by all rights also apply to them.
3) In countries where violations of human rights have been
recorded, and where indigenous populations are established,
these have often been singled out as particularly vulnerable
victims of human rights violations. Such violations have
been brought increasingly to the attention of world public
opinion through national and international agencies.
4) Indigenous peoples have for many generations lived out
their lives on the margins of the economic mainstream. As
the economic frontier advances and as indigenous peoples
have come increasingly into contact with "modern civiliza-
tion", their problems have come to public attention and have
often become major political issues.
5) In many parts of the world, economic development programs
such as river basin development schemes, land settlement
projects, highway construction, mining activities, the
tri.nsformation of tropical forests into cultivateable acreage
or pastures (as, for example, in the Amazon basin) have
negatively affected the life chances of indigenous population~,
and they have become the victims rather than the beneficiaries
of these transformations.
6) In a period of increasing world violence and inter-state
conflicts, the borderland regions frequently inhabited by
indigenous peoples in some parts of the world, have become
the object of considerations of "national security", and the
indigenous have often lost their own security in the pro-
cess; or else they may be manipulated by outside powers for
purposes other than their own best interests. These issues
are often reported as major political news.
7) As so many development strategies which were furiously
pursued during the last few decades are now considered to be
failures, many people have taken a second look at indigenous
val-ues and life-styles in their search for development al-
ternatives. The cultural values of peoples not yet wholly
absorbed by industrial civilization (as happens to be the
case with a number ot indigenous peoples around the world) ,
are looked at with more respect and attention than was the
case earlier when technological improvement was automatical-

ly deemed superior and desirable for the more "backward" so-
cieties.
8) The worldwide tourism explosion has broken down borders
and distances. Tourism and folklore (ethnic arts, the Fourth
World, Club Maditerranse, etc.) are powerful attractions .and
have brought the most isolated "tribal", the most downtrod-.
den "indigene" within reach of an airline excursion fare
ticket or at least within the turn of a television knob of
the average "Northern" household.
Some theoretical limitations
The points outlined above have contributed to the renewed
visibility of indigenous peoples at the present time. To be
sure, the countries of the West (and I would say th2 North,
in general) have not yet overcome the exotic fascination
that the "Primitives" around the world exert on their ina-
gination. For a long time the idea of progress, or more re-
cently, developmental theory, have more or less tacitly as-
sumed that economic growth and corresponding social change
would do away with indigenous popi-ilations, much to the cha-
grin of ethnographers, folklorists, romantics and tourists.
Some lamented their passing, most however welcomed such
changes as necessary and desirable for modernization and
progress to take place.
Thus, in recent years, concern with the situation of indigenous
peoples has been relegated to sorre special ized brzi;: -
ches of the social sciences. The major paradigms of social
science thinking did not consider the indigenous as worthy
of their attention. Social theory (and particularly its 2evelopmental
variety) was more concerned with major issues
such as economic growth, urbanization and industrialization,
the power of the state and political process, militarization
and conflict, social classes arid social movements, rather
than with such "marginal" social groups as the i.ndiqer.cj-i",
peoples.
The model of the nation-state which Europe has been able to
impose on the rest of the world - through revolution and
empire - is usually thought of as ethnically and culturally
homogeneous though in fact this is by no means always the
case, not even in Europe. Within this model there is hardly
any place for indigenous peoples as separate from ths dcminant
majority (in some cases, minority). The re-emergence of
indigenous peoples as a world issue at the present time requires
some basic rethinking of a number of accepted
"truths" in contemporary social science.
ORIGINS OF THE INDIGENOUS PROBLEMAT~QUE"
Throughout human histo~y, peoples have shifted and rni?r^r-ed
and come into contact with each other. Contact may have been

Deacefui or violent; different peoples may have coexisted
with each other peacefully, or they may have fought and
quarrelled over territory or access to resources. Usually
the weaker peoples have been pushed by the more aggressive
ones into ecoioqically less rewarding areas.
Before the advent of modern technology and the world capitalist
system, ethnic and cultural differences between peopie's
w2re linked to different ways of life and to relatively
se1.f-contained social systems. It is often difficult to det-I-,ine
who were the original inhabitants of a given territory,
for those groups who appeared as nati~e inhabitants at
the time of the European colonial expansion may in turn have
displaced earlier settlers.
Whereas the situation is fairly clear-cut regarding the ori-
ginal claims of American Indians as against the European
settlers who conquered them and set up their own political
systems, or for example the very similar process in Austra-
lia and New Zealand, it is more difficult for, say, the Ai-
nus to validate their claim of "originality" vis-a-vis the
Japanese, or the, inhabitarts of the Chi ttagong H i l l Tracts
in Bangladesh in relation to the lowland Perigalis who have
been moving into their traditional territory. In Sri Lanka,
the original Vedic people have practically disappeared, and
both Tamils cind Singhalese now claim original territorial
right?.
The "indiqenous problematique" of course arises in full force
after the establishment of the modern colonial systems.
But here it soon acquires the characteristics of the "colonial
question", which in turn achieves its solution through
decolonization and the granting of political independence to
forrr.erly de~endent territories.
North America
p---
The first ma jcr movement tor political independence took
place on the Mieri.can continent, in the "Thirteen Colonies"
and later in Latin. America at the beginning of the nine-
teenth century, that is, before the great imperialist push
by Europe into Africa and Asia. In what became the United
States, the native American Indians were pushed off their
lands by the advancing settlers and political independence
belonged to the white settlers, not to the Indians. A series
of so-called Indian wars consolidated the power of the set-
tlers, now masters of the land, during the nineteenth cen-
tury. The independent US siqried a number of treaties with
the major Indian nations, thus in fact recognizing the lat-
?.er's sovereignty. But these treaties were quickly violated
by the US government, driven as it was by its "manifest des-
tiny" to overwhelm and destroy anything that stood in the
way of the expanding capitalist system. Today the surviving
Indian nations demand respect for these treaties and appeal
to both Constitutional and International law in defence of
their original rights which they claim are being systemat-

ically violated by the United States Government. The US In-
dian organizations have taken the initiative to form the
International Indian Treaty Council, in order to join forces
with other similarly placed peoples (such as in Canada, for
example) in the defence of their rights.
In contrast to the US government, the government of Canada
has gone a long way to meet the demands of its own indige-
nous populations.
Spanish America
In Spanish America, the situation evolved somewhat differ-
ently. Here, except for a small number of special cases
(such as the Mapuche in southern Chile, for example) the
Indian populations were early incorporated into a system of
servile labour to the benefit of the colonial overlord, and
a complex set of laws, rules and decrees (known collectively
as Legislacion de Indias) evolved during three centuries of
Spanish rule, which fixed the Indian's subordinate status in
the colonial society. Here again, as earlier in the United
States of America, the struggle for political independence
from Spain was waged by the local upper classes who were
ethnically indistinguishable from their Spanish rulers. Not
only that, but they were very conscious about wishing to
maintain and perpetuate the cultural model of the colonial
society after independence. Of course, there were also dis-
sident and libertarian voices among the leaders of the Spa-
nish American revolutions of the early nineteenth century,
but in the end the victors were conservative landowning
classes, who up to the middle of the twentieth century (and
in some countries to the present time) have been able to
maintain their political power and to impose their concep-
tion of the nation-state.
The emerging model of the new political society faithfully
reflected the basically agrarian class structure. Though
slavery and serfdom were formally abolished in most coun-
tries, and all inhabitants were legally considered as free
and equal citizens, the Indian peasant masses were absent
from the polity and of course not represented in government.
In fact the existence of Indians as ethnically distinct en-
tities was never formally recognized. By the middle of the
nineteenth century, a number of so-called liberal reforms
abolished what little protection the Indian communities had
been able to preserve from colonial times, particularly re-
garding collective land rights.
The expanding market economy, coupled with political libera-
lism and individualism required free land and free labour
and these were not available as long as the Indian popula-
tion~, still a majority in most Spanish-American countries
during the early twentieth century, remained tied to their
traditional cultures and social structures. The mere exist-
ence of "backward" Indians was considered by the riiling
elites and their ideologues (schooled in social Darwinism

and positivism) as a drag on progress and development. The
model to be followed by these elites, which were France and
England in the nineteenth century, soon became the United
States, whose economic and geopolitical interests became
dominant in Latin America by the twentieth century.
The fostering of European immigration was considered fash-
ionable and good politics in a number of countries, and in
some of these the Indians were either entirely or almost
wholly exterminated to make way for the new European set-
tlers. Biological mixing of the populations (actually lead-
ing to "whitening") was deemed to be desirable, in line with
the prevailing racist ideologies of the times.
That these ideologies have not entirely disappeared is shown
by one South American militaristic government's plan a few
years back to settle white emigrants from Zimbabwe in the
predominantly Indian country. A world-wide outcry and the
resistance of the Indians themselves led the dictatorship to
abandon the project.
After racism went out of fashion as official government po-
licy, the catchword became "national integration" or "as-
similation", the idea being that directed culture change
(through educational and linguistic policies primarily)
would make the Indians disappear and turn them into "true"
nationals of their respective countries. The onus of poverty
and backwardness was placed squarely on the Indians them-
selves and the notions of development and modernization be-
came synonymous with the cultural and social transformation
of the Indian populations. These ideas were incorporated
into official policy and sanctioned by intergovernmental
organizations and international congresses and conferences.
The Indians themselves, of course, were never consulted.
In other parts of the world, wherever European settlers came
into contact with native peoples who were not organized as
state-societies and who were not able through sheer demo-
graphic presence or political and military power to counter-
weigh Europe's colonial expansion, the lot of the indigenous
became desparate.
In the Caribbean they were practically exterminated shortly
after European settlement and the ensuing labour scarcity
for the colonial enterprises was filled with imported slave
labour from Africa. In Tasmania the British colonists com-
pletely wiped out the natives. In Australia, due to heavy
European settlement along the Coast, the Aboriginal popu-
lation was decimated and the economic bases of their lives
almost completely destroyed. A similar fate befell the indi-
genous peoples of the Philippines, those who resisted Chris-
tianization and incorporation into the Spanish mold (similar
to what the Spaniards set up in America), and whose descen-

dants, many of whom are tribal peoples, coilst.it'

today claim their right to possess such a territory, defined
in political and administrative terms.
C) As natural resources other than land become increasingly
important ir today's econoniy, outside interests exert enor-
mcus pressures on ir.diger-ous societies, even in those cases
where the rights over land and t:erritory may have been ade-
quately defined. Thus the attempt by private companies or
governments to exploit such resources whi-ch have tradition-
ally been under the control of indigenous societies as, say,
timber and fishing grounds, run into indigenous resistance.
Much more dangerous to the survival of the indigenous has
been the discovery and extraction of oil deposits, uranium
and other mineral resources on their traditional. lands,
which of course require considerable investments and techno-
logical capabilities.
7) In most cases the indigenous populations lack or at least
are notably deficient in such basic social services as
schools, water supply, el~czricity, communications, health
services, adequat,e housing and other adjuncts of modern ci-
viiization which many gavel-rments have taken it upon them-
selves to provide to their populations. The indigenous are
often the last sector of the popul.at:ion to be so serviced.
8) Many ind-~qenouc, peoples have long ceased to be the renote,
isolated, self-sufficient communities which early traveliers,
anthropologists, missionaries and government officials
described in their reports. Interaction between the
indiaenous and members of the wider society have always taken
place to some extent. However, in many countries the
expanding economic frontier and improved transportation networks,
Yave opened avenues for increased and more intensive
relationships between the indigenous and the non-indigenous.
An -~mport.ant element of such relationships is labour relations,
particularly in those parts where a decreasing land
base and demographic pressure have forced the indigenous
labour force to seek employment outside their communities.
It should be remembered that a major objective of colonial
policy was to force indigenous labour to work for the colonial
enterprise. While the more brutal forms of labour recruitment
(including slavery, forced labour, different forms
of serfdom, of which the indigenous have always been the
victims), were abolished in the independent post-colonial
states, different forms of labour relations existing today
are clearly unfavorable to, and exploitative of, the indigenous
work force. In many parts of South America virtual
serfdom of Indians on the large landholdings is still cominonplace.
Where salaried labour is the norm.. wages are often
lower for the indigenous than among the rest of the population
and minimum labour protection norms are not respected.
9) Indigenous peoples usually speak a language other than
the national or official language or languages of a given
country. In fact, their linguistic distinctiveness is often

taken as a criterion for the definition of the indigenous
social groups as such. Whereas among some groups the vernac-
ular language continues to be spoken actively (or written
and read, wherever a script exists, which is sometimes the
case among tribal peoples in Asia but hardly anywhere else),
among other groups the native languages tend to disappear.
In many countries, the replacement of the indigenous lan-
guages by the national or official ones is the stated pur-
pose of government policy. In other countries, however, the
reverse may be true. Some governments have adopted policies
of bilingual education and purport to preserve the native
languages. The preservation of indigenous, and minority lan-
guages in general, has been recommended by international.
conferences under the auspices of UNESCO. Still, the general
and apparently irresistible tendency at the present time is
for indigenous languages to lose importance and slowly dis-
appear, particularly when they lack a script, when the par-
ticular linguistic group is small, and when government poli-
cy is not favorable to the maintenance of these languages.
One of the many issues facing indigenous linguistic groups
is whether to deploy efforts in order to maintain and, in-
deed, develop their own languages, or whether to submit to
linguistic acculturation and integrate linguistically into
the wider society.
10) What can be said for language, holds true for other as-
pects of indigenous culture as well. Indeed, the possibility
of the preservation of their own culture (understood in the
widest, anthropological sense of the term, as a shared set
of institutions, values, symbols and social relationships
which gives any social group its identity and distinguishes
it from other similar groups), is probably the essential
question on which hinges the survival of indigenous peoples
as such in the world today. Are indigenous cultures fated to
disappear? Are they no longer relevant to the needs of con-
temporary society? Does progress and development among indi-
genous peoples necessarily imply the disappearance of their
cultures? Does the expansion of the "national society" imply
the "deculturation" of indigenous peoples and their integra-
tion as a marginal underclass into the socio-economic sys-
tem? Does "nation-building", the desired goal of so many of
the Third World's leaders today, require the disappearance
of the indigenous cultures? Are these cultures an obstacle
to economic and social development, as so many observers
have stated over the last few decades? Is it not possible to
"build nations" and respect the minority cultures that have
flourished for so long in the backwaters of the world's
great civilizations? Is it possible to build multi-national
societies (as some of the world's larger states are commit-
ted to do) in which indigenous cultures may find their due?
Is not the preservation of any group's culture a necessary
ingredient for its members' well-being?
These are not only rhetorical questions beggin3 rhetorical
answers. These questions point to the serious dilemmas that

indigenous peoples face in the modern world. They require
the attention of governments and the international conunu-
nity, as well as of the indigenous peoples themselves.
11) The loss of land and language, the perilous weakness of
indigenous cultures in the face of external onslaughts, ca-
norily be understood within the framework of indigenous lack
of power. Perhaps a constant feature of indigenous society
in relation to the wider polity is its powerlessness. The
indigenous have always been denied real and effective polit-
ical participation and they have been sheared of whatever
power they may have possessed before conquest and their usu-
ally forced integration into the national state. Actually,
for the indigenous peoples, "national integration", the of-
ten stated goal of modern states, has meant loss of sove-
reignty and political impotence. Many of their current prob-
lens stem from the fact that up to very recently the indige-
nous peoples have been effectively excluded from the politi-
cal cecision-making process. A recurrent demand of indige-
nous organizations at the present time is political partici-
pation and power over all matters which directly concern
them and the rejection of traditional paternalistic atti-
tudes by overbearing governments and non-indigenous groups
and agencies who intervene in their affairs. A growing de-
mand among the indigenous peoples in different. parts of the
world is the right to self-determination, which the UN has
in principle recognized to all "peoples".
CULTURE AND IDENTITY
Perhaps the fundamental question relating to indigenous
peoples today, as pointed out in paragraph 10) above, con-
cerns the problem of culture and identity. Indigenous cul-
tures, of course, have never been static and unchanging. But
culture change has accelerated over the last few decades, to
such a degree that many observers question whether indige-
nous cultures will be able to survive at all with their own
identity beyond the end of the present century. The danger
to indigenous cultures comes from many quarters; mainly, of
course, national government policies of integration or assi-
milation through the school system and linguistic policies;
then the impact of Christian missionary activities which
perhaps more than any other single factor has contributed to
the destruction of indigenous cultures around the world,
whether in Africa, Asia or Latin America. More recently,
labour migrations and changes in economic activity have pro-
duced transformations in cultural values and life-styles.
The penetration of the mass-media in indigenous areas
(radio, cinema 2nd television) has contributed to the dis-
semination of other, alternative cultural models which un-
dennine the established, traditional cultures.
The process of the systematic destruction of indigenous cul-
tures has been termed "ethnocide". More often than not it
is a deliberate policy by the dominant ethnic group or

groups who control state power, and history has shown that
it has been used by governing classes not only against indi-
genous populations but against "undesirable" ethnic groups
in aeneral. It refers not only to a process of culture
change and assimilation, which of course has always taken
place to some extent wherever an4 whenever different ethnic
groups interact. within the framework of the wider society,
but also to the systematic negation of an ethnic group's
cultural identity by the state.
This ethnic denial may take a number of forms, from the sim-
pie, official denial that subordinate ethnic croups exist. at
all, to the suppression or neglect of statistics referring
to the minority ethnic yroups, to the prohibition of the use
of native languages in schools and public places, to the
forcible change of names and other symbols of ethnic iden-
tity, and to multiple forms of official and unofficial, open
and hidden discrimination of which so many indigenous groups
are the permanent victims.
Ethnocide, particularly when it is internalized by members
of the indigenous groups themselves, turns into sentiments
of inferiority and self-hate, lack of dignity and self-res-
pect and into feelings of despair, hopelessness and insecur-
ity. Many members of indigerious populations who are forced
to emigrate from their communities and cultures into the
hostile environment of the wider society, become members of
that marginalized underclass which characterizes so many
Third World societies today. Next to genocide; ethnecj.de is
the single major destructive force of indigenous peoples.
Undoubtly, culture changes are inevitable and perhaps in
many cases necessary and even desirable from many points of
view. Progress and development - however these terms may be
defined - require the transformation c the old and the iri-
troduction of the new. Both social evolution and social re-
volution rest on the proposition that established cultures
must and will change.
What is at issue here is not the need for change and trans-
formation but the question whether indigenous cultures can
change and adapt to the new challenges of the modern world
without losing their identities; whether indigenous cultures
can respond dynamically, through the development of their
own potential, and thus be able to make their own contribu-
tions to national and world cultures. This is what indiqe-
nous organizations have been saying and demanding; but it
requires specific government policies to achieve these ends,
as well as political action by the indigenous groups them-
selves.

NGO WORK OF ORGANISING THE RURAL POOR ; THE PERSPECTIVE
by Anisur Rahrnan*
36, Grand Montflsuri
1290 Versaix, Geneva, Switzerland
T\is note sorts* some reflect-ions stimlqted bv i~teractio?; u-bth the
1. NGO work of organising the ri-ral poor can have several
different objectives. These w~ll be discussed under four
different headsings.
Economic upliftment
2. This means raising the incomes of the poor, giving them
greater stability of income and some social security or in-
surance against unforeseen situations, old age problems,
etc. If this were the only or the principal objective, effi-
cient "external delivery system" coupled with an internal
group saving scheme is a good way of achieving this. Exter-
nal delivery can be in the form of credit, technology, and
expertise. The group saving scheme takes care of the social
security objective.
3. But emphasis on the external delivery approach con-
flicts with the other objectives discussed below.
Human development
4. Creativity is a distinctive human quality, and the hu-
man development objective aims to develop the creativity of
the people. Creation is the product of thinking and action -
i.e. of articipation. This consists of investigation, re-
flectionp(analysis), decision-making, and application of
decision (action). Reflection upon action (review, evalua-
tion) gives men and women the sense of creation and thus the
sense of having developed as human beings.
S. Human development is a process of &-development -
outsiders cannot develop the rural poor. Outsiders can have
a role, however, of stimulating and assisting this develop-'
ment. This can be done by initiating and stimulating self-
investigation and reflection by the rural poor; by stimula-
ting them to take their own decisions and action, and to re-
*Member of the IFDA Council.

view and evaluate them themselves. The process may be as-
sisted by external inputs (of ideas, points of view, mate-
rials) which the people can internalise or absorb in their
self-development process without being overwhelmed by them.
6. Special questions of human development arise for poor
women. They have a doubly sub-human status. To liberate
their creativity (as also to liberate themselves from male
domination and male oppression) they need to think and act
independently of their male folk to whom they are held to be
subordinate. This requires separate base organisations or
poor women which may collaborate with organisations of poor
men at higher levels to promote common interests.
Achieving social and economic rights
7. This means elimination of economic and social oppres-
sion and injustices and achieving equity in the use of pub-
lic resources. This implies the exercise of collective power
of the poor, and often implies struggle.
8. Judicious struggle is conducted by assessing relative
strengths, and by challenging oppressers/exploiters when
sufficient strength is acquired so as to have a reasonable
possibility to win. The role of outsiders is not to make
this assessment for the poor, but to make them aware that
this assessment is necessary, and to bring to them knowledge
and considerations relevant in this assessment. Also to help
develop a consci~usness among the poor which sees short run
failures as a learning process upon which subsequent strate-
gy is to be built. A struggle is never lost if constructive
lessons are drawn from its failure - the process then moves
forward even through a conscious decision for temporary re-
treat.
9. One role of outsiders in the context of this objective
is to bring to the poor knowledge of what their rights are -
by law, by national policy and by international agreements
and conventions, etc.
10. The question of right to public resources is particu-
larly important in relating this objective to the objective
of economic upliftment. An NGO which brings credit to the
rural poor indefinitely, detracts from the need for more
equitable use of the public credit system - it does not make
sense that the poor's credit needs should be met by "volun-
tary agencies" obtaining resources from special donors while
the public credit system continues to serve the rich. (The
same applies to other public resources). An NGO may only
bring credit to a group of the poor for a brief period, to
demonstrate that the poor are creditworthy, and to develop
among them confidence and ability to handle outside credit.
Simultaneously, the poor should be made aware of their right
to receive credit from the banking system, and of how this
system works. The NGO should aim to withdraw its credit ope-
ration for any single group early, leaving the group to now

.1oqotiate tor credit from the banking system with their organised
strength and m~nagement ability. In this negotiation
a l s ~ tile ?GO may assist, by helping develop contacts and by
:'.e

15. This applies to external credit as well as LC other
deliveries. The tota'. supply of credit for upliftnient cf the
poor is and will remain, limited. 'Soft' credit projects for
the poor which provide ready credit indefinitely to a linitod
nurr.bei- of project qrc,'.;ps take these grc'ups away from the
hsrd ~trv-ggle fcr eccnc~lic upliftrient which che broad mosses
of the poor have to undergo. This would create 'privileged'
groups among the poor and weaken their motivation to pdrtizipate
in the broader strcggle for overall social and instit'~tiona1
change.
16. Social transformation requires transfer of social power
1'rom the present dominating non-producing class to the class
of direct producers, and this transfer is a political process
to be led only by a competent political organisation.
However, successful social transformation, which includes
social reconstruction, is much more than the: mere act of
forilial transfer of political power: it requires a social
p:jychol~gy, culture and capability of sel-f-reliant econt7nic
and social effort. If this is significar,fcly lacking at the
time of transfer c power, people wLli continue to wait upon
deliveries from above, ancl rhe leadership will fail to lead
s d
reconstruction without a massive inflow of external
Lesources and eventual submission again to external intei-
ests.
7 . A corollary ot se-l f-reliant grass-roots (people's) effcrt
is reliance on people's own - knowledge. Examples of sociai
change exist where transfer of macro power has beer.
di-h-iex-ec in the nan~c- cf direct prcduce:-s, but ~.ew pobez has
been appropriated by another class of non-p^.oducers - a
ciaas ct professionals - who have possessed ~.cri~poly uvez
iievelopmer~t knowledge and expertise. Direct producers who
have been rncbili sed for dccompl;' shing a transfer of pc-nrG2r
have submitted tc this class from out cf a sense of intcl-
ler:tsal inferiority, not having developed the needed cor.f~-
dence in their own knowledge and abilities? and in their own
ability to choose from amonq available o'dtside knowledge and
expertise, for their own development. The result becomes a
return to the delivery mentality which must eventually bri.".q
back dependence 02 external resour:ces and hence control.
There is no self-reliant way of development without primary
reliance on people's resources including their own kriow-
J edqe, and professional know ledge has to pli:.y a co~pJ.e~ent-
?.ry but not dominating role in such development.
18. A part of seIf-reliant effort cofisists cf co-~ective
economic cooperation. By this means scares resources, ski?.la
arid t-yr:nts are ~,se:d tc tencfit r.ct u few -,ri,,-ileqed j.?t'.i~i.-
. .
6ualc L-:c sll those %h.: p,:n-t-.ci?cilt. ii- .inch c~c~.fc;..it-i.~'ii~.
T'nroucfh this process resources thi^s (?et 'augmerlte'-' . Practice
cf collective economJ-c coopsrati.cn and collective emnomic
management develops skills and experit-nce in s'dc'k collective
work which should ke regarded as a:: impsrta:it asset
created in the "wc'ir.b of the old order" , f'. "r self-reliant
ecoriomic reconstruction of society.

19. With this perspective in view, work with the; poor which
seeks to dev.?iop their creativity primarily through their
own collective effort, giving emphasis to both the people's
self-reliant thinking and actlori thr~ugh which collectivk
action and c~nsciousness both keep advancing, would be creating
positive assets for the task of social transformation.
1 Fcr some NGOs ¥a Least, a greater :larity of objectives
is necessary for a sharper direction of their work.
2. The chosen objectives, and their rationale, shculd be
discussed with the "target groups". They should be asked to
reflect why development effort in the country has been a
failure, notwithstanding so-called "learned" men bcing in
Aarqe They may not inidally grasp all the' issues, b1.it.. L
?.'road picture of the macro si~-u.^t-i3n shou'l:? be qiven to them
- e.g. the man-land ratio and tht- ldnd distribution sit:uation;
the. national. poverty pict~~r?; the extreme de'pendence
of the count.ry on foreign resc'uri.?o an3 ye+, the inabiliky ~f
such heavy flow of external resources t-o develop thy coui:-
try, and why; the "basket case" image of the cr~untry.
there is 3 n-ie'i tu shock the people into a sense of self-
esteem,
3, The peapie should h? asked to deliberate what fchey wantto
do in this overall context, a/id how the EGO can help
them.. They ~tioald be asked to forvalate their own iiarnedi-ate
objectives, and for collaboration with the NCO these should
b--s consistent with the ohectives fomul.ited by the NGO,
4. There -should be ?ducational sessions to make the target
groups aware of their rizhts by law, gn.vernnie:it policy, int~rnational
cor!vi?r~i_-i.on'3, etc- .
5. From the very b&

er percentage of profit into their group fund; to those ini-
tiating collective economic projects; to those engaged in
production which may be combined with trade in self-produced
goods rather than pure trade. This policy should be discus-
sed with the people, and the rationale explained. As discus-
sed, credit by an NGO to the poor should be seen as a tempo-
rary measure, to be replaced early by credit from the bank-
ing system and/or from group saving funds.
8. The people must periodically evaluate their own experi-
ence and review their progress collectively, draw lessons
from successes and failures, formulate future courses of
action based on past experience, and formulate advice to the
NGO staff as well for achieving agreed objectives. They
should be encouraged to document, store and disseminate
their on-going experience for progressive advancement of
their collective knowledge based on their collective effort.
They may be assisted by NGO staff, local educated youth,
school teachers, etc., to document the results of their in-
vestigation and review ("participatory research") in simple
language; they should also be encouraged to use their cultu-
ral traditions (e.g. kabi-gan, drama, ballads) to document
and disseminate these, and to take their experiences thein-
selves to other groups and villages.
9. In areas where there is a past history of coliect-ivc-
effort by the poor, this history should be collected (by the
participatory process, in which the main researcher will be
the people, assisted if necessary by others) 2nd discussed,
and lessons drawn from them as guide to current. effort. In
new areas where work is to be initiated, this should be the
very first task (except in cases where c3elvir;g into history
of past struggle may create special difficulty for work to
be initiated).
10. Closely following people' S periodic review of their
work, NGO workers will undertake their o1.r periodic collec-
tive review, keeping clearly in view the chose~i oblertives
of their work.
11. It will be valuable to bring out a bulletin which will
periodically print the people's as well as PIGO workers' re-
views of on-going work. The bulletin should be oriented to
print not just "stories." but analytical reviews of o~'-cjoin$
work in the light of the objectives of the work, tr high-
lighting action and experiences most conducive to proniotioii
of these objectives, and to analysing failures to draw cc.~i-.
structive lessons from them. Articles in the bulletin shc~niri
be read and discus~ed in al.' base orqanist"?tions.
12. Needless to say, the NGQ shc'uld work so as to pioqres-
sively .make itself redundant, to any qroup or set of' groups
with which it has been workina intensive.Iy.

PROLOGO A UN LIBRO DE PABLO BIFANI
DESARROLLO Y MEDIO AMBIENTE
por Maurice F. Strong
410-1476 West Broadway
Vancouver, BC V6H 1H4, Canada
Riproducimos a continuaci6n el prolqo escrito ror Maurice F. Strong
p m et tibro de Pablo Bifani, Desmo'ilo y nedio mbiente*. Uaurice -
F. Strong, de Canada, fue et Secretario General de la Conferencia de las
Hacionee hidas sobre el rnedio ambiente (Estocolmo, 19721 y el primer
Director Ejecutivo del Progrma de las Ba.ci.ones Unidas para el Medio
ATlbie^te ( P M ) y es mienbro fundador ds IFCA.
Es my oportuno que el doctor Bifani haya terminado este
importante libro* en ei aiio del decimo Aniversario de la
Conferencia de la Naciones Unidas sobre el Medio Anbiente
Humano, que se llev6 a cabo er. Estocolmo en 1972. El prin-
cipal tema de la Conferencia fue la necesidad de reconciliar
la preocupaci6n por el rnedio ambiente con el imperative del
desarrollo econ6mic0, particularmente en el Tercer Mundo.
Pero una cosa es estar de acuerdo con esa tests a nivel
conceptual y otra bastante distinta aplicarla a niveles
prScticos, sobre 10s cuales son tomadas las decisiones que
conciernen a1 desarrollo,
En la d6cada que nos separa de la Conferencia de Estocolmo,
ha lleqado a ser cada vez mSs evidente que 10s mejores me-
dies efectivos, y frecuentemente 10s Cnicos, de hacer frente
a 10s inipactos ambientales de grandes proyectos y proqramas
para el desarrollo estZn en la primerisima fase del proceso
ae planif icaci6n. Una consideraci5n plena y ob jetiva puede
ser dada a las consideraciones amhientales s61o durante la
fase de planificacitin como para asegurar que estgn completa-
mente incorporadas dentro del anSlisis global costo-benefi-
cio, sobre cuyas bases serSn tomadas las decisiones. Existen
muchisimos ejemplos de impactos ambientales que s610 se con-
sideran despues que el proyecto ha alcanzado la etapa en que
hay tal grace de cornpromiso cue 10s cambios serlan dificiles
o demasiado costosos de realizar.
Las Gnicas alternativas en esta etapa son frecuentemente
abortar el proyecto o continuar con 61, sabiendo que 6ste
producirS serias consecuencias medioambientales que podrian
hafcer side evitadas o mitiqadas, si hubiesen sido considera-
das en una etapa anterio~. Estos dilemas estSn acompanados
inevitablemente pot costos y conflictos sociaies, que pueden
* Publicado por MOW Minister& de Gbras PubZ'iaas y Urbanismo, Madrid,
Espa&, 193-1, ^p. 493.

Este libro va a1 ;:or4?5n de lsi relaci6n rie.i.arr'~llu-medio
ambisnt.s. L,:]a chro que ios asunto; ambientalea no p'~f.Jer;
ser considera'i-JS como meros hech;>s extemos y afect-223s pcr
el proceso de ;i~--;drrc'U.o, sir-io ?ono hechos intcinst,, ...;v 1.3timamente
,rslneion.-tJc~ :.ri a1 proceso mi.smo. EL :.oncebto mas
precise de des~rrollo Jebe inclnir tcrl2s 10s aspec~os dc le
vida hulr.ana y soi:ial, y no estar lj.~'.~tcido 3l ¡3trf?ch en-
, .
toque qua comp.ara el des-irrallo cor el craciniier.+~:, ec-;~::oiii~- -
CO. Coma La Declaraci6n de Cocoyoc zstipulaba:
EL este ^iiodo, prot,cger me jorar el 1ne~1.i J m.ni srici-- inipd:;'t.':vdo
sobre l ~ s valores y kx-i ~1.enest.ii.r hu-~.ar:.u, deb-: se: victi..como
la pri:nera i::ete de desair,~llo ra.;i:;r-.a1 y -1.2 con'.:, un
r:-.ro f'ecko -.esun33n'?. L:;s dife.r.i?nt.?o si.-iterp.:i':; d.': v::Lc!re.;
producirZin -31 ferenti"; '^ã^¥r.

a-i., y '-la pr-e.stai insuficiei-.tx atencifiri a la interacci6n de
10s di.vi='~:~~s elemer~tos sectoriales qde caracterizan 10s sisternas
L+LISJ.-efecto del mundo real.
For 1.o cornfin, el analisis del costo-heneficio ha side llev-
ado a cabo dentro du un ct.ntexto deinas-iadc restringido que
frecuentemente omite , de torrid cor.iplc.ta, La consideration de
los cosl-os y bereficios cue scn fundamentales en la determi-
riacifir. 4e las verciaderas consecuencias de una decisi6n, en
tgrminos ~5e ics 35,s amplios objetivos e intereses reales de
la sociedad. Nueatrcs sistemas de tona de decisiones deben
se'r red'Lser.ac3os para aseqt.rar que produzcar. las consecuen-
cias quo de3eair.o~
Tan-bi6n existen los problemas del conocimientc. La ecoloqia
y las cie~cias ambientales son uisciplinas relativamente
nuevas, y tcdavia no se han asimllado totalmente en 10s habitos
y prsctxcas de Los ~~suarios de las disciplinas tradicionales.
in cl us^ donde el conoc imiento estZ dispcnible, los
m6todes de uso ;r aplicaci6n del mismo hacla la tcma de deciaioiies
son cndavfa inadecuados, tienden a orientarse rn5s a
.apiicac:i.c?.ea se-'.-toria'ie~ qua int-erd< sciplinarias.
La e1c;buracifin 12e las nuevas herramentas y metodoloqlas
requeridas para hacer fr6:nt-e rie forma efect.iva a la torna de
decislones ~.ulttdiscLplinarias, requiere 1.2 capacidad de
percibir las cormecuencias de cacia :.ins de Ins acciones invo-
1ucraL.a~ en dl de.aarrolic de una riecisifin, y anticipar las
rnei'lidds

las necesidades de la ~oblaci6n. Virtualmente, en todos 10s
parses, la poblaci5n estS creciendo tanto en nihero como ex
sus demadas de una vida mejor. La relacion entre ".as necesi-
dades de la poblacion creciente y las presiones para el des-
arrollo de 10s recursos naturales es uno de 13s principalas
problemas que confrocta la actual comu~idad mufidial. Es un
problema de dimensior~es globales, per0 al que debe nacer
frente cada pals y cada region dentro del contexto de sus
propias condicicn-ss particulares. Sin embargo, cualquiera
que sean sstas condicicnes, deben inevitablemente afectar y
ser afectadas por las decisiones tomadas en reiaci.6n con
cuestiones partjc'l-iares del desanollo.
El carScter sist6r'iico del rundo real en "1 cual deben ser
tomadas las decisiones, no sol-o requiere que Las decisiones
sobre el desarrollo individual sean tomadas sobre la bass
del sistema total de causa y efecto.. sobre las cuales impac-
tan, sino que cada decision se relacione c&n tc'das 12s otras
decisiones que interactfian en la formacion y din2mica da
nuestro future en su conjunto. Este es clararc.ente un reque-
rimiento que no sera facii- de alcanzar. Sir. embargo, es ob-
jetivamente necesario si han de estar asegurados la sequ-
ridad y el biecestar de la familia huxana. La realidad as
que vivimos dentro de un sistema global, donde las acciones
tomadas en cualquier parte de 61, pueden afectar la salud y
el destino de todo el sistema. En el m5s amplio sentido,
estamos, por 10 tanto, obligados a idear un sistema de toma
de decisiones acorde con esta realidad.
El libro del doctor Bifani es urid notable contribution para
encaminarnos en esta direction. Denuestra clararnente La ne-
cesidad de integrar 10s aspectos ambientales er! 10s aspectos
econ6micos y sociales de la toma de decisiones, como una
parte integral del proceso de planificaci6n. Destaca una
metodologla especlfica basada en an enfoque sist6mico del
anSlisis, que incorpcia datos empiricos y experiencia con-
creta, mostrando sobre una base objetiva las interrelaciones
entre el sistema socioecon6mico y el sistema rnedioambiental,
y dando expllcitamente plena consicleracion a cuestiones so-
ciales y politicas. EstS basado er. el uso de solidos sis-
temas t6oricos, justi ficados por datos hist6ricus y met.odo-
loqia practica.
~ s t e libro es optimists. Aunque plantea 10s problemas y escollos
en Los modelos actuales de la planificacion del desarrollo
y la toma de decisiones, demuestra tambign que pueden
superarse con nuevos enfoques mSs globales y realistas a
la vez. Deja clarc que el hombre moderno es capaz de asumir
el control de su propic destino, que Los pasmosos podereri
que la ciei:cici y la i_e~i;~tl~yld han puesto er, nuest.rasi manos
pueden utiiizarse para lograr la clase de futuro a la que
aspiramos. Con este libro, el doctor Bifani pone de manifiesto
que es posible realizar esto, y ha estabiecido lineamientos
claros para llevarlo a cabo. El autor ha contribuido
notablemente a la realizacifin de los objetivos establecidos
por la comunidac? mundial en Ia Conferencia de Estocolmo.

ifda dossier 50 . november/decembpr 1985 third world space
THE WOMEN'S HilVF^ENT: A LATIN AXERlTAiY ?ERSPECFIVE
by Adriana Santa Cruz
Ferrpress-ILET
Casilla 16637, Correo 9
Santiago, Chile
l.?E5 viz be remembered as the yea? of the Ingest ever meting of w^en
from all uvrr the ylobe, partlu at the United Sations Corferenee but
pirnzrily at the Women's Forum in ukick 14,003 1Jonen par*ticipated. A
number of IF'% associates uere actively pr'ssert, and our readers ui11
find herwafter three regional perceptions (Latin America, Africa an6
Asia) of tke -present stage of the wmsn's ,mmerrent. It is our hope that
shc.lt be +: a pos-i.ti.on to publish moz2s n":rerGz'is [information and.
cfiatysis) on this ('pocl-maki~c; gathering.
Our Latin America, so grand and full of contrasts, is hard
to describe from a bird's-eye VT-PW or sum up with the stroke
of a pen. The same can be said of the Women's Decade. These
have been years, as WP say iieie, of "sweetness and lard",
with much to celebrate and more than a little to lament.
The fact that, in this part of the Third World, women are
spared the barbarity of clitoridectomy, the practice of open
poligamy and the obligation of veiling their faces, are ad-
vances we d-' not owe to this Decade. Our "machisma" does not
always reveal its evils so openly. But how dramatic it is
that the real women of our continent are hidden behind the
image of the Transnational Feminine Model - that wealthy,
triumphant, North American or European woman removed from
:he context. of her real world and in search of a man, "re-
flected" and publicized by the mass media. It is tragic to
see how the abuse, battering and rapes suffered by so many
of the so-called weaker sex continue to be an open secret,
recognized by women's organizations only. The same blind eye
is fixed on the deaths of millions of women in abortions
that poverty could not afford. What about the knowledge that
unshared household chores - a responsibility for millions of
poorly-paid working women - are not Divine Law? Or legisla-
tion which assumes that the man is the head of the home
when, in some countries, more than half of the households
are headed by women? Or the regrettable absence of conscious
women from the halls of power, an obstinate lack which con-
tinues to deprive the world of humaneness and balance? And
last, but not least, what about the fact that the terms fe-
minism and feminist are still considered to be stigmas?
The list is long, and it doesn't end here. Frightened and
misinformed women help to perpetuate this state of affairs.
As educators, they don't question traditional roles. As vot-

ers, they cast ballots for men without demanding commxtment
to the women's cause. Women are largsly rCispons.,ble for the
election of Alfonsin in Argentina, but never before have
they been so under-represented in Parliament. In Ecuador,
the number of women representatives in Congress has droppad.
In April, the two feminist car.di:lates runrung Lor the Peru-
vian Congress were riefiiated. And, in Chile, a re.'e::f S-. rvey
reveals that women are a majority among those still support-
ing the military regime,
Add to this desolate panorama kY.a fact th2t the 2nd of the
Decade finds us in the midst of a deep econcmic, social an..?
political crisis. The region is burdened by foreign debt and
the imperial policies of Ronald Reagan in Central America.
It is the women of this continent who suffer the effects of
the crisis most acutely, for the rope always breaks at its
weakest point.
Fortunately, these ten years have given us much to celebrate
as well. The greatest achievements, it must be said, have
not occured at the government level but in the "i;on--;overri-
mental" world. Even the signing and ratification of tha
United Nations Convention for the Non-Discrimination c Wo-
men has been difficult to achieve, let alone put into prac-
tice. But among the millennia1 prejudices and taboos, the
empty promises of modernity and the obvious lack of resourc-
es, a web is being woven in Latin America whose threads are
clearly penetrating the fabric of society. This Dec,id.:- has
witnessed the emergence not only of women's movemants but
also of concepts destined to bring about unpredictable
changes. What the Decade has really shown us is that this
challenge is more than a ten or twenty year affair.
In the shadow ~f the Left
The process of organizing and consciousness-raising has qct
been uniform throughout the region. The Central Ariencan
nations are different from those countries wir'h have scrupulously
preserved their democracies, while, in the Southern
" -one, nations sank into the darkness of right-wing military
dictatorships or are lust beginning to recover.
It is also important to distinguish between won'en's an 1 fe-.
minist movements, although they are closely linked. In Latin
America, both have grown under the shadow of the Left, fruit'
which they inherit their strength and weakness. The majority
of organized women in this continent come fiom the poorest
urban and peasant sectors, where organization is the result
of the struggle to satisfy such basic needs as housing,
health, food and jobs.
It is astonishing that ev,en feminist movements led by middle-
class intellectuals still focus their activity exclusively
on lower-income women. Thus, they lack the strategies to
convince their own class, so staunchly set in opposition to
feminist ideals. Women's specific demands, tenaciously sub-

ordinate* to the class problem by the Left, have been the
source of tension and recriminations.
Even iri Cuba. however, the Federacicn d.? Mujeres has recenti.y
beqiin to question the revolutionary justification behind
the fact that. women run home to cook and clean while their
c o m n a have ~ ~ ~ time to devote to union or party activities.
The women of Hicaraqua, El Salvador and Grenada have lived
. .
at. war wi-cri :::;itii American imperialism, while the women of
Chile, Paracuay and, until recently, Araeni-ina arid Uruguay,
struqqle against nght-winq military rule and misery. As a
result, even organized women often view with suspicion and
sonetimes open rage the feminist call for autonomy from
patriarchal power, a presence still stronqly felt in the
parties of the Left.
The divided Left, incapable of generating the confidence and
consensus it needs to overcome its own popularity crisis, is
dragging the women's movement along with it. For the first
time in Latin America, two "admitted" feminists sought seats
in the Peruvian Parliament, as candidates for the Izquierda
Unida (United Left). Their defeat seems to indicate that
neither the parties nor women in general appreciated the
alliance.
For the moment, the initiative towards autonomy and the in-
sistence upon the specific nature of women's problems are
charged with guilt. For a social movement so closely linked
to political, social and economic realities, misery and the
systematic abuse of human rights do matter, and a lot.
perhaps it is this dilemma that puts Ilati.- America a t 2
forefront of tmiorrow's challenge: the opportunity to con-
front the inequalities of class and qender simultaneously.
-p--
The Catholic Church, a great promoter of grassroot organi-
zations, has reacted with sensitivity and support to demands
for the satisfaction of basic needs. But the church is also
a powerful obstacle to the resolution of such dramatic prob-
lems as abortion, contraception and divorce, issues hotly
debated in Mexico and Brazil, and more discreetly discussed
elsewhere.
Feminine solidarity
Latin Americans legitimately question the stated objective
of the Women's Decade. The incorporation of women into de-
velopment. "What kind of development?" they say, and "We
women have always been an essential part of development,
since the beginning of time." Yet today we are witnessing
the tremendous growth of research to rescue women's history,
to identify forms of gender discrimination, to expose fal-
lacies and justifications and to break these patterns
through research-action projects. Women's centers, legal aid
offices, health projects and the like have made their ap-
pearance in most of the countries in the region. Magazines,
bulletins, radio and TV shows, regional information networks

(Unidad de Comunicacion Alternative de la Mujer, ISIS, La
Tribunal, health, research (ALACEM) and even news services-
(DIM and Fempress) have been launched (and sometimes dis-
banded). Such efforts reinforce one another to overcome ato-
mization and are living proof of the Latin Americanist voca-
tion of the region's women's movement. None of these tasks
are simple, and all require enormous involvement and compli-
city in order to take advantage of chronically scarce re-
sources and space.
This period has also seen the proliferation of hundreds of
meetings and seminars at local, national and regional level,
particularly over the past five years. Specialization is now
a necessity, as the wealth of accumulated knowledge no long-
er fits within one office, much less a single mind. This has
been made possible by the foreign funding generated during
the Decade and by the pressure which supportive women in the
industrialized nations exert on their own governments.
The influence of feminism
Despite the prejudices held against feminism, its influence
is significant and there are reasons to believe that we are,
indeed, at the doorstep of utopia. For instance:
. The most lucid studies have been conducted by feminist
women, or researchers often become "converts" along the way.
At the Non-Governmental Regional Conference held last Novem-
ber in Havana to evaluate the Decade, feminists conducted
most of the workshops, winning recognition for their object-
ive capabilities.
. It is no longer sufficient just to question the discri-
mination of women at the public level. The issue now is how
to value and share domestic work and how to bring private
matters into public debate. As the women of Chile demand in
street demonstrations: "we want democracy In our country and
in our homes. "
. In "development projects", in community organizations
promoted massively by the Catholic Church, in unions and in
women's branches of politica.1 parties where women's issues
have not been dealt with specifically, rebellion is now more
than a murmer. For example, it is no longer common to hear
that: "sexuality is a luxury, a concern only for those who
have overcome hunger and poverty." A case in point is the
women's program of the Vicarfa Norte, a church project in
Santiago, Chile, coordinating more than 140 women's groups.
After six years, and despite frequent failures of these
groups to fulfil their specific goals, the organizations
hold together. "Beyond the need for things we call basic,"
says a program organizer, "it. seems there is a need for
identity. "
. After the electoral defeat in Argentina, women's groups
formed La Multisectorial, a coalition to lobby specificallv

on behalf of women's issues. The group has already obtained
legislation establishing Shared Patria Pctestad and is now
threatening to cast blank votes if women are not better po-
sitioned in upcoming legislative elections.
. In Uruguay, attempts were made to isolate women's orga-
nizations from La ConcertaciGn Democrstica, a move which
kindled solidarity among them and led to the creation of the
Plenario de Mujeres. Here, party differences have been set
aside and combined pressure placed on behalf of a program
demanding changes in practically every area imaginable.
GRECMU, a study center with a clearly feminist orientation,
is a leading consultant to this task.
. As never before, candidates seek the support of the
feminine public, if for no other reason than electoral dema-
goguery. Allan Garcra, President of Peru, has stated that he
doesn't want his daughters to grow up in a patriarchal so-
ciety. In Costa Rica, one Presidential candidate proposed a
woman for the Vice Presidency. Alfonsin in Argentina and the
late Tancredo Neves in Brazil insistently sought the votes
of women to win electims.
. The Colombian government has CO-financed a regional
health meeting with a decidedly alternative orientation. In
Brazil, an Integral Regional Aid Program for Women's Health
is incorporating many of the long-standing recommendations
of the feminist movement. Some states are mass-producing
feminist health literature and some have asked the feminist
organisations themselves to implement these programs.
. Perhaps the greatest achievements are planted in seeds
only beginning to bear fruit. Pay for housework is still a
long way off, but at least it is acknowledged as work.
Today's statesmen feel more progressive when they surround
themselves with women (Venezuela had five women Cabinet Min-
isters in the previous administration). No longer do women
accept male prerogatives passively, and some men are begin-
ning to exhibit a certain amount of bad conscience. Now-
adays, they are more sensitive to a well-constructed argu-
ment revealing a flagrant case of discrimination.
Looking to the future
Although much of this effort to research and organize has
taken place over the last few years, most women have never
heard of the Decade bearing their name. It would be absurd
to pretend that the discrimination experienced by women is a
ten-year matter. The question is raised if, after Nairobi,
funding for women's programs will decrease. There are rea-
sons to hope chat the countries which have carried the -Larc;-
est financial burden, like Sweden, Norway, Canada and the
Netherlands, will continue their support, for they are na-
tions where women have waged a long and fruitful battle for
equality. Some Protestant churches will also continue their
support as they understand the difficulty of the chal.lenge.

The United Nations Voluntary Fund for Women will be main-
tained. But there is concern that the embryo is not mature
enough to survive on its own, and the possibility of self--
financing is premature. In the United States, the Reagan
administration looks at the women's cause throughout the
world exclusively in terms of the Cold War, an attitude
which even threatened to iriterr-.ipt the Nairobi conference.
The suspension of US funds is definitely at scake.
Beyond these essential funding pioblems, the women's move-
ments of Latin America face a series of challenges. Among
them:
. To solve the problem of autonomy as a social movement
and to better negotiate specific women's issues w1.t.hout
weakening other social struggles or appearing as a substi-
tute for political parties. Women's movements must demand
serious consideration as a social force within political
parties and recognition of their enriching and deeply demo-
cratizing nature. Political parties, for their part, must be
pushed to tackle the problems of gender discrimination.
. To greater emphasize the movement's profoundly humari-
zing vocation, and not to be limited to denouncing and de-
manding. For example, feminism is viewed as "pro-abortion",
"anti-maternity", "anti-family" and even "anti-love". These
myths must be bro~en if the prejudices constraining the le-
gitimacy of the movement are to be surmounted.
. To outgrow, as an alternative movement, a certain voca-
tion for marginality. It is important to obtain access to
mass media and to influence even the soap operas, radio
dramas and "foto-novelas" so popular in the region, without
giving up alternative media. More efforts to communicate are
imperative in order to close the gap between public opinion
and the knowledge of a few.
. To overcome the trauma of power. Repulsion against au-
thoritarianlsm and the critical position of women towards
the institutions which have isolated them historically make
the exercise of power difficult. Power must be viewed as
power to accomplish.
. To find ways to reach middle class women, so great in
number and so significant when the time comes to vote. In
countries like Brazil, Argentina and Chile, for example,
middle class women have been a determinating force in the
breakdown of democracy, due to their susceptibility to
anti-communist rhetoric. It is imperative to work with these
women to increase their personal awareness and political
maturity.
The task of guarding against all forms of exploitation and
subordination in society is one we cannot abandon, but the
women's movement must, by definition, incorporate women
into its cause.

Today the world is in crisis and its impact on the countries
and people of the Third World has beer, very severe, in this
context, Africa is the most affected continent as this eco-
nonic crisis is aggravated by natural disasters such as
drought in many parts of the continent. Howec~er, the majcr
problems faced by Africa are external domination, misplaced
priorities of existing development strategies resultin? in
internal mismanagement. We note the disproportionate alloca-
tion of the national budget in favour of military expendi-
ture at the expense of basic hunkan need. Past experience has
shown that the total emancipation of women and their full.
participation in the governance of their societies depend
largely on the socio-economic and political conditions in
which they live.
It is with this realisation and the need to express our deep
concern of the present crisis and to propose an alternative
vision that we, African Women at the Xon-Governmental forum
Nairobi '85 unanimously declare the following manifesto.
THE UN DECADE FOR WOMEN 1975-1985
As the Decade conies to an end, we affirm that the United
Nations Decade for Women with its bold themes: development,
peace and equality, has brought some gains to women and
sharpened our understanding of the multiplicity of issues
that still need to be addressed in order to reach these ob-
jectives. More concretely the decade has drawn world atten-
tic:) to the fact that gender hierarchy is as grave a stum-
bl-ing block as the question of class, race and ethnicity on
the road to the emancipation of humanity. Thus a decade can
only highlight the complexity of the problems and is by far
too short to solve these problems.
We recognise steps taken by African governments to promote
women's advancement such as the creation of national machin-
enes and other projects. These steps have not been adequate
to liberate women in Africa. Contrary to efforts to relegate
the concerns of women to isolated projects and limited to
the arena of social welfare, we assert that the issues of
concern to women are inextricably political.
APARTHE ID
The apartheid policies in South Africa, the illegal occupa-
tion of Namibia and the aggression against the frontline
* The African Women Manifests is the result of an initiative taken by
the Association of Afvisun Women for Research and Development (AAUCRD),
Women of Nigeria (WIN) arid the Zambian Research Group on Women {ZAR).

states ale totally unacceptable to ail African people, particularly
to the mothers and (2srqhter~ of Africo. African
people can, and will, fight ar.d st-ruqqle ror the i-iberaticri
of all Africa from apartheid, imperialism, eror.onic r-xploi-.
tation =id setrler color.ialism. Africari women have b~irlt- the
brrnt of the exploitative relationships result in^ frur
apartheid and have been in the foretrorit of the struggle,
and have born new generations to contin'i-.e that str-uqgle.
We appreciate the world outcry against apartheid and aqcjres-
sion in Southern Africa. However, our sisters and brothers,
friends and supporters around the world must be prepared to
move beyond mere conden:nation of the irrmoial, exp.' oitative
and genocidal pcliciea and practices of aparthe-iz - which
cannot be justified by any rational person. They nust be
prepared to give material and concrete support to this
struggle for self-determination.
We, therefore, urge all conscious, progressive fief'.-c'om-
loving people to loin in the call for mandatory economic,
military and technological sanctions against the governr-erit
of South Africa within their own countries as one c~mcrete
measure of support. We recognise, however, that even this is
not enough. They must also be prepared to provide r;;ater.ial
support to the freedom fighters in this struggle tor self-
determination; and to the frontline states so that they can
continue to stand firm against the aggression of South Afri-
ca and in support of the liberation an2 self-dai-erininaticn
of South Africa and Namibia. Within this struggle women's
organisations should play a leading role in the implementa-
tion of these sanctions and provide consistent solidarity to
the specific struggle of women within the liberatiori move-
ment. We affirm the need to address the emancipation of wo-
men simultaneously with national liberation.
We consider the time ripe to stop fruitless dialogue on the
South Africa/Namibia issues. We as Africans, have to realise
that no amount of 'constructive disengagement' can free our
people from aggression and human degradation in Southern
Africa. However, the inability of African leaders to go be-
yond dialogue on apartheid in South Africa is understood to
be largely due to the fact that the economies of most Afri-
can countries are tied to the apron strings of the transna-
tional corporations which fuel apartheid policies in South
Africa. In this light, we consider IMF a further mortgaqe of
political and economic independence which would guarantee
the self-determination of the future of African people then-,-
selves.
We, African women gathered in Nairobi '35, recognise the
detrimental impact of apartheid on women and children and
commend the women's role's in their bid to free humanity from
the shackles of oppression. We consider the women's noble
roles exemplary and a source of inspi-ration to massive wo-
men's participation in issues affecting the societies in
which they live. We declare our unalloyed commitment to the

cause for which they are fighting. Finally, we recognise the
connection between the struggles against settler colonialism
in Palestine, and the indigenous people of the Americas and
the struggle for national sovereignty of the people in Nica-
ragua and the rest of Central and South America.
EXPLOITATIVE MONETARY POLICIES
In the rest of Africa, the colonial and neo-colonial experi-
ence, the major feature of which was external orientation,
has mostly benefited the countries of the North at the ex-
pense of those of the South. In addition development stra-
tegies which depend on external finance, technology and ad-
vice have contributed to the current economic and social
crisis in Africa such as the food crisis, unemployment mas-
sive displacement of population, political and religious
fundamentalism, and very damaging adjustment policies as a
result of loar conditionality. We call particular attention
to the current restrictive monetary policies that are being
imposed on African countries by international financial and
aid donor agencies.
These policies include higher school costs, cuts in social
services, retrenchments in employment, removal of almost all
state subsidies, higher cost of food etc. These measures
affect the majority of the population especially the poor.
However, given gender hierarchies within the household which
result in unequal distribution of resources, work and in-
come, women bear the brunt of these policies.
Lower educcttiondl ei-irollment and higher cost of schooling
mean even less access to education for girls and women. Cuts
in social services mean more work and longer hours for women
who have to care for the sick and the old. Rising unemploy-
ment means both that women lose jobs first and that, because
of the lack of employment and other income generating ac-
tivities, women are forced into low paying jobs or prostitu-
tion in order to ensure family survival, as evidenced by the
fact that in all African countries women form the majority
of the so-called "Informal sector". Higher food prices re-
quire women to labour even more for income generation and in
family maintenance activities. In managing to ensure their
own and their families' survival under these conditions,
women have demonstrated their resourcefulness and underlined
their importance to national survival.
AGRICULTURE AND THE FOOD CRISIS
Today most of Africa suffers from one of the worst aqricultural
and food crises in recorded history. The main features
of this crisis are the lack of adequate food, water and
fuel, all of which are vital concerns in women's lives and
responsibilities. This crisis is a result of both colonial
export-oriented agricultural policies which failed to assess
the issue of national and food self-sufficiency.

A concrete result of this policy is the total neglect of
local methods of production and food crops that are mostly
produced by women. Of equal significance is the unequal ac-
cess to factors of production by the malority of agricultu-
ral producers, particularly women. Similarly, the lack of
innovation in areas of food processing, storage and market-
ing, all of which render women's tasks extremely arduous and
time-consuming. Thus, we emphasise that women and children
remain victims of food shortage, famine and drought.
However, we strongly deplore the current Western media cre-
ated image of the famine and especially its use to portray
Africa as a continent unable to feed itself or to devise its
own development strategy. This imagery, in addition to ag-
gravating Africa's dependence on food and technological in-
puts, underestimates the achievements in agricultural pro-
duction, especially women's capacity to feed the population.
We further deplore the selective attribution of famine and
the overall food crisis to population growth for which women
are blamed and subsequent efforts to control their fertili-
ty. We affirm the riqht of African women to exercise their
reproduction rights.
Finally, we emphasise the fact that the solution of the food
crisis is not through receipt of external hand-outs, but
through the adoption of a development strategy that has na-
tional food self-sufficiency and equit.able distribution of
food to all sectors of society as its priority. Such a stra-
tegy must recognise the central role played by women in food
production, processing distribution and marketing.
DISPLACEMENT OF POPULATION
The world-wide economic recession which has disrupted the
economics of Africa has triggered internal and external po-
litical unrest and wars, resulting in the massive displace-
ment of population as refugees. Women and children are the
most affected by the consequent immense hardships in foreign
environments as they often lack the requisite skills. Re-
pressive immigration policies have cropped up to deal with
this massive refugee problem. Equally unsatisfactory are the
short-term relief measures in the form of food aid and ref-
ugee camp settlements.
Most importantly needed is the identification and elimina-
tion of the contributing factors to the massive displacement
of people with a view to seeking long-term solutions.
Last, but not least, is the denial of citizenship riqnts to
men and women married to lion-nationals. Therefore a call is
made to review all such discriminatory immigration laws suf-
fered by displaced and immigrant populations with respect to
rights of travel, residence, employment and other civil lib-
erties. Measures should also be taken to counteract poten-
tial conflict and aggression between refugees and their host
communities.

FUNDAMENTALISM
In most Third World countries today, there is a resurgence
of religious, cultural and political fundamentalism which is
in part due to the economic crisis they are experiencing and
also to the failure of the governments of these countries to
establish democratic regimes that allow people to partici-
pate in the building of an egalitarian society. Fundamenta-
lism expresses itself in an alarming reinforcement of an-
cient and conservative socio-cultural religious mores which
are antithetical to the progress and development of the peo-
ple, particularly women.
Fundamentalism is retrogressive in that it lays the founda-
tion for the establishment of an authoritarian and milita-
ristic society. For women it is particularly dangerous be-
cause it questions the rights women have acquired during
this decade'. In the same vein, fundamentalism scapegoats
women for any infringement or decline of traditional socie-
ty, even though these changes are often in the very process
of change.
ALTERNATIVE VISIONS
It is widely recognised that Africa is in need of an alter-
native development as exemplified by the declaration of the
Lagos Plan of Action. However, despite its unanimous adop-
tion by the Organisation of African Unity, the plan has not
been implemented. A major stumbling block has been the im-
position of development strategies by external forces to
whom Africa's self reliant development would be inimical.
Africans should insist on their right to define and imple-
ment an autonomous development strategy. Women, as the group
most adversely affected by the existing development stra-
tegies! will have to be in the forefront of the definition
of a new self-reliant and people-centred development. This
strategy will have to recognise and build on their creative
potential and render them equal and active participants. As
the group who have been victims of a multiplicity of oppres-
sion, the fundamental principle informing women's vision is
the establishment of a democratic society that is against
all forms of exploitation and oppression - African Women in
Forum '85.
We recognise that such an alternative development strategy
requires certain preconditions. In the first place we call
for the cancellation of debts as these have not benefited
the majority of Africa's peoples, least of all women. We
note that it is unrealistic to expect viable development to
be initiated while the burden of IMF and World Bank loans
are weighing on the daily lives of the poor, especially wo-
men. Similarly, we deplore the internal misallocation of
resources and the concentration of its benefits in the hands
of a few.

ASIAN WOPIEN SPEAK OUT
During the decade various attempts have been made by Asian
feminists to reach out to speak to each other, and while
recognising the commonalities and the differences of our
lives, situations and our struggles, we have been trying to
evolve a common conceptual framework and common strategies
towards the new society that we seek. To this end, women
from 16 Asian countries decided to work on individual coun-
try reports on the impact of the Decade on the women in
their countries and to undertake an analysis of women's
struggles and feminist consciousness in each country.
Representatives from these 16 countries then met under the
banner of the Asian Women's Research and Action Network to
assess the Decade on the Asian level. Fourteen of the re-
ports were subsequently brought together in a Consolidated
Asian Report.
From the individual country reports, it became clear that
despite the diversity in this region, Asian women were ex-
ploited and oppressed in the home, at work and in society,
and that this situation was getting worse.
The reasons for the subjugation of Asian women are politi-
cal, economic and cultural with patriarchy cutting across
all three spheres. The liberation of women therefore must
encompass all three spheres and must., at the same time,
fight against patriarchy. In other words, Asian women must
see their struggle as all-encompassing and this struggle
must be for national, that is, a structural transformation.
Women's groups and movements
The Women's Movement in itself was discussed in great detail
in terms of what constitutes the movement. The different
kinds of women's organizations that exist in the region were
analyzed. The organisations identified fall into the follow-
ing categories:
1. Professional organisations usually with an internatio-
nal or national identity.
2. Women's social welfare organisations which usually do
charity work. They must exist at all levels - from national
down to the village level.
3. Women's wings or arms of mixed groups such as political
parties, trade unions, peasant organisations and religious
organisations.
4. Women's equal rights groups which seek equal rights
within the system.

5. Women action groups which come together for specific
issues.
6. Feminist groups. This last may be differentitated in
terms of the following:
a) Those which function or challenge patriarchy and
have a democratic collective structure with a feminist
perspective,
b) Those which have the four dimensions of national,
class, gender and cultural-religion/ethnicity/caste.
While all the above have specific roles to play in the move-
ment, we believe that the feminist movement working side by
side with the movements of other oppressed masses will fully
achieve the national transformation and the new society that
we seek.
The Feminist Movement works hand in hand with progressive,
democratic and left forces for national transformation of
society. But we believe that it must remain autonomous from
the political parties to be able to influence such forces,
and so the women's issue will not be subsumed. The Women's
Movement must continue its efforts at networking - within
the nation, within the subregion and also internationally.
With this perspective in mind, AWRAN planned transnational
Asian researches on the following subjects:
Impact of population control policies on the Asian women
Violence against women
Industrial health hazards
Tourism and prostitution
Rise of women as sex symbols, creative works of women
in terms of poems, songs, theatre, etc.
Women and rural technology, vocational education
Migrant domestic helpers, migrant women workers
Women and peace, disarmament
Problems of minority women
Training/organising technology, joint workshops, inventory
of researches, bibliography of women's studies,
internship programme exchange.
(Contact addresses: irene M. Santiago, e/o Philipina, FOB 208, Davao
City 9501, Philippines, phone 7-95-58, 6-39-49 and Teresita Quintoz
Deles, cfo PhiLipina, AWR.4N Secretariat, 12 Pasaje dela Paz, Project 4,
Quezon City, Philippines, phone 77-53-41).

SUR LE CONCEPT DE DECONNEXION ("DEL INKING")
par Samir Amin
Forum du Tiers Monde
BP 3501
Dakar, Senegal
Le concept de cufcouplage ou 'de'connexion' plus connu sous son non ang-
lais de 'delinking', est souvent mat cornpris. It nous a pami intdressant
de donner la parole 2 I 'm des th4oriciens principaux de cette poZiti-
que, non qu'il s'agisse de l'approuver ou de 'La. rejeter, mis, want
tout, de savoir de quoi il s 'agit.
1. La crise du developpement, S' inscrivant dans la crise
generate du systsme mondial, a conduit A remettre en ques-
tion les strategies de developpement "ouvertes sur llextS-
rieur", et fondees sur une participation approfondie & la
division internationale du travail. Dans ce cadre, Ie terme
de "d6connexion" ("delinking") est entree dans le langage
courant, et son usage s'etend chaque jour. Cette extension
s'accompagne, come cela est souvent le cas, d'une degrada-
tion progressive du sens. En general, Ie terme est devenu un
synonyme ou presque d'"autarcie", absolue ou relative, c'est
h dire, de retrait des Gchanges commerciaux, financiers et
technologiques extgrieurs.
Nous avons soutenu, et continuons h soutenir, la thSse selon
laquelle Ie "sous-d6veloppementt' (terme relatif) est 1'en-
vers du "d6veloppement", c'est A dire, l'un et l'autre les
deux faces de l'expansion - par nature insgale - du capital.
Le developpement des pays de la pSriphSrie du systsme capi-
taliste mondial passe de ce fait par une "rupture" ngces-
saire avec celui-ci, une "d6connexion", c'est A dire, le
refus de soumettre la strategic nationale de developpernent
aux imperatifs de la "mondialisation". Mais le sens que nous
donnons au concept de "d6connexion" n'est pas du tout syno-
nyme d'autarcie. Ce sens est Ie suivant: organisation d'un
systSme de critsres de la rationalit6 des choix economiques
fond6 sur une loi de la valeur A base nationals et A contenu
populaire, indspendant des critSres de la rationality econo-
mique tels qu'ils ressortent de la domination de la loi de
la valeur capitalists operant A 1'6chelle mondiale.
L'objet de cette note breve est: (i) d'expliciter le sens de
cette definition et de l'illustrer par un schema comparatif;
(ii) de montrer que les strategies de developpement fondees
sur l'une et l'autre de ces formes de la loi de la valeur
conduisent A des resultats fonciSrenent differents; et (iii)
d'explorer quelques unes des relations entre ce choxx alter-
natif et la question des "relations exterieures" (ou de
l'autarcie) .
* In English, The future of Maoism (Neu York: Monthly Press, 1%).
3 8

Nous nous inspirons Gtroitement dans cette note de nos deve-
loppements qui constituent la premiere partie (pp.7 2 37) de
L'Avenir du Maoisme (Paris: Ed. de Minuit, 1981) * oil nous
avons prgcisement aborde en detail cette question. Nous ne
donnerons done ici qu'un schema simplifi6, allSg6 des etapes
techniques de la demonstration, renvoyant le lecteur int6-
ress6 sventuel A ce texte.
2. On veut done comparer deux strategies. La premiere est
tondee sur l'option politique d'un dsveloppement national
autocentre A partir de l'abolition des formes dominantes de
la propriete privee du sol et des usines, prenant l'aqricul-
ture pour base, c'est A dire, n'envisaqeant aucun pr6leve-
ment force sur les paysans pour "accelerer l'industrialisa-
tion" et optant pour une distribution du revenu la plus 6ga-
litaire possible (notamment entre revenus ruraux et salaires
ouvriers). La seconds est fondSe sur les lois de l'accumula-
tion du capital dans une sociStS de classes int@grGe h la
division internationale du travail, 03 l'on considere par
consequent la rentabilite comparee des choix 6conomiques sur
la base de la loi de la valeur capitalists mondiale comme la
reference supsrieure de lqefficacitS.
Dans les deux cas compares, on suppose que l'on se trouve au
depart (antlee 0) dans la meme situation, celle d'un pays
sous-developpc5 encore larqement rural (80% de la popula-
tion), A l'aqriculture attardse et industrialisation em-
bryonnaire.
3. Nous decrivons dans ce qui suit les deux structures de
dSpart (ann6e O), selon qu'elles sont fondees (i) sur la loi
de la valeur A base nationale et contenu populaire; ou (ii)
sur la loi de la valeur capitaliste mondiale. On admet qu'il
est necessaire de donner A chaque production (de biens de
production ou de biens de consommation, produits par les
ruraux ou les urbains, commercialises ou autoconsomm~s) un
'prix" et on choisit comme unit@ de mesure des valeurs,
11unit6 de temps de travail.
3.1 Que signifie choisir "la loi de la valeur sur une
base nationale et avec un contenu populaire"? Cela signifie
que l'on £er en sorte que Ie produit net de la soci@t6 (la
valeur ajoutee ou la production totale deduction (faite des
consommations productives), posS 6gal 21 100 (milliards
d'unites monetaires), sera partage entre ruraux et urbains
en proportion de leur apport de quantity de travail (pose
Sgale & leur proportion dans la population, soit 80 et 20) .
On deduira de cette option politique Ie systsme de prix (du
bl6, du metre de cotonnades, du kilo d'engrais, etc.) et de
remuneration du travail (salaire annual) qui lui correspond.
3.2 Que siqnifie choisir "la loi de la valeur capita-
liste mondiale"? Cela signifie choisir come "prix de refe-
rence" pour fonder la rationalit6 des choix de developpement
Ie systsme des prix dominants, ceux qui reflStent les ni-
veaux de productivit6 atteints dans les pays industrialises.

On mesure la productivit6 du travailleur d'une branche en
divisant la valeur ajoutee dans cette branche par Ie nombre
de travailleurs occupes dans la branche consid6ree. Ainsi
mesuree, la productivite est inferieure tant dans l'agricul-
ture que dans l'industrie (et les services) des pays du
Tiers Monde comparativement A ce qu'elle est dans les pays
industrialists. Mais elle est inggalement inferieure. Dans
l'ensemble industrie/services, elle est trois tois moindre,
c'est A dire, que Ie quotient, valeur ajoutee dans l'indus-
trie et les services, divise par nombre des employes dans
ces secteurs, sur base 100 pour l'ensemble des pays de
l'OCDE, est A l'indice 33 pour l'ensemble des pays du Tiers
Monde. Par centre dans l'agriculture, Ie rapport est de 10
(pour les pays industrialists) A 1 (pour les pays du Tiers
Monde). Si l'on adopte done Ie systsme des prix de reference
du capitalisme d6velopp6, la valeur ajoutee par tfite sera
dans Ie pays sous-developp6 trois fois superieure dans le
secteur urbain & ce qu'il est dans Ie secteur rural. Les
termes agriculture et industrie sont pris ici dans un sens
illustratif. Des differences de productivite non moins im-
portantes separent la production urbaine dite "informelle"
de celle des secteurs modernes. sur la base d'une decontrac-
tion en vingt branches, les 6carts moyens de productivite
s1@talent de 1 & 3 pour les pays industrialists, de 1 A 25
pour ceux du Tiers Monde.
Le tableau ci-dessous resume la difference des structures
correspondant aux deux options concernant la loi de la va-
leur, pour le mfime pays, ann6e 0:
Population Valeurs ajoutges Valeurs ajoutges par tete
Loi Valeur Loi Valeur Loi Valeur Loi Valeur
Base nationale Capitalists Base nat.et Capit.
et populaire mondiale populaire mondiale
Ruraux 80 8 0 57 1 ,OO 0,71
Urbains 20 2 0 4 3 1,OO 2,15
Total 100 100 100 1,OO 1 ,OO
3.3 La difference majeure que nous avons voulu faire
ressortir dans ce qui prgcSde est independante de la struc-
ture de classes et de la repartition de la valeur ajoutge
qui en resulte.
Bien entendu, on peut faire ressortir des hearts encore plus
marques entre les deux modSles si l'on fait intervenir ces
structures de classes. Un "contenu populaire" pour Ie pre-
mier modSle suppose une distribution aussi Sgaie que pos-
sible, pour les paysans, autour de la moyenne nationale
1,00, et une distribution aussi Sgale que possible, autour

de la m@me moyenne, pour l'ensemble des salaries urbains,
les ecarts n16t.ant ici que justifies sur la base individuel-
Ie par la quantitS et la qualite (ainsi que la qualifica-
tion) du travail. Par centre, si l'on considSre la realit6
du Tiers Monde capitalists, nous aurons: (i) deux cinquiS-
mes du produit net de l'agriculture accapares par la rente
des propriStaires; (ii) un partage du revenu urbain en trois
fractions Squivalentes: un tiers aux salaires et revenus des
travailleurs peu qualifies (eux-memes trois quarts des ac-
tifs), un tiers aux couches moyennes (un quart des actifs)
et un tiers au titre des revenus de la propriete et du capi-
tal. Dans ces conditions, par rapport & la moyenne nationale
1,00 Ie revenu moyen des paysans tornbe 0,60; celui des
travailleurs urbains & 0,43 tandis que celui des couches
moyennes s1@16ve h 1,75. Ces dernieres proportions sont trSs
proches des realitts mesurges statistiquement ici et lh.
4. A partir de ces deux bases, nous decrivons les contenus
et resultats de deux strategies de d6veloppement au terme de
10 ans, l'une fondee sur les principes de la valeur natio-
nale et populaire, l'autre, ceux de la valeur capitaliste
mondiale .
Pour rendre la comparaison valable, nous faisons des hypo-
theses communes aux deux modeles soit: (i) une croissance
globale de la population & 2% l'an; (ii) une amelioration de
la productivit6 aqricole (produit net par actif rural) au
taux de 2% l'an; (iii) une amelioration de la productivit6
industrie-services (produit net par actif urbain) au taux de
3% l'an; (iv) que ces progrss de la productivit6 exigent
dans les deux modgles le m&ne effort d'investissement et une
croissance analogue des consommations productives (en gros
done, les rn@mes types de technologie).
4.1 Dans la strategic nationale populaire, les prix
relatifs des difftrents produits sont modifies (de pSriode
en periode) pour refl6ter les progrSs intgaux de la produc-
tivitt et llimpact des consommations productives en crois-
sance insgale. Mais on veille A ce que les revenus paysans
et ouvriers - ou plus qSn6ralement, come on 1'a vu, les
revenus des travailleurs des differents secteurs, branches,
groupes dlentreprises ou entreprises ayant des productivit6s
inegales - restent tgaux entre eux et on place Ie niveau de
leur croissance commune a la hauteur autorisee par la crois-
sance globale, deduction faite de llinvestissement neces-
saire. Le surplus est centralise par 1'Etat et redistribue
en fonction des besoins sectoriels de croissance. La force
de travail est egalement distribute en fonction de la crois-
sance urbaine absolue et relative exiqiSe par la croissance
plus forte de l'industrie.
Dans notre modsle (dont on trouvera la justification des
details dans l'ouvrage mentionne), la proportion de la popu-
lation rurale baissait de 80 a 70%. Compte tenu des exigen-
ces de l'investissement et de la croissance des consomma-
tions productives, les rgsultats du module Staient les sui-

vants: (i) croissance de la production rurale au rythme de
2,6% l'an; (ii) croissance de la production urbaine au
rythme de 10,2% 1'an (dont 8,6% pour les biens de consomma-
tion et 11,0% pour les biens de production) ; (iii) crois-
sance du revenu national au rythme de 4,9% l'an; (iv) crois-
sance de la consommation tant des ruraux que des urbains a
4% l'an (2% par tete) et structure evolutive analogue de
cette consommation dans sa repartition rurale et urbaine
entre ses diffgrents elements composants (alimentation, aut-
res besoins. . . ) .
4.2 Dans le modele illustrant la mise en oeuvre de la
strategic fondee sur la loi de la valeur capitaliste mon-
diale, nous admettons 1'hypothSse d'une croissance du PIB au
meme rythme (4,9% l'an). Nous admettons Ggalement que ce
resultat exige le m@me volume d'investissement et la mSme
croissance des consommations intermediaires. C'est dejS l&
une hypothese favorable car la distorsion en faveur des con-
sonunations des classes moyennes qui caracterise cette stra-
tggie implique des choix de production davantage intensives
en capital.
Deux differences s6parent cette strategic de La precedents.
D'une part, la force de travail est trait6e en marchandise,
le plein emploi n'est pas garanti par 1'Etat et l'exode ru-
ral non mattrise. D'autre part, lrGconomie, ouverte sur
l'exterieur, fait appel aux capitaux prives et & l'endette-
ment public exterieurs, dans l'espoir d'alleger ainsi Ie
poids de l'effort national d'epargne. Mais le modSle montre
que cet espoir est illusoire car le reflux des profits et
interets - proportionnel au capital exterieur accumul6 -
grandit & un taux plus Sieve que le PIB. Cela implique un
effort d'exportation soutenu lui-mSme A un taux 6lev6, re-
flet de la preference accordee aux pretendus "avantages com-
paratifs". Neanmoins, nous faisons encore ici des hypothSses
favorables: (i) que Ie flux d'entree de capitaux neufs com-
pensait le flux de sortie, evitant par l& toute crise de la
balance exterieure; et (ii) que les termes de liechange ex-
terieur demeuraient stables, excluant ainsi toute th6orie de
l'echange insgal et de l'accentuation du transfert de valeur
par inclusion dans celui-ci de transferts caches par la
structure meme des prix. La realits historique est moins
favorable: (i) les crises de la balance exterieure viennent
rSguliSrement bloquer les processus de croissance de la pe-
ripherie (la crise actuelle de la dette n'en est que Ie der-
nier exemple) et (ii) ces crises et les reajustements
qu'elles appellent, en approfondissant la participation a la
division internationale du travail dans des conditions defa-
vorables, constituent'la base de l'echange inegal.
Le modsle donnait des resultats trSs differents du prece-
dent: (i) la croissance des revenus des travailleurs est
pratiquement annulee, parallsle seulement & celle de la d6-
mographie; (ii) par contre, la croissance des revenus des
classes moyennes atteint 6,6% l'an. Encore a-t-on fait ici
une hypothSse favorable, a savoir que l'epargne privee spon-

tanee dggagee de cette inegalite grandissante dans la dis-
tribution du revenu financait largement l'effort d'investis-
sement et compensait le reflux des profits etrangers. Or, l&
encore, l'histoire prouve que lfinGgalit6 encourage plus
laconsommation parasitaire que l'epargne, et que les taux
d'epargne collective les plus 6lev6s sont obtenus dans les
societes les moins inegalitaires.
Le modSle illustre done un type de d6veloppement qui est
marque par une inegalite grandissante, que l'on constate
effectivement & l'echelle de l'ensemble du Tiers Monde.
Cette inegalite - inherente aux choix opgrgs - n'est que Ie
reflet de la loi de l'accumulation du capital operant &
1'6chelle mondiale. Le d6veloppement est ici mU essentielle-
ment par deux forces: (i) la demande exterieure qui rend
possible les exportations, condition de l'importation, des
moyens de production necessaires et de la remuneration du
capital emprunte; (ii) la demande de consommation des clas-
ses moyennes qui se greffe sur la croissance.
5. Les deux modeles sont, come tous les modsles, illus-
tratifs. Par eux-m@mes, ils ne demontrent pas pourquoi tel
choix est op6r6, sous quellcs determinations sociales et
ideoiogiques. 11s n'ont pas ce pouvoir magique de substitu-
tion.
5.1 Le premier module est celui d'un dgveloppement au-
tocentre national et populaire. I1 consiste non pas renon-
cer A touts relation avec l'exterieur, mais A sournettre les
rapports exterieurs & la loqique d'un developpement interne
qui en est independant. Ce choix conduit effectivement A
attribuer une importance beaucoup moins decisive dux "avan-
tages compares" apparents et par IS mlme tend A rsduire,
toutes choses Sgales par ailleurs, Ie volume des Gchanges
commerciaux. Veiller $i l'equilibre des differentes produc-
tions - notamment agricoles et industrielles - rgduit les
risques de deficit conune le deficit alimentdire etc... C'est
pourquoi deconnexion eat assimilge si frgquemment & autar-
cie. Cependant, les dotations en ressources naturelles -
minerales - insuffisantes, surtout pour les pays de taille
moyenne et petite, Ie retard technologique et la difficult6
& fabriquer soi-m@me les biens de production sophistiques,
imposent l'importation et partant l'exportation pour la
payer. Mais la strategic considsre cela come un "mal neces-
saire" et vise A en reduire les cons6quences et Ie poids.
Le second modsle par centre met en relief Ie lien etroit qui
relie la structure de classes au choix do d6veloppement ex-
traverti. Les classes moyennes beneficient de ce choix, et
la vulnerabilite extgrieure de leur d6veloppement n'est qu'
une contrainte acceptee.
5.2 La premisre voie, diront certains, est celle du
socialisme, la seconde, celle du capitalisme. Nous sommes
plus nuances. La premiere voie est celle d'un developpement
national et populaire qui peut conduire au socialisme. Mais

le voie reste ouverte, entre une evolution dans ce sens et/
ou dans le sens d'une cristallisation d'un nouveau pouvoir
de classe. Sans doute, cette derniSre "deviation" implique-
t-elle une inegalit6 progressive plus marquee dans la dis-
tribution du revenu, fat-ce sans retour & la propriete pri-
vee des moyens de production. Mais de son c6t6, "116gal.~t6"
n'est pas une conditions suffisante au dgveloppement socia-
lists. La question du pouvoir effectif des travailleurs, sur
les lieux de production et dans la sociGt6 politique, d6-
passe de beaucoup celle de la "distribution du revenu". Par
ailleurs, m@me dans llhypothSse d'un blocage, relatif de
l'evolution et de la cristallisation d'une classe dirigeante
nouvelle, les distorsions dans Ie d6veloppement demeureront
moins fortes que dans Ie modsle capitaliste tant que les
critSres de choix restent nationaux (loi de la valeur natio-
nale) et que l'on refuse de fonder ceux-ci sur les "valeurs
internationales". Car, et nous Ie rappelons fortement, la
base premiSre de la distorsion, sa dimension preponderante,
resulte de la distance qui separe un systsme de valeurs na-
tionales du systSme de la loi de la valeur capitaliste mon-
dialisee. Certes La cristallisation d'une nouvelle structure
de classes appelle l'attirance des "valeurs internationa-
les", ne serait-ce que par le canal du prestige du modsle de
vie des classes moyennes du monde capitaliste.
5.3 La question de la technologie doit @tre remplacee
dans le cadre de ces choix. La dgconnexion n'implique pas Ie
refus de toute technologie GtrangSre, parce qu'elle est et-
rangare, au nom d'un quelconque nationalisme culturaliste.
Mais elle implique certainement que l'on soit conscient que
la technologie n'est neutre, ni par rapport aux rapports
sociaux de production, ni par rapport aux modules de vie et
de consommation. La priority donnee A l'entratnement de tout
Ie pays, tout le peuple, dans Ie processus du changement,
impose un melange de technologies modernes (importees even-
tuellement) et de renovation, amelioration des technologies
traditionnelles. Par centre, Le choix extraverti renforce
trSs certainement lSali6nation absolue dans la technologie
du capitalisme avarice.
5.4 Enfin, la deconnexion n'est nullement synonyms de
refus de participer aux courants scientifiques et ideologi-
ques mondiaux. Le nationalisme culturaliste passeiste est
sympt6me de crise, non reponse & celle-ci. I1 traduit l'im-
potence de societes dans l'impasse qui n'ont pas encore
trouve leur voie, associant efficacement renovation et con-
tinuite historique.
IFDA DOSSIER - TARIF DES ABONNEMENTS
fiord: 48 francs suisses ou 30 dollars US
Sud: 24 francs suisses ou 15 dollars US

SCIENCE TRANSFER FOR DEVELOPMENT
by Abdus Salam
The Third World Academy of Sciences
FOB 586
Miramare, 34100 Trieste, Italy
Professor Abdus Satan (Pakistan) uas awarded the 1373 Sobel Prize for
theoretical physics. He has run the International Centre for Theoretical
Physics sine its est^blishent in 1964 and in 1983 he founded the Third
Woz Id Academy of Sciences (cf. IFDA Dossier 46). The theme o: this arti-
cis is svmmarized in its second paragraph (see next page).
TRANSFERER LA SCIENCE POUR LE DEVELOPPEMENT
Resum" Le Professear Abdus Salam (Pakistan) a recu le Prix Nobel de
--p
physique thgorique en 1979. I1 dirige depuis sa fondation, en 1964, Ie
Centre international de physique theorique et a fond6 en 1983 1'Academie
des sciences du Tiers Monde (cf. IFDA Dossier 46). Sur la base de son
experience, il mop-tre que, ,a quatre exceptions prss, les pays du Tiers
Monde n'accoident qu'un interet marginal 2 la science come facteur de
dgveloppement, ce qui est 6galement vrai des institutions du systems des
Nations Unies, des agences d'aide au developpement et meme de la commu-
naut6 scientifique des pays industriels. I1 dgcrit la situation de la
science dans diverges categories de pays du Tiers Monde, plaide pour une
reconnaissance sgrieuse de son role dans Ie developpement et suggere ce
qui pourrait Stre fait, notament par les Nations Unies, pour amsliorer
la situation.
TRANSFERIR LA CIENCIA PARA EL DESARROLLO
Resumen: El profesor Abdus Salam (Pakistan) ha recibido el Premio N6bel
--
de fisica te6rica en 1979. Dirige desde su fundacion, en 1964, el Centre
international de fisica teorica y ha fundado en 1983 la Academia de
ciencias del Tercer Mundo (cf. IFDA Dossier 46). Sobre la base de su
experiencia, muestra que, aparte cuatro excepciones, 10s paises del Ter-
cer Kundo conceden solamente un Inter6s marginal a la ciencia como fac-
tor de desarrolio, si es cierto que 10 mismo sucede con las institucio-
nes del sistema de las Naciones Unidas, de las agencies de ayuda a1 de-
sarrollo y de la comunidad cientlfica de 10s paises industriales. Des-
cribe la situai-ion de la ciencia en diferentes categorlas de paises del
Tercer Mundo, habla en favor de un serio reconocimiento de su funci6n en
el desarrolio y sugiere 10 que podria hacerse para mejorar la situation,
particularmente por medii-i de las Naciones Unidas.

Abdus Salam
SCItNCE TRANSFER FOR DEVELO?/IENT
Gegrge A. Keguo~xh IT, US PresidentiaZ 5eience Adviser, testify

even go so far as to say, if one was being machiaveliian,
one might discern sinister motives amcng those who try to
sell us the idea of technology transfer witb.out science
transfer. There is nothinq which has hurt us ln the Third
World more than the slogan in the richer coufitries of Relevant
Science. RegretfT~lly this slogan was parrotted in our
countries unthinkingly to justify stifling the qrowth of all
science.
Second: science transfer is effected by and to communities
of scientists. Such communities (in Third World countries!
need building up to a critical size in their human resources
and infrastructures. This building up calls for wise science
policies, with long-term commitment, Generous patronsqe,
self-governance and free iriternaticnal contacts- Further, in
our countries, the high-level scientist must be allowed to
play a role in nation-building as an equal partner to the
professional planner, the economist and the technologist.
Few Third Korld countries have promulgated such policies;
few aid agencies have takefi it as their mandate to encourage
and help with the building up of the scientific infrastructure.
2. Why science transfer?
What is the infrastructure c~f sciegcss I 3m speakin3 about
and why? First and foremost, we need scientific literacy and
science teaching - at all levels - and particularly at the
higher levels, (at least) for engineers and tec~~~ologists.
This calls for inspiring teachers, and no one can ~e an in-
spiring teacher of science unless he has experienced and
created at least some modicom of living science during some
part of his career. This calls for well-equipped teaching
laboratories and (in the present era of fast-moving sci-
ence) l the provision of the newest journals and books. This
is the minimum of scientific infrastructure any cou~try
needs.
Next, should come demands on their own scientific commu-
nities - consisting of their own nationals - from the Third
World country government agencies and their nascent indus-
triest for discriminatory advice on which technologies would
be relevant and worth acquiring.
Still next, for a minority of the Third World countries,
there is the need for basic scientists to help their applied
colleagues' research work. For any society, the problems of
its agric.~lture, of its local pests and diseases, of its
local materials baset must be solved locally. One needs an
underpinning from a first-class base in basic science to
carry applied research in these areas through. The craft of
applied science, in a Third World country, is much harder
than the craft of basic sciencel simply because one does not
have available next doort or at the other end of the tele-

phone line, men who can tell you what one needs to know of
the basics relevant to one's applied work. And finally, at
the advanced stages l/ of a country's productivity is the
need for baslc scientific research for the riches it might
unexpectedly yield for technology. Many examples of this
come to one's mind.
Consider some of the breakthroughs in my own field - the
field of unification of fundamental forces of nature. In
this context! Faraday 'S unification of electricity and niag-
netism! accomplished in the last century, is certainly one
of the most striking examples. When Faraday was carrying out
his experiments - showing that while a stati.onary electric
charge produces an electric force on another charge in its
vicinity, a movinq electric charge produces a magnetic force
- no one could have imagined that this simple discovery in a
laboratory in a dilettante part of Piccadilly in London
would lead to the entire corpus of electrical generation
technology.
Just to emphasise how relatively useless Faraday ' S woxk was
thought to be by his contemporaries, consider the assessment
by one of them, Charles B U K ~ ~ of Y the ~ uses of electricity
versus music. "Electricity is universally allowed to be a
very entertaining and surprising phenomenon, but it has frequently
been lamented that it has never yet, with much certainty/
been applied to any very useful purpose ... (while)
it is easy to point out the humane and important purposes to
which music has been applied".
The story of the unification of electricity with magnetism
continues with Maxwelll who immediately followed Faraday.
From purely theoretical considerations, Maxwell suggested
that an accelerating electric charge wou1.d produce electromagnetic
radiation. A few years after Maxwell's death in
1879, Hertz in Germany verified Maxwell's theory and found
that the spectrum of Maxwell's predicted radiation consisted
not only of light waves, but also of waves of longer wave
length - radio waves - as well as waves of shorter wave
length - x-rays. Thus/ from a simple theoretical calculation
made by an obscure professor flowed the marvels of radio,
television and the modern communication systems, as well as
the ability to see through a human body with x-rays. To see
how the climate has changed in industrialised countries
since Faradayvs timel when a hundred years after Maxwell! in
the 1960~~ my colleagues at Harvard, Glasgow and Weinbery8
and I independently took the next step of postulatiny a unification
of two further forces of nature - of electromagne-
l/ I have asswned throughout this articZe that no one in authority in
-
Third WorLd countries is the slightest bit interested in the advaneeme~~t
of knowledge for its own sake - at Zeast not b3 Third World nation~Ls
working in the Third WorLd.

tism with the weak nuclear force of radioactivity - even the
London "Economist" took note and counselled perceptive busi-
nessmen not to ignore the likely economic consequences of
this new development.
In January l983 the great joint European Centre for Nuclear
Research (CERN) in Geneva, provided direct confirmation of
our theory. It did so with technical brilliance of the high-
est order, at a cost of around $50 million. I am not sug-
qestinq that the Third World countries should create accel-
erator laboratories like CERN. However, even if the London
"Econom.ist" may have been optimistic in its forecast of dir-
ect economic benefits of the new unification of forces,
there is no question that these accelerator laboratories are
founts of the highest technology in micro-electronics, in
F,aterial sciences! in superconductor as well as vacuum tech-
nology.
i rejoice that the Fermi Lab at Chicago has decided to set
up a special Institute linked to the Laboratory, to make
this area of science and related technology available to
Latin Amerlcan physicists. And the CERN laboratory has nade
available t.c us - the Trieste Centre - the services of some
tr~emb~rs of their microp~-ocessor team who have already conducted
two six-week colleges on microprocessor physics and
technology at Trieste at the highest level for 250 of the
Third World's ph\?sicists. In June 1984, this team held a
four week ~nicropt-ocessor college in Sri Lanka for 62 physicists
from South Eask Asia, to be followed in 1985, 1986,
l987 and S388 by £cu week c:~I.I.eges in China, Colombia,
Keilya and Norocco OR the same subject.
To sumrr~arise then, teck,nalogy in modern cond~tions cannot
flourish withcut science flourishing at the same time. This
was emphasised recently to me by a Turkish physicist from
the University of Samsun who recalled that Sultan Selim 111
introduced studies of algebra, trigonometr:~, mechai~ics, ballistics
and metallurgy in Tuzkey as long ago as 1799* creating
special sch-031s for these disciplines with French and
Swedish te2chers. H i s purpose was to modernise his army and
rival European ad-~ances in gun-founding. Since there was no
correspondinq emphasis on research in these subjects, Turkey
did not succeed- in the long run, in the conditions of today,
technology, uns1,~pported by science, simply w i l l not
take or flourish.
Let 3s turn to the 5it:uation of science, and scientific rese4r~h
in t.he 'Third hrc)rld, barrj.nq the rew countries (Ai(~er~tins,
Brazil, ~Ch.Li~i~ dnd India) 1 h,s~e mentlonea beiore. i
can illustrate the s:tuation from the exzmple of my own
cocntry. in la51 :;hen I returr~e,? tc teach in Pakistan after
work~ng at Cambridge and Priricetun in high energy physics,
ir~ a country tht,~~ QÂ 90 inillion, 1 couid call on just one
physicist who had ever w~rked .on a like subjecr. 'The most

ecent issues of the "Physical Review" available were dated
before the Second World War of 1939. There were no grants
whatsoever for attending symposia or conferences; the only
time I did attend a conference in the United Kingdom I spent
a year's personal savings.
After 30 years, the situation in Pakistan has improved. For
a population of around 80 million now, there are some 46
research physicists, experimentalists and theoreticians in
Pakistan's 19 universities. (On the US norms these numbers
for this population base might have been one hundred-fold
larger - i.e. five thousand). These physicists still face
the same problems regarding journals, publication dues and
attendances at conferences; Pakistan is still not a member
of the International Union of P.ure xi& Applied Physics,
since our science administrators do not think we can afford
$1,500 of dues; our physicists are still told that all basic
science - even the segments necessary for 'applicable' phy-
sics - is a frightful luxury for a poor country. However,
compared to Pakistan - and a privileged group of some 30
countries which I shall mention later - the situation in the
remaining Third World countries is as stark as it was in
Pakistan of 1951.
First and foremost is the problem of numbers - of a critical
size. The total number of research trained physicists in
many of these countries can be counted on the fingers of one
hand - the choice of sub-disciplir~es in which they may have
received training has been conditioned more by chance than
by design. They make up no communities.
The creation at Trieste of the International Centre for
Theoretical Physics in the 1960s came about when some of us
from the Third World urged agencies of the United Nations,
and in particular the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), to assist in ameliorating
this situation regarding theoretical physics research. We
met with incomprehension even from some of the industrial-
ised countries where physics in fact flourishes. One Third
World country delegate to the IAEA went so far as to say
"Theoretical physics is the Rolls Royce of sciences - the
Third World countries need only bullock carts". To him a
community of even as few as fifty physicists, all told,
tralned then at a high level, for a country like Pakistan
with a population then approaching 120 million, was simply
50 men wasted. Even leaving aside any involvement in re-
search - that these were the men responsible for all nornis
and all standards in the entire spectrun of Pakistan's edtlcation
in physics a~c% mathematics was irrelevarit.
In 1964, four years after the proposal was first mooted and
after intense lobbying, the IAEA did agree to create a phy-
sics institute. However, we were voted all of a sum of
$55,000 to create an international centre of research. For-
tunately, the Government of Italy came through with a gener-

ous annual grant of one third of a million dollars and the
Centre was set up in Trieste. The international physics com-
munity had all along supported us; the Centre's first Scien-
tific Council meeting was attended by J.R. Oppenheimer, Aage
Bohr, Victor Weisskopf and Sandoval Vallarta. Oppenheimer
drew up the Centre's statutes.
The Centre started operating in 1964. UNESCO joined as equal
partner with IAEA in 1970. The Centre has flourished since
then, with the support even those who doubted its validity
at first. The bulk of its funds - now amounticg to 4.5 mil-
lion dollars - come from Italy, IAEA and UNESCO. Smaller
ad-hoc grants have come from time to time from the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) , the United Nations
Financing System for Science and Technology for Development,
the United Nations University, the OPEC Fund, the US Depart-
ment of Energy, the Ford Foundation, the Intergovernmental
Bureau for Informatics (IBI) , Canada, Kuwait, Libya, Qatar,
Sweden, Germany, Sri Lanka, Netherlands, Japan and Denmark.
Over the last 20 years of the Centre's existence it has
shifted from emphasis on pure physics towards basic disci-
plines on the interface of pure and applied physics - disci-
plines like physics of materials and microprocessors, phy-
sics of energy, physics of fusion, physics of reactors, phy-
sics of solar and other non-conventional energy, geophysics,
biophysics, neurophysics, laser physics, physics of oceans
and deserts, and systems analysis - this in addition to the
staples of high energy physics, quantum gravity, cosmology,
atomic and nuclear physics and mathematics. Such a shift to
the interface of pure and basic applied physics was made
simply because there was not and still is not any other in-
ternational institute responsive to the scientific hunger of
Third World physicists,
One of the most important examples today of this is in the
field of physics and energy. Provision of energy is at pre-
sent one of the major concerns of mankind. In country after
country, either new departments of energy have been created
or the Atomic Energy Commissions transformed to become com-
prehensive departments of energy. Notwithstanding all the
United Nations Conferences, to my knowledge there still does
not exist any International Centre for Energy Research and
Training on the scientific side, for meaningful training and
research for Third World countries' scientists.
Without a good base in solid state and material sciences,
there is no hope whatsoever of making good in this area. An
optical convertor must make use of as little material as
possible; how little is determined by the penetration depth
of the solar light and drift length of the excited state on
which the conversion is based. For an amorphous material
this depends on the density of defects and an understanding
of these. Efficient and cost-effective photo-voltaics thus
depend on physics of solid state materials and not on a
technologist's tinkering. To fill part of the need, the

Trieste Centre felt that it should develop and concern it-
self with high-level physics of energy-related materials,
and in particular, with physics of absorbing and emittinq
surfaces. So far our colleges in this field have had parti-
cipation of around 1000 physicists. To quote the London
Economist" again; in its issue of 27 September 1980, it had
this to say about this area: "If solar energy is to provide
the solution to the world's fuel crisis, that solution will
not emerge from low-technology roof-top radiators. A break-
through (will) come from applying quantum physics, biochem-
istry or other sciences of the 20th century. Today's techno-
logy-based industries all depend on new science".
During 1983, 2400 physicists came to work at the Trieste
Centre - 1400 of them from 90 Third World countries. These
physicists spend on the average two months or more at the
Centre, participating in its research workshops and extended
research colleges. Since 1981, we have held four of these
colleges in Third World countries - Ghana, Bangladesh,
Columbia and Sri Lanka; these were 4-8 week research col-
leges on solid state physics, monsoon dynamics, solar phy-
sics and microprocessors. We have pioneered an associateship
scheme which guarantees that top physicists in Third World
countries can come to the Centre, at times of their choos-
ing, for a period ranging between six weeks to three months,
three times in six years, to work in a stiwulating environ-
ment of their peers, to charge their batteries and then to
return to their teaching and research positions. We do not
pay salaries - only travel and stay.
There are 200 such associates at present. We have a network
of 102 institutes of physics in 41 Third World countries
federated with us with cost sharing arrangements. Through a
Book Bank scheme, we have distributed, from individual dona-
tions, a total of 2,565 books and 8,542 copies of recent
journals to 132 institutions in 66 countries, and we are
beginning a scheme to collect and distribute unused suqalus
equipment donated by Third World country laboratories. With
an Italian Government grant of the order of one third of a
million dollars annually, we have placed 75 experimental
physicists for 6-9 months research in Italian universities
and industrial laboratories since 1982. In its humble way,
the Centre has enhanced the subject of physirs in general,
and physics communities in Third World countrias in parti-
cular.
4. x e s
and grawth of sciences in the Ti-~lrd World
Based on the experience gained in physi-cs, we could divide
cne Third World countries (other than Arger.tina, Brazil,
China and India) into three categories. The f-irst would con-,
sist of 9 countries - Bangladesh, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan,
Singapore and Turkey in Asia, plus Egypt in Africa. and Mexi-
co and Venezuela in Latin Anerica. These countries have: a
population of physicists, currently approaching criticality,
as well as a few centres of high qxi.icitify for physics wher-

teams of scientists can perform independent research. By and
large, these centres are capable of awarding Ph.D. degrees
for physics within the countries themselves.
In the second category, there would be some 19 countries
which consist of Iran, Iraq, Jordan, and Lebanon in West
Asia; Indonesia, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet-
nam in South East Asia; Algeria, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco,
Nigeria, Sudan, Tanzania in Africa; and Chile, Colombia and
Peru in Latin America. These countries have a modest popula-
tion of physicists though at any given university the num-
bers working are rather small. There are no research groups
as such, though in some cases individuals are highly active.
As a rule, Ph.D degrees are not awarded within the countries
concerned. I mention these two categories, because with or-
ganised help from the rich world's scientific communities,
they may take off in a short span of time,
The remaining countries are below the "poverty line" - some
exceptionally bright individuals, whom we elect as associ-
ates of the Trieste Centre for the day when active research
starts in their countries - but no organised physics re-
search. I stress once again, that these are impressions
based on our experience with physics communities. No other
significance should be read into them.
5. Modalities for growth of sciences
In the end, the growth of science in our countries is our
problem. But in this article, I shall speak only of help
which we may hope to receive from the scientific communities
and others in the industrialised countries, for enhancing
the practice of high-level science in the Third World. There
is no doubt that outside help - particularly if it is or-
ganised - can make a crucial difference. First, regarding
the work of individual physicists, this could take various
forms: for example, the physical societies of industrialised
countries could help by donating 200-300 copies of their
journals to deserving institutions and individuals. They
could waive publication and conference charges. In this con-
text, the International Union of Pure and Applied Physics
(IUPAP) has helped the Trieste Centre defray postage costs
for distribution of old runs of journals; the American Phy-
sical Society has helped us with shared subscriptions to 31
physicists from 13 Third World countries.
The research laboratories and the university departments in
industrialised countries could also help by building up Fed-
eration links with their opposite numbers and by financing
organised visits of their staff to the institutions in Third
World countries. They could create schemes like the assocl-
ateship scheme I have already described at the Trieste
Centre (whereby a high-grade physicist working in a Third
World country becomes part of our staff by being accorded
the right to come to us three times in six years), at least
for their own ex-alumni.

May I be forgiven for thinking in the following terms: that
the physics institutions in industrialised countries may
consider contributing in their own ways (in kind) according
to the norms of the well-known United Nations formula,
whereby most industrialised countries have pledged to spend
0,7% of their GNP resources for development cooperation. In
the end, it is a moral issue whether the better-off segments
of the science community should be willing to look after
their own colleagues, helping them not only materially to
remain good scientists, but also joining them in their bat-
tle to obtain recognition within their own countries as va-
lid professionals.
Let me now come to the question of the long-term help the
United Nations agencies can give in respect of building up
scientific infrastructure, in their own areas of conpetence.
I wish, in particular, to emphasise the role of the modality
I am personally most familiar with - international centres
of research. There is no question but that the Third World
needs today, international research institutions, e.g. on
the applied side, like the Wheat and Rice Research Insti-
tute; on the science side, centres like the International
Centre for Insect Physiology (ICIPE) in Nairobi. Without
internationalisation, science cannot flourish; one cannot
guarantee standards, guarantee keeping abreast of new ideas,
guarantee a continual transfer of science by men who created
it and who come to such centres, moved by their idealism.
Recently there have been created an international Centre in
Mathematics at Nice, an international Science Centre in Sri
Lanka, one in Turkey and another in Venezuela. An interna-
tional Physics Centre, directed towards Latin America, was
inaugurated in Colombia by its President some time ago. Also
the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation
(UNIDO) is on the way to creating two international centres
in the field of biotechnoloqy, one located in Trieste and
one in India. In biotechnology, we observe that modern ad-
vances in genetics started with the unravelling of the ge-
netic code by Watson and Crick. Revealing as it does the
basis for all known life, this has been one of the most syn-
thesizing discoveries of the twentieth century, possibly of
all time. I take pride in the fact that Walter Gilbert, who
took a Ph.D. with me in theoretical physics at Cambridge in
1956 and then turned over to genetics, was among those who
discovered elegant techniques for deciphering the genetic
code. For this work, he received a Nobel Prize in Chemistry
in 1980. In 1.981 he went on to found a company, Biogen,
which exploits, among other things, techniques of genetic
manipulation to manufacture human insulin. Again we observe
the mutuality of high science and high technology.
To summarise, my feeling is that almost every Third World
country has a scientific and technological problem which
needs scientific expertise. I strongly feel that the United
Nations system must take a lead with this legitimate move-
ment towards internationalisation of science within the

Third World for the Third World. The research centres do not
have to be within the Third World countries. Some years
back, Dr. Henry Kissinger, the then US Secretary of State,
on behalf of the US Government, promised to the Third World
a multiplicity of institutions which would include insti-
tutes to improve access to capital technology. He mentioned,
in particular, an International Energy Institute, an Inter-
national Centre for Exchange of Technological Information
and an International Industrialisation Institute. I am sure
some day soon, the US Administration will carry these prom-
ises out, adding to each Institute, its due quantum of
science.
Finally, let us turn to the role of the national aid-giving
agencies. My plea to the development agencies everywhere
would be that they may take a long-term attitude to the
growth of science. They exert an immense leverage which they
must use to ensure that an'adequate infrastructure is built
in the countries they help and that the scientific communi-
ties there are enabled and allowed to play their rightful
roles in the presence of development.
In this context, one may remark that one of the well-tried
modalities for science transfer is the creation of an Inter-
national Foundation for Science for giving grants to indi-
vidual scientists in the Third World countries. An Inter-
national Science Foundation with these aims was in fact cre-
ated at the suggestion of Roger Revelle, Pierre Auger,
Robert Marshak and myself in 1972 in Stockholm. This Founda-
tion is currently supported by Sweden, Canada, USA, Federal
Republic of Germany, France, Australia, the Netherlands,
Belgium, Nigeria, Norway and Switzerland. Its funds are gi-
ven for research in the areas of aquaculture, animal pro-
duction, rural technology and natural products, to individ-
ual researchers in developing countries, in grants not ex-
ceeding ten thousand dollars per grant. Unfortunately, the
total funds at the disposal of this Foundation are only two
mill-ion dollars.
A similar function is carried out by Bostid in the US which
is supported by the aid organisation. These initiatives do
not cover other natural sciences nor is there any provision
of funds for building up of scientific infrastructure. With
the Brandt Commission's recommendations on technology trans-
fer in mind, in August 1981 I took the initiative of writing
the following letter to the Heads of States participating in
the Cancun Summit:
"I understand that technology transfer, with emphasis on problems of
*em, uiTI he one of the items for discussion at the forthconing
North-South Heads of States meeting in Vexzco. Unhappily, mos t devfc; loping
countries need help in building up scientific infrastructure at alt
levels and e n c e transfer mist accompany technology transfer if the
latter has to take root in our countries. The scientific comnity in
the North can, and I am sure uiil be willing to help in building up the
corresponding community in the South, provided it is mobilised for this".

I suggested the creation of a North-South Science Foundation
to build up a movement towards science transfer, with funds
at its disposal of an order at least similar to those, for
example, disbursed by the Ford Foundation (between 100 and
200 million dollars a year). This Foundation should be run
by the world's scientific community for research and train-
ing, in basic sciences in Third World countries.
I received polite replies of support to my plea from all
Heads of State from the industrialised countries; from among
the Heads of Third World countries, only Mrs. Gandhi re-
plied. (This unconcern perhaps emphasises once again the
marginality of the scientific enterprise in the Third
World). Let me say, however, that such a modality is very
much worth building up, particularly since the Ford Founda-
tion, in a letter to the Secretary of the recently founded
Third World Academy of Sciences, has told us that scientific
research in Third World countries is no longer a priority
area for the Ford Foundation itself.
In sciences, as in other spheres, this world of ours is di-
vided between the rich and the poor. The richer half - the
industrial North and the centrally planned countries, with
an income of 5 trillion dollars, spend 2% of this - more
than 100 billion dollars - on non-military science and de-
velopment research. The remaining half of mankind - the
poorer South, with one fifth of this income of around one
trillion dollars - spends no more than 2 billion dollars on
science and technology. On the percentage norms of the rich-
er countries, they should be spending ten time more - some
20 billion. At the Vienna UN Conference on Science and Tech-
nology held in 1979, the poorer nations pleaded for inter-
national funds to increase their present annual expenditure
of 2 billions to 4 billions. They obtained promises, not of
two billions, not of one billion, but only one seventh of
this. As we know, even this has never been realised and the
United Nations Funding System for Science and Technology for
Development is without adequate means. Contrast this with
the situation in the military sphere. Each nuclear submarine
costs 2 billion dollars and there are at least 100 of these
in the world's oceans. Five hundred centres like mine at
Trieste could be funded for a year for the price of one
nuclear submarine.
Let me end by quoting from a great mystic of the 17th cen-
tury - John Donne - a man who believed in the moral state of
man and the international ideal: "No man is an island, en-
tire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a
part of the main; if a clod be washed away by the sea,
Europe is the less, as well as if a promontory were, as well
as if a manor of thy friends or of thine own were; any man's
death diminishes me, because I am invol-ved in mankind; and
therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it
tolls for thee".

ifda dossier 50 . november/december 1985 suppl ement
INDEX OF PAPERS PUBLISHED IN 1FDA DOSSIER 39 TO 50
(1984 AND 1985)
The index by author, themes and third system associations which appears
below offers an opportunity to present the Dossier to its many new read-
ers and to outline its editorial policy.
Background
IFDA Dossier 1 (January 1~18) was originally circulated in some 2,500
copies, and the present issue has been printed in 16,500 copies. It
would be interesting to study how the mailing list grew and analyse the
audience of the Dossier. This is beyond 1tDA1s present capacity. What we
know is that Dossier 49 was mailed to 14,866 individual and institutional
addresses, in virtually every country of the globe, half in the
North and half in the South. Quite a number of recipients in the North
being Third World citizens, Third World readership represents around 55%
of the total.
A significant number of institutional mail ings (associations, schools,
documentation centres, public libraries, etc.) makes the audience ot the
Dossier larger than the above figure suggests. This is further widened
by its policy of 'no copyright' which explains that a number of articles
are further reproduced, sometimes translated, and often mentioned in
some of the 600 periodicals IFDA receives on an exchange basis I/. Quo-
tations from the Dossier appear in articles and books. It is also used
as source materials in a number of learning institutions. Indications
received from readers suggest that in the Third World, which, unlike the
North, is not overflooded with printed materials, it is sometimes one of
the few periodicals which people receive and read.
Each issue of the Dossier costs some Swiss francs 50'000, in approxima-
tely equal shares for printing, mailing and secretarial work such as
typing and mailing list maintenance. Most readers in the Third World not
being in a position to pay for their subscription, there is a dual rate:
SFR 48 or US$ 30 per year in the North, half in the South. Those who can
afford to pay thus contribute to subsidizing those who cannot. A special
appeal was made last year to readers in North America, which met with
some success, and it is planned to approach in a similar manner, this
fa1 l , readers in Western Europe 21.
I/ cf. 'A random sample of spin offs from the IFDA Dossier, Dossier 22,
-
March/April 1981.
2/ The cost of the Dossier represents a small third of IFDA annual ex-
-
penditures, and its other publication, a daily Special United Nations
Service (SUNS), circulated by subscription on&, a someuhat Larger
third.

Editorial p01 icy
The pattern emerging from the following indices suggests the broad lines
of the Dossier's editorial policy: search for alternatives reflecting
both the unity and diversity of people and problems; continuity from the
local to the global spaces; mutually educating dialogues among new ac-
tors, primarily those from the third system. 3/
Except for some editorials, IFDA as such does not write or commission
papers. The Dossier publishes papers it receives from the network of its
readers. The role of the editors is to select from these in such a man-
ner as to approach a certain balance between languages (some two thirds
of the content are in English, with French and Spanish sharing the last
third), regions (Africa, Arabia, Asia, Latin America, North America and
Europe), enders spaces (local, national , regional, global ) actors
andlor t ? ~ ( i e a c e , development, environment, women's liberation,
human rights, ethnicity, self-re1 iance, consumers' self defence, etc.),
as well as between 'papers' proper and network information (news from
the third system).
Actors from the third system are given priority. However, since IFDA
also operates at the interface between the Prince (or governments and
intergovernmental organizations) and the Citizen (or people's associa-
tions), the Dossier welcomes contributions from people in official po-
sitions. Priority is also given to actors (individuals or associations)
who have no international tribune and are thus usually unheard in the
global space. The Dossier prefers papers contributing to the sharing of
experiences, information, ideas, policy or action-oriented proposals,
but every paper received is considered on its merits.
Whatever the effort made towards a proper balance, this is not always
possible in every issue, since the Dossier depends entirely on the mate-
rials it receives.
This policy explains why certain articles may have to queue sometimes,
or never get pub1 ished. However, papers received are routinely acknow-
ledged (through a standard letter) and listed in the 'materials received
for publication' section of the Dossier. Since the address of the author
is always given, those interested may obtain a copy directly from the
source.
3/ 115 individual authors from 49 countries have been published during
-
these two years. Three fifths of them uere from the Third World or, more
precisely, one quarter each from Latin America and Europe, one fifth
each from -Asia and Africa (including Arab contributions, ail from North
Africa). One author in four was a woman, with a higher proportion in
Africa and North America (about one third) and a louer one in Asia and
Latin America. More than 70 associations have contributed papers or have
been presented; two in five were global associations, one fifth each
were from Asia and the North, with Africa and Latin America sharing the
last fifth.
Continued on page (xvi)

INDtX OF PAPERS PUBLISHED IN IFDA DOSSIERS 39 TO 50
1. BY AUTHOR(S)
AUTHOR'S NAME TITLE OF PAPER D.N' PAGES
Abah, Oga S.
Abdus Salam
Aga Khan, Sadruddin
Alvares, Claude
Amin, Samir
Ampuero, Roberto
Andriamananjara, Rajaona
APHD
APPEN
Aubry, Andrgs
Aveline, Carlos
Belhachmi, Zakia
Ben Hamida, Asma
Ben Salah, Ahmed
Botero, Margarita Marino de
Bouchardeau, Huguette
- Boulding, Elise
P-
P- Bracho, Frank
W.
Popular theatre as integration and conscientization
Science transfer for development
Redefining national security
Why European activists should oppose Operation Flood
Note sur le concept de deconnexion ('delinking')
Fighting the importers of Third World women
L'aide etrangere vue des pays 'receveurs'
Asian women and the struggle for justice
Fishworkers get a chance to speak
Los campesinos ante el embate tecnologico
Communitarian alternatives for Brazilian crisis
Educating women: the case of Morocco
The Law of the Seed: Action in the FAO
. Et demain 1'Afrique - un livre d'Edem Kodjo
Ecodesarrollo, el pensamiento del decenio
Jumelages et micro-projets
Peace movement in USA
Utopia and reality of South-South economic cooperation

A
2 Castellanos, Diego Luls
Clark, William
Cohen, Monique
Collectif Charles Fourier
Corea, Gamani
Dedijer, Stevan
Diokno, Ma. Theresa
Dubey, Muchkund
Eide, Wench Barth
Eppler, Erhard
ENDA
Falk, Richard A.
Fishermen's Alliance in Rizal
Flores, Gonzalo y Laserna, R.
Ford, Charles
Fouatih, Ahmed
Foxley, Ana Maria
Frank, Andre Gander
Furtado, Celso
Gabel, Medard & Rodale, Robert
Galvez Tan, Jake
El Grupo de 10s 77, autoafirmaci6n, interes nacional y
principio de responsibilidad 4 4
Bad neighbours 5 0
(see Tinker, Irene)
The universal grant 4 8
Review of William Clark's Cataclysm 48
Social intelligence for self-reliant development 49
Effects of IMF on the Filipino people 4 4
Ashok or Nero? Governments confronted with the
militarization of outer space 4 2
(see Mosio, Mark)
Mal-development in industrial countries 5 0
Lutte contre la faim en zone sah6lo-somalienne 4 7
Superpower intervention in the Third World: the US case 4 2
The European nuclear disarmament convention in Perugia 45
The troubled waters of Laguna Lake 4 1
Movimientos regionales en Bolivia 4 6
Wages, hours and working conditions in Asian free
trade zones 4 0
Les identitgs menacges: la communaut6 musulmane en France 40
Chilean women for 'democracy in the country and at home' 3 9
Can the debt (and nuclear) bomb(s) be defused? 46
Brazilians, what are we? 4 4
Regenerative zones 47
Notes on paticipatory technology development 45

Gaspar, Carlos
George, Robley E.
Ghannam, Jeffrey Saied
Girvan, Norman P.
Henderson, Hazel
Herran, Javier
Herz, Cristina
Hettne, Bjorn
Holtz, Uwe
ICES
Institute for Policy Studies
IULA & NCO
Joint Task Force
Kantowsky, Detlef
Khader, Bichara
Krim, Rachid
Lagergren, Marten
Lagos, Ricardo
Lama, Abraham
Langer, Alexander
Laserna, Roberto
Lewis, Stephen
- Lieten, Kristoffel
<
A Child
Democracy, societal transformations in the systems age
and advanced econonomic systems
US: Civil disobedience is a way of life for peace
activisits
Adjustment via austerity: is there an alternative?
The global transition to the solar age
Desarrollo, medio ambiente y cultura
Lfassemb16e federale des verts allemands
Peace and development
Le programme d'avenir pour Ie Tiers Monde du SPD
Beyond cultural diversity, women face some problems
Meeting the corporate challenge
Development cooperation awareness in European cities
The declaration of Ambiorix
Gandhi - Coming back from West to East?
De la m6dina 5 la villa
Probl6matique mcditerraneenne
Sweden re-thinks care in society
Chile: Los grandes temas y areas de la reconstrucci6n
Peru: Indian communities S cooperatives threatened
The Greens in Italy
(see Flores, Gonzalo)
The UN is a first-rate international institution
Dutch transnational corporations in India

-
P. Lokayan
Lowe, Morna Colleen
Maathai, Wangari
Mambu-Lo, Tsudi Wa Kibuti
Manandhar, Ramesh
M'Bow, Amadou-Mahtar
Michanek, Ernst
Mooney, Pat Roy
Mosio, Mark 8. Eide, Wench Barth
Mwansa, Dickson M.
NCO
Nerfin, Marc
(editorials)
Nguyen, Ngoc-Hanh
Nilsson, Jan-Evert
Nisnovich, Jaime
Nji, Ajaga and Katherine L.
Omo Fadaka
Osorio V.J.
Ouedraogo, Bernard L6d6a
Lokayan, Dialogue of the people 4 1
Gikuyu novel receives Noma Award in Zimbabwe
Kenya: The Green Belt Movement
Soci6tGs negro-africaines entre un developpement
propre et un d6veloppement generalise 49
Against professionalism: architect or facilitator? 47
La dimension culturelle du developpement 43
Democracy is the alternative
Corrigendum
The law of the seed - an introduction 3 9
Towards another nutrition education 40
Theatre as a tool for communication 42
(see IULA)
Pages de journal
US vs UN?
Pour un nouveau dialogue Nord-Sud
United Nations: the next 40 years
The 40th anniversary of the UN: Will governemnts
listen to people?
Traditional medicine & health care coverage 4 1
In search of an alternative future for Nordic countries 45
For que atender a la autoconstrucci6n independiente 42
Why my mother died illiterate 46
Peace and Development 5 0
Los movimientos por la paz en America Latina 4 1
D6velopper sans ablmer 4 1

-
Ozorio, Peter
Pacheco M. Margarita
Pandey, Shashi R.
Patel, Vibhuti
230 million women in Third World suffer from
nutritional anaemia
El despertar de 10s pobladores
Alternative development communication efforts for
science education in rural India
Perez-Guerrero, Manuel The Group of 77 as an indispensable instrument
of the Third World
Pietila, Hilkka Women's peace movement as an innovative proponent
of the peace movement as a whole
Raghavan, Chakravarthi
Rahman, A.
Rahman, Md. Anisur
Rahnema , Maj id
Ramphal, Shridath S.
Robinson, Claude
Rodale, Robert
SAM
Santa Cruz, Adriana
Savane, Marie-Angelique
Scharli, Markus
Schiray, Michel
. Schkolnik, Mariana
I-'. -
The law of the seed
India: degradation and development
Third World comes of age and faces new challenges
Science and technology in Indian culture
NGO work of organizing the rural poor: the perspective
The grassroots of the future
The real challenge of '1984'
The rise of the authoritarian state
(see Gabel, Medard)
Environmenal crisis in Asia-Pacific
Los tejemanejes de Nairobi
The women's movement: a Latin American perspective
Le ferninisme: fruit de la pensee universelle
Un manifesto pour l16mancipation
L'economie cachee, conflits sociaux et l'avenir
des sociGt6s industrielles
People economic organizations in Chile

-
<
H-
>-Â¥ Schuf tan, Claudio - P-
Schultheis, Michael J.
Sharma, Yojana
Sheen, Andrew
Silva, Leelananda de
Singh, Narindar
Somavia, Juan
Stavenhagen, Rodolfo
Stoltenberg, Thorvald
Strong, Maurice F.
Suter, Keith D.
Tall, Rokiatou
Terenzio, Francesco
Thiollent, Michel
Thorsson, Inga
Tikku, M.K.
Tinbergen, Jan
Tinker, IrCne & Cohen, Monique
Turner, John F.C.
The role of health and nutrition in development
Refugees: a global justice issue
Central America: towards a European presence?
Papuan canoes
IMF policies out of date, says ODI
International commodity control - a contemporary
history and appraisal
The crisis of multilateral aid - some reflections
An essay on the nuclear muddle of our time
Desarme en America Latina: utopia o realismo?
The indigenous probl6matique
The South: a part of our security
Majority must take lead in remaking UN
Desarrollo y medio ambiente
Australia's future
Afrique occidentale: L'AFOTEC
World Food Assembly: The start of a real process
of cooperation for the third system?
Diffusion de technologie et ideologie de la modernisation
Conversion from military to civil production in Sweden
The great peace journey
Poverty line
Contribution of economic science to peace keeping
Corrigendum
Street foods as income and food for the poor
Arquitectos para otro desarrollo

Udo Ndebbio. J.E.
UNICEF
United Nations University
Technological transfer and the growth process in the
Third World - a myth or a reality? 4 1 61 - 64
The impact of the economic crisis on children 42 57 - 60
The UNUIIFDA urban self-reliance project
On peace and global transformation
Vachon, Robert Quelle cooperation internationale? 4 4 27 - 40
Ventura, Arnoldo K.
Vera, Hector
Integration of modern and traditional technologies
for development 46 43 - 54
Mouvements pour la paix en Europe et mouvements
de liberation en Amerique Latine
Wesseler, Matthias Evaluation and participation in adult education 4 1 65 - 68
Williams, Betty Case study of Maori community action 4 8 25 - 30
Zeydler-Zborowski, Piotr How far are we from socialism? 4 6 37 - 41
A MICROFICHE COLLECTION - 22'532 PAGES ON 236 FICHES
Included are: a) the complete set of IFDA Dossiers from January
1978 to December 1983; b) the complete set of supporting and
background papers, in total 347 documents.
Printed finding-aids: 1. A list of all 347 papers arranged ac-
cording to the four broad spaces of development (local, natio-
nal, Third World, global). For ease of reference the policy
conclusion papers, as published in the Dossier, are reproduced
a second time on top of the supporting papers (53 p). 2. A list
of the 38 Dossiers with their date of publication. 3. Indices
appear in Dossiers 17, 26 and 38.
Updating: A regular annual updating is foreseen.
-
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2, NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM
NAME OF ASSOCIATION D.N" PAGES
ACES
AFARD
AFAS
AFFORD
AFOTEC
AFRAM
AG Spak
AHAS
Agency for Community Educational Services
Association des femmes africaines pour la
recherche sur Ie d6veloppement
Association France-Asie du Sud
Avard Foundation for Rural Development
Appui 2 la formation et aux technologies
Association pour le retour et la
reinsertion des Africains migrants
Associated Housing Advisory Services
Alternative Nobel Prize
APHD Asia Partnership for Human Development
APIC Association for Promotion of International
Cooperation
APPEN Asia-Pacific People's Environment Network
ARENA Asian Regional Exchange for New Alternatives
AWRAN Asia Women's Research & Action Nework
BATAS Center for People's Law
CEAAL Consejo de education de adultos de
America Latina
CEDEP Center for Development of People
CENDHRRA Centre for the Development of Human
Resources in Rural Asia
Center on the Consequences of Nuclear War
Centre interculturel Monchanin
Centre Josu6 de Castro
CERMAC Centre d16tude et de recherche sur Ie
monde arabe contemporain
CEUR Centre for Urban and Regional Research
Chingleput Rural Women's Social Education Centre
CIEDA Centre de investigaciones en energla
desarrollo y ambiente
CIJ Commission internationale de juristes

lub del Hornero
ONGAD Conseil des organisations non-gouvernementales
d'aide au developpement
onsumers Association of Penang
'OCIP Indigenous Populations Documentation Research
and Information Center
;CIEL Programa de estudios conjuntos para la
integration economics latinoamericana
CNDA Environnement et d6veloppement du Tiers Monde
?IAM Foodfirst Information and Action Network
?LACSO Faculdad latinoamericana de ciencias sociales
Fondation Lelio Basso
;reen Belt Movement (Kenya)
GRET
Grupo Communitario Rodeio Bonito
Habitat International Council
IBFAN International Baby Food Action Network
ICDA International Coalition for Development Action
ICES International Centre for Ethnic Studies
IEPALA Institute de estudios politicos para
America Latina y Africa
IFDA International Foundation for Development
Alternatives
INBC International Nestle Boycott Committee
Institut Belleville
Institute for Policy Studies
IOCU International Organisation of Consumers Unions
ISIS International Women's Information and
Communication Service
Kalpavriksh
Law and Society Trust
Lokayan
Maurice Bishop Foundation
MCKS
PAID Pan African Institute for Development
(xi)

PAN Pesticide Action Network 5 0
RIIP Red interdisciplinaria de investigation 5 0
RONGEAD R6seau des organisations non gouvernementales
europeennes sur les questions agro-
alimentaires et Ie d6veloppement 5 0
SAM Sahabat Alam Malaysia
Samakhya 4 8
SATIS Socially Appropriate Technology
International Information Services 4 8
Service Centre 4 4
SOLAGRAL SolidaritCs Agro-Alimentaires 4 4
Stelle Foundation 48
Third World Academy of Sciences
Third World Network
TOOL
TRANET 45
TUP Trickle Up Program 46
WISE World Information Service on Energy 48
World Council of Credit Unions 4 8
World Food Assembly
3. BY THEME
Accountability: D.41, pp.73-77; D.43, p.85; D.44, pp.51-59; D.46,
Editorial; p.42
Africa: D.44, p.79; D.45, pp.41-44; D.47, ENDA; D.49, Mambu-Lo; Ben
Salah; pp.84-88; D.50, pp.31-35
Alternatives: D.40, Henderson; D.45, Nilsson; D.46, Aveline; D.48,
Collectif Charles Fourier; D.49, Mambu-Lo
Arabia: D.42, Khader; D.46, p.83; D.48, Krim; pp.82-83
Argentina: D.42, Nisnovich; D.45, p.85; D.46, pp.81-82
Arms: See Peace
Asia: D.40, Ford; D.41, pp.56-58; D.42, SAM; D.47, Cendhrra; D.49,
pp.89-90; D.50, pp.36-37
Australia: D.39, Suter
Baby food: D.41, pp.73-74; D.43, p.85; D.50, p.81
Bangladesh: D.49, Tinker

Bhopal: D.46, p.2 & 42
Bolivia: D.46, Flores; p. 29; p.30
Brazil: D.44, Furtado; D.45, Aveline
Burkina Faso: D.41, Ouedraogo
Cameroon: D.46, Nji; D.48, p.81
Central America: D.45, Sharma
Children: 0.42, LINICEF
Chile: D.39, Foxley; D.47, Schkolnik; D.49, Lagos
Cities/villes: D.40, IULA; D.42, Nisnovich; Khader; p.84; D.43, Pacheco;
D.45, pp.85-86
Collective self-reliance: See South-South
Commodities: D.42, de Silva
Communications: D.39, Pandey; D.42, Mwansa; D.45, p.79; D.47, Vera;
D.50, pp.90-91
Consumers defense: D.41, pp.73-77; D.43, p.85; D.44, pp.51-54 & 71-74
D.47, pp.81-83, D.50, pp.79-80 & 82
Culture: D.40, Sheen; Fouatih; D.41, Rahman; D.42, p.56; D.43, M'Bow;
D.44, Vachon; Furtado; D.48, Herran
Debt: D.46, Frank; see also IMF
D=: D.39 & D.41, Michanek; Foxley; D.46, George; D.47, Robinson
Development (theory of): D.40, Hettne; D.49, Mambu-Lo; D.50, Amin; Omo
Fadaka
Development cooperation: D.40, IULA; D.43, Andriamananjara; pp.81-83;
D.44, Vachon; D.45, Holtz; D.46, de Silva; D.49, Bouchardeau; D.50,
Eppler
Disarmament: See Peace
Ecodevelopment/ecodesarrollo: D.40, Botero
Economics: D.48, Tinbergen
Econornie caches: D.39, Schiray
Ecuador: D.48, Herran, D,.50, pp.83-85
Education: D.41, Wesseler
Emancipation: D.39, Scharli
Energy: D.45, pp.85-87: D.48, WISE
Environment: D.40, Botero; D.42, pp.60-62; D.46, p.2 & 42; D.48, Herran;
D.49, Maathai; D.50, Strong
Ethnicity: D.39, Lama; D.43, pp.75-78; D.45, Aubry; D.48, Williams;
D.50, Stavenhagen; pp.85-86
Europe: D.45, pp.68-76; D.47, Vera
Fishermen: D.41, pp.51-55; D.44, Appen
-
Food: D.44, p.78; D.45, pp.85-86; D.49, p.77

France: D.40, Fouatih
Free trade zones: D.40, Ford P
Gandhi: D.39, Kantowsky
Gaspar Carlos: D.45 p.80; D.47, p.90
Gernany (FR): D.45, Holtz; D.47, Herz; D.50, Eppler
Greens: D.47, Langer; Herz
Grenada: D.42, Falk; D.45, p.77-78
Group of 77: D.44, Perez Guerrero; Castellanos; see also South-South
Guinea-Bissau: D.50, pp.91-92
Habitat: D.39, Turner; D.42, Nisnovich; Khader; D.43, Pacheco; D.46,
pp.81-82; D.47, Manandhar
Health: D.40, pp.77-78; D.41, p.83; D.46, p.29; D.49, Schuftan
Human rights: D.47, p.88
Hunger: D.48, ENDA
IMF: D.40, de Silva; D.44, Diokno; D.45, Girvan; D.46, Frank
Immigration: D.40, Fouatih
India: D.39, Pandey; Tikku; D.41, Lokayan; Rahman; D.42, Raghavan;
pp.78-80; D.43, Lieten; D.46, Editorial; D.48, Alvares; Kalpavriksh,
Samakhya; D.50, pp.90-91
Indonesia: D.49, Tinker
Intelligence: D.49, Dedijer
Islam: D.40, Fouatih
: D.47, Langer
*: D.43, pp.81-83
W: D.49, Maathai
Latin America: D.41, Osorio; D.47, Somavia; Vera; D.50, Santa Cruz
Law: D.43, p.78; D.46, pp.78-79; D.48, p.80
Literacy: D.46, Nji
Local space: D.40, pp.76-77; D.41, Ouedraogo; Lokayan; pp.80-81; D.43,
Rahnema; pp.54-56; D.47, Gabel; Schkolnik; D.49, Tinker; pp.84-88; D.50,
Rahman
Mal-Development: D.50, Eppler
Mediterranean: D.48, Krim
Morocco: D.47, Belhachmi
Nahmad, Saolomon: D.40, pp.81-82
m: D.47, Manandhar
Netherlands: D.43, Lieten
New Zealand: D.48, Williams
Nigeria: D.48, Abah

Nordic countries: D.45, Nilsson
North-South: D.42, Falk; D.43, Ramphal; 0.44, Nerfin; D.45, Bracho;
pp.66-70; D.47. Stoltenberg; D.48, Corea; Krim; D.50, dark
Nutrition: D.39, Osorio; D.40, Mosio; D.43, p.85; ~.48, Alvares; D.49,
Schuftan
Outer space: D.42, Dubey
Papua New Guinea: D.40, Sheen
Participation: D.41, Wesseler; pp.77-79; D.45, Galvez Tan; D.49, Tall
Peace: D.39, Singh; D.40, Hettne; D.42, Dubey; pp.63-65; D.44, Thorsson;
D.45, Holtz; D.47, Somavia; Vera; pp.86-87; D.48, Tinbergen; D.49,
pp.81-83; D.50, Omo-Fadaka
Peace movement: D.41, Boulding; Osorio; D.43, Pietila, D.45, Falk; D.47,
Vera; D.49, Ghannam; D.50, Thorsson
Peasants: D.45, Aubry
Peru: D.39, Lama
Pesticides: D.41, pp.74-75; D.50, pp.79-80
Philippines: D.41, pp.51-55; D.44, Diokno; D.48, p.80; D.49, Tinker;
D.50, pp.88-89
Popular theatre: D.42, Mvansa; D.48, Abah; D.50, pp.88-89
Preiswerk, Adrian Roy: D.42, p.56
Professions: D.47, Manandhar
Refugees: D.45, Schultheis
Regions: D.46, Floras; D.47, Gabel
Rweyemamu J.F. Memorial Award Announcement: D.40, p.2; D.41, p.2
Science and technology: D.39, Pandey; D.40, Sheen; D.41, Rahman;
Ndebbio; D.43, Thiollent; D.45, Aubry; Galvez Tan; D.46, Ventura; D.48,
SATIS; D.49, Tall
Security: D.47, Stoltenberg; D.48, Aga Khan
Seeds: D.39, Mooney; D.40, Raghavan; Ben Hamida
Self-reliance: D.47, Gabel; D.49, Dedijer
Senegal: D.49, Tinker
-Socialism: D. 46, Zeydler-Zborowski; D.49, Lagos
Social security: D.42, Lagergren; D.48, Collectif Charles Fourier
South-South: D.43, Raghavan; D.45, Bracho; D.46, pp.73-75; D.47, p.88;
D.50, Abus Salam; pp.91-92
Superpowers: D.39, Singh; D.42, Falk; D.43, Nerfin
Sweden: D.42, Lagergren; D.44, Thorsson
Third system (general): D.39, Editorial; D.45, Editorial; D.46, Terenzio
Transformation: D.46, George; D.49, pp.81-83
Transition: D.39, Henderson

Transnationals: D.40, Ford; D.41, pp.73-77; D.43, Lieten; D.44, pp.51-54
United Nations: D.43, Nerfin; D.45, Nerfin; D.47, Strong; D.48, Santa
Cruz; D.49, Nerfin; p.40; Lewis; pp.71-72
United States: D.41, Boulding; D.42, Falk; D.43, Nerfin; D.47, Gabel;
D.49, Ghannam
Women: D.39, Foxley; Ozorio; D.41, pp.56-58; D.42, pp.78-82; D.43,
Pietilx; D.44, Patel; Savan6; p.78; D.45, p.79; D.46, pp.27-29; D.47,
Belhachmi; D.48, Santa Cruz; Ampuero; D.49, Maathai; Tinker; D.50, Santa
Cruz; pp.31-37; p.50
Zambia: D.42, Mwansa
Continued from page (ii1
Technical guidelines
Papers have a better chance of being published when they:
. are written in English, French or Spanish and need only slight
editing
. do not exceed 5,000 words, that is l1 Dossier pages;
are accompanied by a 100-word abstract (which is normally transla-
ted by IFDA and pub1 ished in the two other languages).
IFDA sees its role, and that of the Dossier, as merely instrumental. We
do not believe in coordination and m e , but in horizontal communication.
This is why, for instance, we provide, as a matter of policy,
the addresses of those who write. The dialogue can thus go on without
our intermediation, and the network acquire a life of its own.
We hope that the Dossier, however modest and austere (some say too aus-
tere, but we prefer reaching more people to spending on glossy paper,
cover or print), will be able to continue to provide a global, people-
oriented vehicle, for autonomous networking and mutually educating dia-
logues towards another development.
Past issues
Most past issues of the Dossier are out of print, with the following
exceptions, which we can provide on request (but quantities, especially
for older issues, are quite limited): 16, 21, 25, 27, 28, 30, 34, 35, 36
as well as 38 and following issues (US$ 3.- a copy). The main text of
Dossier 17 (English only) can be obtained from the Dag Hamarskjold
Foundation, Ovre Slottsgatan 2, 752 20 Uppsala, Sweden (Development
Dialogue 1981:l). Dossiers 1 t o 38, together with the papers generated
by the third system project, can be purchased on microfiche from IDC,
Postrasse 14, 6300 Zug, Switzerland (Cf. advertisement on p. ix'
Indices were published in Dossiers 17, 26 and 38.

ifda dossier 50 . november/december 1985 global space
MAL-DEVELOPMENT IN INDUSTRIAL COUNIRIES
by Erhard Sppler
Silcherstrasse 23
7295 Dornstetten, FRG
- Abstract: The author, who was Minister for Development Cooperation in
the Federal Republic of Germany (1968-1974), evokes the years of growth;
it did not increase the resources available for cooperation: its firancial
fruits were needed to cope with the domestic problems created by
growth itself. He examines four threats facing the OECD countries: ecology,
unemployment, the welfare state and military security. The author
looks at three changes that would enable Europe to become a partner for
the South: stop the arms race; overcome the obsession with growth; and
master the evolution of technology. There are no 'developedt and 'under-
-developedt countries but more or less mal-developed countries. Development
begins at home and the changes in the North can have positive effects
in the South, but change will come neither from governments nor
Parliaments, but from the peoples themselves, both in the North and l.ne
South.
MAL-DEVELOPPEMENT DANS LES PAYS INDUSTRIALS
Resume: L'auteur, qui fut ministre de la cooperation au dgveloppement en
Allemagne federale (1968-1974) evoque les ann6es de la croissance, laquelie
n'a pas augment6 les ressources dtsp~ntble~ pour la coop6rstion.
ses fruits aydnt et6 d6vort5s par les probiemes qu'elle a suscit&s. Il
examine quatre menaces pesant sur les pays de 1'OECD: Gculogie, chzmage,
s6curit6 socials et s6curit6 militaire. L'auteur envisage les changements
qui sent n6cessaires pour rendre llEurope capable d'etre un partenaire:
mettre fin 2 la course aux armements, d6passer ltobsession de la
croissance et maitriser lV6volution technologique. I1 n'y a ni pays 'd6velopp6s'
ni pays tsoiis-d6velopp6st: 11 n'y a que des pays plus ou mojns
mal-developp6s. Le dt5veloppement commence chez soi et Ie changement dans
le Nord pourra etre utile au Slid, mais 11 ne viendra ni des gouvei-nements
ni des Parl.ements, mais des peuples eux-mSmes, au Nord et au Sud.
MAL-DESARROLLG EN LOS PAISES IMDUSTRIALES
Resumen: El autor, quien fue ministro de la cooperzici6n a1 desarrollo en
Aleniania Federal (1968-1974), evoca 10s anos de increment0 economico que
no han aumentado 10s recursos disponibles para :a cooperation, ya que
sus frutos han sido dcvorados por 10s problemas intecnos yue ha susci-
tado. Examina cuatro amenazas que pesan sobre 10s paisss de llUT.CD, ero-
logfa, desempleo, seguridad social y seguridad militar. El autor con-
tempIa los cambias que son necesarios para hacer de Europa un interiocu-
tor: poner un termino a la carrera de araaaentos, superar la nbsesion rle
increment0 y dominar la evoluci6n tecnol6gica. No hay ni pafses desat-ro~
llados nl paises subdesarrollados: hay tan solo parses mzs o menos pal-
desarrollados. El desarrollo empieza en casa propria y el cumbio en el
Nortc podr5 ser G t i l a1 Sur, pero no vendr.5 ni de los gobiernos ni de
10s Parlamentos, pero de 10s pueblos misiaos, en el Norte y en el Sur.

Erhard Eppler
MALDEVEIOPMENT HI INDUSTRIALISED COUNTRIES
I. Fifteen years ago when I felt responsible to reach the
famous 0.7% target of official development assistance (ODA)
for the Federal Republic of Germany I still believed in what
seemed self-evident: that high growth-rates in my country
could make it easier to transfer seven out of a thousand
marks to poor countries. Happily, between 1968 and 1974,
when I tried to approach the 0.7% target, the Federal Repub-
lic enjoyed a considerable boom with growth-rates which have
never been reached again and, I guess, in future will in
vain be striven after. But I did not get the money I wanted
from my minister of finance. To spend money outside Germany
turned out to be even more difficult with rapid growth. The
government needed all the financial fruits of growth to cope
with the problems and dangers created by growth: more money
for building roads, for the deficit of a shrinking railway
system, for a rapidly increasing health budget, and, al-
ready, for repairing ecological damage, for cleaning pollu-
ted water and stopping air pollution, for better education
that should prepare growth in the. 21st century, for social
welfare and so on. The higher our growth rates, the more
dramatic became the demands to the finance minister. The
more money he got, the less he had to spare. And when the
first oil crisis began, the demands became far greater than
the means, saving and budget cuts were unavoidable, inclu-
ding, of course, the development cooperation budget.
So I learned: it was not just bad will that prevented us
from doing what we should have done, it was a mechanism in-
side our society and our economy. What was regarded and
celebrated as economic success did not increase our capacity
to help Third World countries. It was just not realistic to
think we could spare 10% of our growth - not of our GNP, but
of the annual growth of our GNP - for the South. We badly
needed every additional penny to manage the effects of this
kind of growth.
11. So my next question was: what is wrong with our socie-
ty? Are we really developed and others are under-developed?
Does development mean for poor countries to imitate us? Was
development just a matter of shortening a time-lag? Today it
is clear that crises in the South have something to do with
crises in the North. If I speak of Northern countries, I
mean industrialised Western countries, more exactly, OECD
countries. Whatever happens now in the Soviet Union and
other countries of the Eastern alliance - and I do hope that
this system proves capable of reform - it is by far less
important to the South than what happens in the USA or West-
ern Europe. So let us confine ourselves to the capitalist
world. The OECD countries, more or less, have to face four
threats:

1) The ecological threat
Lakes and even large parts of our oceans are threatened with
ecological death, so are most of our European forests. Once
our hills have become bald we shall either have too much
water - especially in Spring - or too little water - espe-
cially in Summer. Our soil has accumulated poisonous sub-
stances which neither our generation nor those following us
will be able to get rid of. What we can try to do is to slow
down and eventually stop this accumulation.
I need not repeat everything you know about polluted ground
water, acid rain, eroding soil. You could all give many ex-
amples of the devastation of nature going on in the South
with even greater speed than in the North.
An economy that destroys the basis it is built on cannot
last very long. And as long as we confine ourselves to re--
pairing the damage we have inflicted on nature, there is no
hope, neither for nature - in many cases an effort to repair
comes too late - nor for our economy which will overstrain
its resources and lose this desperate race between destruc-
tion and repair. Preemptive protection of nature is still an
exception, as you can judge from the European dispute about
speed limits or catalysator technology, not to speak cf al-
ternative systems of traffic. Pressure groups representing
vested interest are still more efficient - if no longer more
powerful - than growing awareness of ecological necessity.
This means that the ecological thrcac has not yet rsached
its climax. Dramatic events that can st~muldte political
action in many cases signify that it is too late.
2) z e threat of ~~nemployn!ent
The second threat is unemployment, or, more precisely, a
strange incapability of dealing with unemployment. It is
just not true that unemployment in Western 13arope id due to
an economic crisis. There is something like crisis in vari--
ous branches of industry, steel, coal, ship-buildinq, b ~ t
there is no crisis comprising the economies as such. Growing
unemployment is not the result of failure in economic
achievement, of a production insufficient to meet the needs
of populations, but of a complete failure in economic think-
ing, in economic theory and economic policy.
It is still some kind of a dogma that unc-mployinent m1 st be
fought against by economic qrowth, although this dogma has
ueen wrong for a quarter of a rentury, at least in my CCJLI~I-
try.
Since 1960 productivity in our economy has grown faster than
GNP, and the difference has always been made up for by a
reduction of working hours. In 1960, the average German wor-
ker did 2154 hours of work per annum, now the respective
figure is about 1780 hours a year. But most of the reduction

was done in the sixties and early seventies. At the very
moment when growth rates dwindled away, our employers sud-
denly became very reluctant in shortening working hours.
This, they argued, night even more reduce growth rates. Up
to this day most of our economists and politicians still
hope and strive for growth rates of GNP exceeding those of
productivity although we have never had them except in the
period immediately after the second world war when we had to
rebuild our factories and our cities. Some still stick to
Keynesian instruments, others try out a monetarian concept
and some, in the USA, even practise Keynes to pay for an
enormous programme of armaments while confessing Milton
Friedman to satisfy conservative followers. But for all of
them economic growth will remain the very goal of economic
policy, keeping them from considering any other remedy to
unemployment .
This, of course, means stimulating exports to the point of
rendering export-promotion the main purpose of aid. It means
that relations to Third World countries are judged by the
lumber of jobs which might be created by such relations, not
in the Third World, of course, but in Europe, Japan or the
United States. Reforestation to stop the Sahara from spread-
ing does not create jobs in Europe, building highways for
European cars does. Thus the incapability of dealing with
unemployment even determines the quality if not the quantity
of aid.
3) The threat to the welfare state
The idea of the welfare state i s far olddr than the obses-
sion with growth. So parts of the welfare state are based on
permanent and considerable growth, others are not. Social
securif-.y for those who can no longer work because they are
old, for those w/ho cannot work because they are sick or hurt
by some accident or for those who are not allowed to work
because there is no work for their, this basic social secu-
rity does not depend on growth rates but on a sense of soli-
darity with those who are young before they get old, who are
vjeli .again after being sick or those who have a job not
knowing how long.
What makes social security so expensive that its future
seems threatened, is not the pact of solidarity between the
younc and the old, the healthy and the sick, the jobholder
and the unemployed, it is:
1) demographic development
2 highly t.echnocratic approach, especially in the field
of Lea 1 t.h
3) the high deqree of unemployment
4.1 enormous differences in primary incomes
The incre3sip.g proportion of old people in many Western
countries can be compensated by increasing productivity, the

numbers of unemployed might be reduced by d more adequate
distribution of work. But our health systems will prove too
expensive even for rich societies as long as we stick to the
underlying idea of health being produced by a technically
perfect machinery which provides a pill or injection or - if
need be - a surgical operation for any conceivable pain or
sickness.
A system of curative medicine concentrating on sick livers
or kidneys neglecting the persons who suffer from these
ailments is bound to overstrain private as well as public
budgets.
And the attempt to re-distribute extremely diverging primary
incomes in order to safeguard minimal social security is
bound to inflate bureaucracy and to overstrain budgets. All
this must create enormous pressure from inside our societies
rendering us unable to turn to tasks outside cur countries.
Less inequality between North and South has somethinq to do
with less inequality within the North.
4) The threat to military security
If President Reagan considers deterrence immoral and wants
to overcome it, he uses the language of peace mov,ements. He,
of course, means somethinq fundaxentallv different. Never-
theless, there is unanimity on one point: the system of ~le-
terrence is unbearable, it cannot remain as it is. In the
long run it is impossible to achieve security by threatening
to blow up entire nations or by bringing about. an atomic
winter, rooting out maiikir'.d and most of the creatures we
know.
Ten years aqo deterrence seemed to work. Very few people
were searching for methods to replace it. Five years ago we
discussed the question whether or not deterrence could be
overcome. Now there seems to be agreement that we must get
rid of det.errence. But how? Some people hope this might be
done by disarmament. The Reagan administration wanrs to do
it by SDI. For peace movements, peace is a matter of a
chanae in international relations. For Keinberqar this is a
matter of new technology. Peace becomes a technological
trick.
For the poor countries it is not so very important whether
in 2010 this trick will work. Most experts, as you know, are
very doubtful about that. What matters for the South is the
enormous cost of this effort, be it successful or not. SDI
means the open-iinded arz.:; race, not so much in terms of
quant I t y but cif ..*udiA ty . i L ir.2ar.s th2.t ::b.'? ?-WO sup~r-powc?rs
will concentrate all their resources, human as well as mate-
rial, to make themselves invulnerable and tc prevent the
other side froin becominq invulnerable.
Wha~
does this mean in economic terms? I osit the unsatis-
fied needs of peoolo i.n the Soviet Ur.io:i and i-cs allies

since this, bad enough in itself, has very little impact on
the Southern part of our globe. I concentrate on the West,
especially the USA. SDI means that deficit in the US budget
will rather increase than decrease. If so there is little
room for any kind of debt settlement. Even more important:
we all have to live with high interest rates, an over-valued
dollar. For the South this means annual debt services sur-
passinq the total amount of the debts in 1974. It means more
and more power for IMF. It means more exports from South to
North, even a net transfer of resources from South to North.
The economies of the South will have no chance to become
relatively self-reliant. They will become more and more ex-
port-oriented, this means dependent on the very monetary
system that prevents self-reliance. The higher the debt ser-
vice, the more dependent and the smaller chances to satisfy
basic needs inside the country.
If Brasil has to export soja beans tc the European community
this means higher surplus of meat in Europe and fewer black
beans t:i feed Brasilians. It is the poor in the poor coun-
tries who pay for the arms race of the rich. So SDI and the
open-ended arms race initiated by this initiative means that
the stifling effects of debts will not be mitigated but
either block any development appropriate to the respective
country, or lead to desperate steps to escape debt servi-
tude.
The four threats I mentioned and our helplessness vis-a-vis
these explain and even constitute our incapability to help
the South. Even more important: they make us incapable of
partnership with the South. What counts is not so much the
poor quantity of what is called aid, not even its even
poorer quality. What counts is our influence on the South,
our impact on its technology, on its financial mechanisms,
on its room for independent decisions, its chances to become
more self-reliant. It is not our job to make countries of
the South salf-reliant - that is what they can only do for
themselves - but it is up to us to give these nations a
chance to achieve some kind, their kind, of self-reliance as
a basis for interdependence in the future. We have not yet
done so. If we want to give them a chance this is not so
much a matter of aid but of change within the North. We have
to change our :nodel of development to give the Southern
countries a chance to change theirs.
Let me give some hints as to what kinds of change might be
necessary to make us capable of partnership.
1) Let me - very briefly - start with tne arms race. We
hmi- Lc, stop ^11 river1 reverse it. if he tail to do so the
economic mechanisms I alluded to will crush all the attempts
at a new model of development. Debt servitude and self-
reliant development contradict each other.
2) We have to overcome the obsession with growth, even the
obsession with GNP. What matters is not the rate of growth

ut its direction and quality. As long as we are concerned
with the rate of growth we shall be the slaves of its by-
effects, and we shall be at the mercy of those in our econo-
my who made decisions affecting the rate of growth.
What we have to ask is: What should grow? What should not
grow? What should be prevented from growing? What should
shrink?
As long as we expect all kinds of breakdowns unless there is
not sufficient growth, economic policy is not much more than
encouragement of investors to invest more, and inevitably,
whatever they think profitable. The very question: what
should grow and what should shrink? initiates a democratic
discussion about what we really want. In history there has
never been a generation before us so completely devoid of
imagination as to say: we must have growth regardless of
what this may mean, in which fields growth should take place
and what should grow. Once paradigms have been changed we
arrive at some very simple principles:
It is not the consumption of energy or raw materials or land
that should grow, but every production c c every service that
can help us to save energy, to save or re-cycle raw mate-
rials, to prevent waste, to save or restore ecological cy-
cles. This is not a philosophy .)I? renunciation. We should
not reduce our claims 1c a L-a'i-ter quality of life, we should
stress them. Our claims to a better life are not exaggerated
they are rather primitive, misguided and alienated. What we
aim at is vita bond, but we have to redefine what this may
mean. We have to start a discussion on our quality of life
and the means to improve it in order to give people in the
South a chance to improve theirs.
I admit that I have some difficulty with the expression "a£
fluent society". The unemployed and under-privileged 30% in
our societies do not feel that their problem is affluence,
it is a struggle to satisfy basic needs different from, but
comparable with, the basic needs of people in the South.
We, of course, need economic and political instruments to
decide what should grow and what should shrink in order to
improve the quality of life. But what we need first is a
democratic discussion that may create new majorities or even
a new consensus in the fields of agriculture, industrial
production, health, transport, building and energy.
3) This new approach includes technology. We no longer
believe that technological development is something autono-
muus, independent from economic interest or the values moti-
vating people.
For two centuries rationalisation was just an effort - a
very successful one - to replace human labour by capital and
energy. This is how we got a technology completely inappro-
priate to the South. But is it appropriate to the North? It

is the North that needs new accents in technical develop-
ment. It is the North that. needs a new kind of rationalisa-
tion saving more energy and raw materials than human labour.
This technology must be closer to nature, it must use its
forces not by doing them violence but by respecting their
laws adapting itself to these laws. This technology of
course, need not be less sophisticated, it may even mean the
application of most recent inventions like micro-electronics.
But it might mean a technology more adaptable to the re-
quirements of countries that have plenty of human labour,
little energy and even less capital. We have to question our
model of what we call technological progress in order to
give the South a real chance to choose and develop what eve-
ry single country may regard as useful to its own purposes.
There is no such thing as developed and under-developed
countries but more or less maideveloped countries, different
stages and degrees of maldevelopment. So it is true that de-
velopment begins at home. As long as we continue the sort of
development that must lead us into catastrophe we are bound
to accelerate catastrophe elsewhere. Whenever we strive to
escape and prevent destruction, military, ecological as well
as social, in our o%n societies, we are or. our way towards
what 1 call oi^r capability of partnership. Changing our own
pattern of development can have three positive effects on
the South:
1) We are no longer forc-id to export destruction.
21 We liberate the elites of the Si->u~-' frm the c~nip~iisicr;
tc imitate our traditional model and 3ncrease their
chances of find1r.q their owr,
3) Once W- axe lesis occupied with the disastrous results
of our deval.opmer.t, there mi~ht- be >ome resources left,
material as well as human, to help others.
I am not ilaiv~? enough to believe that all this is possible
without overcoming enormous obstacles. The power structures
in our societies will resist most of these changes. They
will not give way without a fierce struggle. What I count on
is the change of values and of consciousness visible in most
societies of the West. A ma.jority of people already feel
that there is no future if we just continue doing what we
have done hitherto. What we need is politicians who trans-
late this change of consciousness into practical po'litics
ar.d into new ma>.rities.
But they cannot succeed unless there are millions of people
who - reoardless .;f what their pol.it;ciafis d;; U& a ---. . .- JU3t
be*i^"~P to ,2?,,'3,r1",,2 ^L,?"' row'"' ,>.,>l. ;f :i.::-- -L.=, cf c^:-i.siJir.ii.i^, i1.ei.i
way of cifeaiing with nature and of u5inq technology.
I do net know whether change xi11 be fast en-ouch to give our
qrandchiidrren a chance. But I do know !.hat it does not stzrt
from governments or parli-aments, but frox the grassroots .in
the North and in the South.

BAD NEIGHBOURS
by William dark (1916-1985)
Yi'ilim Cluk died on 27 June. A jo~t--List and intepr.atimal civil ser-
vant, he founded and ran in the 60's The London-based Overseas Develop-
ment Instihtu; he served for 12 years at the World Bank ohere, as a
close associate of Robert Mcflcmara, he uas vice-president for external
relations and played a key role it. the establishment of the Brandt Com-
mission. Since 1980 he uas president of the international Institute for
Environment and Development founded hj Barbara Ward. Shortly before h'ia
death, he published a fascinating policy-fiction book, Cataclysm, the
North-South conflict of 1987 (hndon: Sidgwick and -'ackcon, 1984,
ZJBpp.), an imaginative story based on insights uhich throw thought-
provoking tights on the North-South rift (the novel 02s reviewed by
Gamani Corea in IFDA Dossier 48, pp.61-64). As a tribute to Wiltican
dark, we reproduce below a sbrt piece which originally appeared in The
Tablet London, 11 February 1984.
-S
* * 4 *
The story of the Good Neighbour encapsulates a whole socio-
logical treatise in about 400 words. This, then is the par-
able of the Bad Neighbours:
Two families moved into a semi-detached house with a rather
thin dividing wall, which permitted them to hear, but not
understand, everything that went on in the other's abode.
Both families became convinced that the other was attempting
to break through the wall, and murder them in their beds. So
they each built up a battery of alarm signals, and more and
more sophisticated booby traps and explosive devices, which
would enable them utterly to destroy the neighbours if they
ever attempted to break through.
The cost of this burglar proofing was so great that neither
family had any cash to spare to fix up the cellar and base-
ment. There, in damp, overcrowded squalor, a large number of
poor coloured tenants lived. In mid-winter the basement be-
came so cold that the tenants used their axes to chop off
bits of the joists in their ceiling to build fires to keep
warm. Messages came from upstairs forbidding them to shake
the building, lest the alarm systems were activated and
everyone blown up; but as a concession, upstairs did promise
to turn up the electric heating so that some warmth could
trickle downstairs. But heat does not trickle down. So the
blacks quietly and carefully sawed away the wood. After a
time the -joists qave way, the floors sank, the dividing wall
tott-ered and fell, thus exploding all its defensive devices
and killing everyone on both sides of the building.
I hope the parable does not need explaining, but I would
like to emphasise some of its implications for today's
world. The division of the world into two nuclear-armed
camps is a reality which cannot be wished away, so that the

de-escal-ation of the nuclear bal- ance of terror is arguably
the most urgent task before the governments concerned. But
it is not the only task before those governments; there are
other ways to make the earth a desert than a nuclear holo-
caust. Poverty can be as devastating as plutonium; the South
presents as great a challenge as the East, and at least as
urgent.
Today this poverty explosion is most devastating in Africa.
The pressure of expanding population has filled up the ci-
ties, which have more than doubled in size since independ-
ence came in the sixties. Cities have to bring food from
farms outside; but in Africa the agricultural sector, which
accounts for at least three-quarters of the population, can
only just feed itself, and the cities are largely supplied
by imported food from the northern hemisphere. This is ex-
pensive. So the supplies are subsidised, to avoid the riots
which follow any attempt to raise food prices to their eco-
nomic level. This means that African farmers are underpaid
for any food they do sell to the cities, which gives another
downward turn to the poverty spiral. Because they are so
poor they tend to overcultivate and underfertilise their
land; they cut down more trees and bushes for fuel, instead
of using kerosene; they burn the animal dung instead of em-
ploying it as manure. As a result, with increasing speed,
the top soil blows or is washed away, leaving a desert of
sand as in the Sahel, or of baked mud as in East Africa.
Less in the public eye but just as terrifying is the loss of
topsoil in Asia. The expanding pcpulation of Nepal is denud-
ing the Himalayas of their forests, which provide the essen-
tial sponge to make the great range the watershed of South
Asia, supporting the lives of a billion people. The soil
cover which is washed way, leaving bare infertile rock, will
take 400 years to replace.
But, of course, mankind cdnnot wait 400 years, when it is
destroying the basis on which it subsists at such a rapid
rate. We are faced with the stark fact that the existing
world order will collapse by the end of the century, because
three-quarters of the earth's population are living in des-
tructive poverty, and we are all destroying the very basis
of our .existence. Mankind might survive the exhaustion of
our oil reserves, not of the earth's topsoil.
But is it our responsibility in the affluent world to help
in creating a new order which would provide a sustainable
improvement in the lot of the poorest? For every good neigh-
bour who would answer "yes", there are two who will pass by
on the other side. It is to them our parable is addressed.
They live protected from the holocaust only by a delicate
balance of terror, and from the cataclysm by a delicate bal-
ance of nature which is already dangerously upset. The base-
ment squatters in the world are the majority of mankind and
are in the process of destabilising the entire global order.
We shall not find security by ignoring them.

PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT
THE PROBLEMATIQUE - IS PEACE AN ABSENCE OF WAR?
Jimoh Cteo-Fadaka*
Environment Liaison Centre
FOB 72461
Nairobi, Kenya
It is important to view the issue of peace beyond the analy-
sis of the arms race and militarisation and counter-measures
like arms control, disarmament and demilitarisation. While
these counter-measures are legitimate and indeed urgent con-
cerns there are two important issues that they by themselves
cannot deal with. The first relates to the uncertainty of
peace settlements. What guarantee is there that nations
which lack a deeper and widely accepted culture of peace
will not start once again on the armaments course? The
second relates to non-military threats t.o peace arizinq out
of socio-economic and political processes within and between
societies that lead to oppression, human suffering, tension
and violence at personal, communal and international levels.
The achievement of peace involves much more than reducing or
eliminating the military threats to war. Indeed the chances
are that without. eliminating the non-military threats to war
there cannot be durable peace and the spectre of war will
re-errerqe.
Consequently there is the need for a more comprehensive tor.-
ceptualisation of peace and of a much broader identification
of issues and policy areas than the current discussion of
peace and security" have hitherto provided. The question
needs to be asked: what constitutes peace? Is it merely ab-
sence of war? If this is so, what is to be the broader frame
of reference? There is the need to think of peace as a ccn-
dition of life itself, and this needs to be done by iden-
tifying the many dimensions that affect its course and its
mome n turn.
On the other hand, peace cannot be thought of in a passive
way. We live in a world of deep dualism. Acute deprivation
in some regions of the world and in some classes CO-exists
with great wealth and ostentation in others. It is a world
characterised by growing economic and political domination
by a few centres in a supposedly "interdependent" world. It
is also characterised by accumulating frustration and des-
pair, insecurity and fear, among the vast majority of the
poor in the same interdependent world. Until recently peace
The vieus expressed in th'is paper are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect those of the Environment Liaison Centre uith which
he is associated.

appeared to be more in the interest of the "establishment"
than of the oppressed, more to maintaining the st-atus quo
than to providing a basis for transformation.
Indeed the case for "just wars" and for "wars of liberation"
was so clear under such unequal conditions that they ap-
peared to the establishment to be almost inherently unjust.
What is new and dramatic in recent years is the interest of
the poor and the oppressed in peace. But their interest is
in a very different kind of peace and not in what passes off
as peace which is actually a silent and invisible war kill-
ing millions quietly through hunger, disease and oppression.
So there is the need to conceive a new peace, one which is a
multi-dimensional process to be pursued in multi-dimensional
space and along arenas of inter-relationship between various
dimensions.
It is only when the poor of the world acquire a stake in
peace (that will be the test of a "just peace") and when ma-
jor centres of the world and the elites and well-off sec-
tions everywhere become willing to share their wealth, powar
and prosperity that a real and enduring basis for peace will
be laid. Until then we will only be going round and round
the circles of disarmament and arms control negotiations
with continuing growth of new strategic doctrines for pro-
viding national and bloc security.
The same applies to technical exercises of releasing resour-
ces for development without willing t-o simultaneously ques-
tion the present conventional models of development (East
and West) that have induced injustice and dualism, prevented
structural transformation, promoted strife and violence,
given rise to widespread alienation and have led i-c systems
of management and governance that ignore popular demands and
movements and often rely on coercion and manipulation.
PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT
How to move towards a new model of development that is also
a model of peace, a model of life that is based on shared
compassion and empathy within and across societies, and one
which is based on the fundamental, transformation of the
structure of the present reality - global, national and
local? Failing this, we will only have dealt with the symp-
toms of the arms race and not its causes and we will have
given birth to a "peace" that will be short-lived.
In short, there is a need to integrate peace and development
and to see the two as aspects of a single comprehensive vi-
sion. of a world that is life-sustaining in a basic sense:
sustaining nature and natural resources; sustaining values
that protect and nurture diversities of cultures and per-
sonalities yet promoting coherance and interrelatedness;
sustaining a just social order as a prerequisite for a
peaceful and a democratic process of decision-making that
promotes freedom of each as a condition of the freedom of

all and thus as a basic characteristic of "peace". Only then
can the concept of peace provide the basis of life.
And the same with the concept of development. Not develop-
ment that divides and generates tension and violence arising
from widening chasms between acute suffering and vulgar opu-
lence (one degrading and the other dehumanising) but devel-
opment that produces a basic consensus on the nature of the
human enterprise and the values that should inform it, and
thus development that leads to a basic unity.
If development is to produce unity in the midst of so much
strife, it will have to be redefined. It will need to be not
a function of centralised governance and projects of welfare
administered by an alien or indigenous class of technocrats,
but of a plural and decentralised process of decision-
making, leading to a harmony born out of respect for diver-
sity, a balance born out of multiple human interactions and
an organic interplay with nature, and lifestyle that is sus-
tainable for all and thus making tolerable demands on
natural resources.
There can be no enduring peace without redirecting the whole
development effort, without reconceptualising its various
component dimensions and inter-relating them all in a common
and coherent framework. It is not possible to have peace
under the present model of conventional development
patterns, East or West.
Disarmament, under present patterns of development, even if
it were to cake place will not by itself produce peace. It
may be a necessary condition, but not a sufficient one.
In the present deeply divi-ded and intensely unjust and op-
pressive world, with highly unsettled gee-pclitics and
ethno-politics, it i s not possible to totally rule out local
and limited civil wars, at times even spilling over "natio-
nal" boundaries. To wish that thj.s should never happen is
naive. What. is necessary to ensvre i~ that societies do not
continuously prepare for war, do not remain in a permanent
State of Combat alert and that when wars do break out, such
episodes are shortlived, self-correcting and in the end gi-
ving rise to greater amity between contending parties.
THE NOTION OF LIMITS
Only in a utopian world will t.here be no war of any kind.
There is the need to circumscribe the incidence of war and
violence in ways that promote peace. This does not mean a
concept of peace based on any absolute standard of behaviour
for all states and classes, and for all interests and move-
ments, but rather one that prescribes limits that are accep-
ted by all.
Peace, then, should be thought of as not an absence of any
war (or war-like conflicts) but of an all-out or total war,

of wars waged for domination or for an abstract cause of
ideology or some other telos? be it secular or spiritual.
The problem of peace at present is that the preparation for
wars goes on continuously and on an escalating scale: and
the purpose for which the military machine is being continuously
updated is for total wars. It is this absence of moderation,
of any sense of limits, that leads to the process
of perpetual "~~odernisation" and sophistication of the armaments
industry and armaments cul.ture in so many regions of
the world, fuelled by the perpetually growing global arms
trade and arms transfers. It is this that lies behind (be it
the cola war between the superpowers with rising temperature,
or endless warfare as in West Asia and the Gulf) the
almost total absence of peace.
The notion of Limits is also crucial to the concept of de-
velopment if the latter is to be in symbiotic relationship
with peace. It is precisely the absence of a notion of lim-
its that. lies at the heart of the concept of "progress" that
knows no bounds, puts societies cn a path of perpetual mo-
tion, produces rapacious technology, ravages nature, desta-
bilises cultures and community lifestyies and leads to a
course of human evolution that undermines the autonomy and
di.qr.ity of diverse peoples outside the metropolitan main-
stream. It is necessary to put a brake on this mindless race
into the future, restore ideas of austerity in the manage-
ment of resources and self-control in translating needs into
wants, reject artificially stiraulated wants, contain psychic
drives that disrupt community bonds, ecological prudence and
care for the coruing generations. In short, there i.s a need
to develop an overall ethic of restraint and prudence. It is
the violation of this basic precept of traditional wisdcn;
that has led to a quality of development which has under-
mined human harmony and solidarity.
TOWARDS A NEW PARADIGM
Such an ethic will entail fundamental rethinking of the
whole perspective and paradigm of development. The prevail-
ing paradiqni has grown out of (a) the Ecrooean Enlightenment
and the theory of progress, (b) the innate faith in the sci-
entific and technological revolutions originating in and
spreading from Europe for the deliverance of entire socie-
ties from their diverse traditions, (c) the global impact of
the Industrial Revolution and modern capitalism through its
colonial outreach and (dj the concept of modernisation of
traditional societies under the onslaught of universal theo-
ries of economic development be they of capitalist or socia-
list origin.
The paradigm has led to a massive undermining of traditional
restraints, inhibitions and ambiguities in the relationship
between war and power and to an aggressive pursuit of domi-
nation and control over one and all - over nature, over so-
ciety, over other societies, over outer space and the deep
seas, over the mystery of life itself. It is in the pursuit

of this paradigm that the roots of modern imperialism and
the intense competition for control over territories and
natural resources are to be found. Its more recent manifes-
tation has been control over the environment, technological
"fixes" and, above all, strategic and military power.
~t is incumbent upon chose who wish to work for peace to
understand the nexus between the modern paradigm of develop-
ment and the global reality of the struggle for domination
and, in pursuit thereof, a relentless piling up of arma-
ments. The battle for peace will have to be fought not just
at East-West or North-South negotiations but also, and per-
haps primarily, in the board rooms of the modern state (of
whatever political persuasion) and its planning and imple-.
mentation agencies, the global economic enterprises and
their local collaborators (be they governments or private
capitalists), the large networks of United Nations develop-
ment age-r~cies, the World Bank and the IMF and. above all,
the vast array of Research and Development (R & D) estab-
lishments from which, incidentally, a lot of military R & D
draws its impetus.
It is a serious mistake to think of development as something
that began after 1945 with the dawn of independence for so
many ex-colonial countries, followed by a succession of UN
Development Decades, and the proliferation of a great many
national and international networks of aid, trade, techno-
logy transfer and research. Inundated by the mammoth out-
flow of communications and policy debates from this jungle
of institutions we are likely to forget that the basic value
presumptions and power orientation of the entire effort were
already laid long before "development" began and that it is
continuously being conditioned by global forces imminent in
the historical epoch that began with the rise of modern
science.
It follows that the struggle for peace is closely inter-
twined with the various efforts that have been underway to-
wards transforming both the paradigm and the politics of
development, moving towards alternatives in various spheres.
This, then, is the broad context of the problematique of
peace and security in a world that is already in the throes
of fundamental transformation, and is in need of a compre-
hensive strategy of peaceful reconstruction towards an al-
ternative social and international order, with appropriate
technological and institutional underpinnings, which, while
preserving the great diversity of cultures, ecologies and
moral and religious orders, yet moves towards a new sense of
unity and common destiny.
Hence the need to move beyond conceiving peace as negation
of war and towards peace as a new paradigm of life itself -
of "preparation for life in peace" in the words of the pre-
sent Secretary-General of the United Nations. In fact, such
formulation of the problem of peace by the United Nations
signifies more than mere articulation of yet another dimen-

sion in the definition of the problem. It signifies a much
more clear definition of what the Organisation stands and
works for. For with it the UN has moved closer to the great
movements of thought and action of our times that are taking
place outside the state system. The state system, as is is
presently constructed shows signs of being unable to provide
peace and security. In such a situation progress towards
disarmament and upholding human rights will come to a stand-
still.
We are witnessing a powerful upsurge of human consciousness.
There is growing awareness that old ways will not do, that
something has gone wrong and that we may be sliding towards
an extremely fragile and perilous course, and that we ought
to change course before it is too late. As the late Aurelio
Peccei is reputed to have said, "every indicator in the
world has worsened, except for one - human awareness".
It is this profound combination of deep reflection on the
causes of the crisis we are in and the conviction that some-
thing has to be done about it on the part of ordinary men
and women that has spurred the large array of "grassroots"
movements around some of the most crucial dimensions of the
human predicament. Among these are the "peace" movements
that are challenging age-old notions of national security
and defence; the "environmental" movements against the des-
truction and pillage of natural resources; the powerful
"women's" movements across all continents that are raising
entirely new issues in the relationship between human bonds
and human bondage; the new and more radical "movements for
democracy", "human rights" movements campaigning for the
rights of tribes, minorities and ethnic groups for their
very survival against the onslaught of metropolitan cultures
and a mindless technology and, above all, the "youth" move-
ments campaigning against violence and other forms of injus-
tice.
For a long time these various movements appeared fragmented
and isolated, suffering from sectarianism of various kinds
and made ineffective by their being microscopic and varied
in context. With the emergence and spread of the peace move-
ment and its gradual opening up to other dimensions of the
search for alternatives, the various movements are drawing
closer, forging coalition across regions and continents and
even across ideological schools, and developing a sense of
common cause.
These movements (although this is very recent) are relating
to more traditional movement groups like radical trade un-
ions, peasant organisations of the landless and other ex-
ploited strata of the "unorganised sector".
Over and beyond these movements (some spontaneous, others
highly organised) are other spurts in consciousness. They
are found in the politicisation of the men of learning, of
scientists, of intellectuals.

The recent (47th; Congress of PEN, the famous association of
poets, playwrights, editors, essayists and novelists, re-
affirmed the need for peace. Sensing that the root cause of
the world's tensions is human fear, the writers assembled at
the Congress resolved to do all they could to de-fuse fear.
In the words of the PEN President, "the need was to counter-
act fear among different groups ot people as a step towards
abolishing nuclear weapons".
It is this transformation in both the nature of the problem
of peace and in the nature of the response to it that we
need to gauge the deep vulnerability in which all of us and
all our societies and cultures seem to be enveloped. We live
in a period of deep deprivation and suffering of such a high
order - hunger, disease and destitution, atrocities and op--
pression, desertion and deep isolation, destruction of each
other and of nature - that it i s difficult to see how the
planet can survive its full impact. The final nemesis need
not necessarily be the work of some superpower or some arro-
gant upstart. It could well be, and perhaps will be, the end
result of the normal play of the forces of evil and iaunora-
lity, of drift and decadence, of a leaderless world. This
may be more at the heart of the human condition than the
triumph of this or that strategic force or doctrine.
Unless we develop the human capacity to frontally attack and
eliminate the worst forms of misery and despair and the conflicts
and tensions in such a human condition, we will never
succeed in removing the sources of violence and war. The way
to deal with this dual challenge facing us (of-war an6 POverty)
lies not in some blind faith in technoloqy-?-nd its
continuous expansion but rather in bringin thehuman conunu~
nit a at the centre of the developme%process, round
e m and for whom to create a peaceful and harmonious world.
The saviours of peace (if they succeed) will not be states-
men or experts in armament and disarmament, not.,econornists
who will prepare for us conversion plans and profiles of new
balances between development and defence, but ordinary man
and women, in their consciousness, in their comprehension of
the multidimensional and interrelated nature of ti3.e problem,
in their courage, their capacity to overcome fear and ir.-
security, their willingness to come out of their various
closets and to collectively create the conditions and the-
compulsions for peace. For affirmation of life. That is what
peace means. Or ought to.
NOTE TO OUR READERS IN SWITZERLAND
p- ----
The practice of including a 'bulletin de versement' in each issue is
yielding positive results and we thank those who have already used it.
For practical reasons, however. it is impossible to be selective in en-
closing the 'green bulletin' and we apologize to those who have already
contributed for its continuing inclusion.

Points from the SIPRI Yearbook 1985
The new deployments of nuclear weapons on both sides are destabilizing.
First, they are much more accurate, so that there is a greater temptation to use
them as war-fighting weapons against military targets. Second, many of them
are forward-based, reducing warning times.
The impending proliferation of sea-launched cruise missiles with nuclear war-
heads is particularly disturbing, On present plans, a very large number of
naval vessels will be equipped to carry these missiles by the early 1990s. They
pose great problems for arms control.
Both France and Britain are proceeding with programmes which will produce
big increases in the number of nuclear warheads which they deploy.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union will soon have to decide whether
they will continue to abide by the arms control constraints of the SALT I1
Treaty, and also whether they will continue to be bound by the provisions of
the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
There were fewer (and smaller) public demonstration:;' on nuclear weapon
issues in 198-1 than in 1983. Nonetheless, public opinion polls still show a large
majority in most countries opposed to further nuclear weapon deployment.
Over the past four years, military spending in the USA has risen 40 per cent,
in real terms. The Administration's five-year projection, published in January,
implied a further 40 per cent rise from 1985 to 1990; however, this is most un-
likely to get Congressional approval.
The Soviet Union's official military budget figure for 1985 is 12 per cent
higher than in 1984.
World expenditure on military research and development is rising
fast-probably by over 10 per cent in 1984: this presages even more new
weapon developments in the future.
There is no reasonable doubt that Iraq, in violation of its international obliga-
tions, has used chemical weapons in its war with Iran. However, there has
been no named condemnation of Iraq at the United Nations.
Previously it was thought that only three nations in the world--the USA, the
L'S% and France-had stockpiles of chemical weapons. Intelligence agencies
suggest 11o'rt thai the number may be much larger than this-perhaps 15
states.
(Sr^RI, Pipers vdg SS, 171 73 Solnu, Sweden)

THE GREAT PEACE JOURNEY
by Inga Thorsson*
Ministry for Foreign Affairs
Box 16121
103 23 Stockholm 16! Sweden
In the mind of a middle-age woman artist and teacher fro~n a
sir~all town in southe~n Sweden! walking in oEe of the peace
marches in Europe a few years agol an idea suddenly occur-
red: Can we hope to achieve anything by marching along dusty
roads with banners and slogans? Is there another, and per-
haps more successful way in which we, the peoples, can im-
press our will and our determination to create a peaceful
future for ourselves and tor generations to come, on govern-
ments and political leaders?
These are indeed highly justified questions. After alll when
40 years ago the Charter of the United Nations was formulat-
ed and adopted! everyone agreed to the opening w~rds, indi-
cating what was to be the basis and the center of this new
international orqani zation . "We, the peoples of the United
Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the
scourge of wars.. . , to promote social progress and better
standards of life in larger freedom. ..'l
To quote from the final paragraph of an article by Daniel
Arbess and Willlam Zpstein on the "Disarmament role for the
United Nations" in the May 1985 issue 2f the Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists:
If pxbLic opinion is ~nobiLize(i in aZL countries to ~xert sufficient
pressure on govements, it may well be that oqe day in the not too
distant j5turle the leaders of the uorZd '8 great po~e~s viZZ finall3
be brought to recognize md act upon the intuition and vision of
the frame~s of the Charter.
The question in the mind of a whitehaired Swedish woman gave
rise to The Great Peace Journey.
This enterprise was based on the idea that the peoples had
to confront the governments of UN Member States with some
basic questions concerning their duties arid obligations E
Governments of Member States of the UN, having freely signed
the Charter of the United Nstiuns.
* Inga Tho~sson, a nmber of the Zxecxtive Conunittee of IL~DA, was for
many yeam Under Secretary of State for Disamment .4ffairs in Sueden.
She ;S now, among others things , ehai~qpers~n of the Great Peace Journey.

These were the questions:
l. Are you willing to initiate national legislation which
guarantees that your country's defence forcesr including
"military advisersn, do not leave your territory for mili-
tary purposes (other than in United Nations peacekeeping
forces)
- if all other Members of the United Nations undertake to
do the same?
2. Are you willing to take steps to ensure that the devel-
opment, possession, storage and employment of mass-destruc-
tion weapons, including nuclear! which threaten to destroy
the very condition necessary for life on this earth! are
torbidden in your country
- if all other Members of the United Nations undertake to
do the same?
3. Are you willing to take steps to prevent your country
from transferring military equipment and weapons technology
to other countries
- if all other Members of the United Nations undertake to
do the same?
4. Are you willing to work for such 3 distribution of the
earth's resources which would make the fundamental neces-
sities of hman life, s wh as clean water, food, elementary
health care and education! available to all people through-
out the world?
5. Are you willing to ensure that any conflictsr in which
your country may become involved in the fllture, will be set-
tled by peaceful means of the kind specified in Article 33
of the United Nations Charterr and not by the use of threat
or force?
The organization first to sponsor the idea was the Swedish
section of the Women's International League for Peace and
Freedom (WILPF), later joined by other Swedish peace organi-
zations and, not least, highly placed representatives of the
Church of Sweden as well as various popular movements*
It was decided to implement the operation in several stages,
the first beinq, travels to capitals in Europe demanding
answers from all European governmentss in written, signed
and clear yes-or-no terms, to the five questions.
After all, in accordance with the VN Charter the governments
are countable to the peoples. And not least so in the nuc-
lear age> in which thls world of ours has been so radically
transformed into "one world or none" that g12 governments
are accountable to the peoples for what they do or do
not do to preserve peace, to implement genuine disarmament
measures, to convert resources used for military purposes to
constructive and meaningful civil use.

This stage of the Great Peace Journey was undertaken from l1
to 28 May 1985. Four busses and one charter flight with
delegates - nen and women - from a number of European
countries visited European capitals, putting the five
questions to government represeritatives, mostly Heads of
Government or Foreign klinisters.
The recepticn was mixed. 25 of 28 governments received the
delegates. 16 of them, in neutral, NATO and Warsaw Pact
countries, answersd yes ts all five questions, six sald yes
to some of them, three reacted extremely unsatisfactorily
(see table). Those have now received letters, explicitly
demanding straight yes-or-no answers. They are accountable
to us and we expect them to answer.
Personally, I do have difficulty in accepting a no-answer
from any government of a country having freely signed the UN
Charter. "If all other UN Members undertake to do the same"
which government could put itself in a position to be the
only one to say explicitly no?
None of us, involved in the Great Peace Jo~rney is of course
naive enough to imagine yes-answers to turn history around,
to solve> as it were, overnight the world problems of the
arms race and underdevelopment. Wha~ is essential is the
purpose of this enterprise: to demand written and signed,
binding answers to the five questions from governments. This
would create a new basis for international negotiations,
finally to follow, and live up to, the Charter of the UN, to
achieve a world of decency and human dignity.
And next year, the UN Year of Peace, will carry the Great
Peace Journey further. In one way or another, the govern-
ments of all UN State Members will be given the opportunity
to answer the questions. Finally8 the two superpower govern-
ments in Washington and Moscow will be confronted with the
will of the peoples.
The power of the peoples will have to manifest itself, not
any longer by marching in the streets and on the roads only,
They will open a straight dialogue with the governments
thenselves, the governments who send their delegations with
instructions to meetings within the T;N, the governments who
in the final analysis are accountable to the peoples of the
world.
As from now, 1 think the peoples will use a new language
when addressing their governments.

THE GOVERNMENTS ' ANSWZRS
LO the Great Peace Journey's five questions.
Country Question l 2 3 4 5
Albania
Austria
Belgium
Bulgaria
Cyprus
Czechoslovakia
Denmark
Federal Republic of Germany
Finlaid
France
German Democratic Republic
Great Britain
Greece
Hungary
Iceland
Republic of Ireland
Italy
Luxembury
Malta
Netherlands
Norway
Poland
Portugal
Rumania
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Yug-nsla1.7i3
X = yes - = no clear answer
Delegation not received
X
-
X
-
X
-
X
-
X
-
X X X X X
X X X X X
Delegation not received
X X X X X
Delegation
- -
X X
X X
X X
X X
-
X
X X
X X
- X
not
-
X
-
X X
- -
received
- -
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X -
-
X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X
X X

ifda dossier 50 . novernber/december 1985 news fron the third 5j1stev
THE DIRTY DOZEN: GLOBAL CAPIPA I GN LAUNCHED AGA IIYST
HAZARDOUS PESTICIDES
An international public interest network 6n S .June 1'285 afinounced a
"Dirty Dozen" list of pesticides which, it said, cause urlnecessary poi-
soning~, food contamination and serious environinental problems, p.arti-
cularly in Third World countries.
Participants in the Pesticide Action Setwork (FA??) International - including
environmental, consumer, chicrch, unl32 and farmworker organizations
- launched the "Dirty Dozen" campaign at simultaneous pr?ss conferences
a2d ac:Lons in over 25 countries ar~un5 the world fin c h Gnited ~
Nacions-designated World Environment Day.
FAN spokespeople explained tney hope to end the deaths and 6amage.q cause?
by the twelve pe5ticides by eliminating their rse wl~erever lf the pesticides on the FAN lj-st, ir~cludifig D2T, alrlrin> dieldrin,
heptachlor and chlordane, have been banned or heavily restricted in the
industrial cou~~tries but continue to be sold and used widely in the
Third World.
Some, including parathion and paraquat, are still widely used inside the
US and other industrialized countries, but cause many poisoning deaths
in Third World countries, where restrictions are few and co~~ditions of
use fail to protect farmworkers or their fanilles - the primary victims
of pesticide poisoning.
At least 750,000 people are poisoned yearly by pesticides, about 14,000
of them fatal.ly, according to the British charity Oxfam, using estimates
origir~ally developed by :he Korld Health Grganjzation 1lJliO)" The main
victlms of the "ilirty ~ctzen'' pcsti~ides, hcw~=ver, a r ~ in Th:,rd World
countries, where studies indicate the rate of poisoning is i3 tines ab
great as in the ES.
Half of all poisoning and three-quarters of all fatalities are believed
to occur in the Third World countries, though they account f ~ only r
about one-sixth of world pesticide use. The Lack of adequate aediczl

care, chronic malnutrition and other health problems among Third World
victims intensifies the hazards.
Magda Reriner of the Acao Democratica Feninina Gaucha in Porto A.legre,
Brazil, pointed to last December's tragic accident at Bhopal, India, as
an example of the double standard maintained by many transnational pes-
ticide. coaipanies Going business in the third World.
' ~ o t only do chase compdnies sell products that are banned at home,"
Renrier stated, "they set up pro*iuction plants that are clearly inferior
CO operating standards back in the US, Europe, or Japan. As a consequence,
Tnird World people carry a double burden of risk - 17th in the
production and in che use of these highly hazardous compounds."
The PAN "Dirty Dozen" list includes HCHiLindane, Toxaphene, Chlordanel
Heptachlor, Chlordlmeform, DBCP, DDT, Aldrin/Dieldrin/Endrin (the
"drins"), EDB, Pentachlorophenol (PCP), Paraquat, Parathion rind 2,4,5,T.
PAN Tn'-ernationdl was founded in i98? by citizen groups fr-'m 20 coun-
tries. Now expanded to include participants. frcm over 50 countries
around the world, PAN claims organizations with a combined membership
reaching into the millions.
The goals of the "Dirty Dozen" campaign, ?AN spckespeople explained, in-
clude (1) to insure that human safety and environmental health are con-
sidered foremost in all policy decisions affecting pesticide use and
trade; (2) to en-J t.he use of the "Dirty Dozen" pesticides wherever their
sarc use cannot be insured; (3) to eliminate double standards in the
global pesticide trade by obtaining open public access to technical
data, especially health and safety information, and facilitating the
advent of effective controls wherever pesticides are produced and used;
and (4) to generate pi-blic and institutional support for the use of and
research into alternative pest control programs that minimize cr elimi-
nate pesticide use - many of which exist already.
The "Dirty Dozen Cmpaign" is J public education effort organised by the
Pesticide Action network (PASS Intemu1t~~ono.7~ a coalition of citizens'
groups around the w"ld. It targets IS part-icularLy hazardous pesticides
for ifitemtiofitz2 regulatoq action. For fwther information, contact
the nearest PAS ~fphtvil center: Africa: Enviroriental La-ison Centre,
PGB 72461, Nairobi, Kenya TeZ. 24770; Asiu/Pacific: InternationaL Organization
of consigners Unisns, FCB 1045, Pemg, Malaysia. Tel. (04)
20391; Europe: Oxfam, 274 Bunbury .W, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK. Tel. (0865)
56777; 1.atm America: . - Fundaeion A'uturc, Casd'La 245, Quito, Ecuador.
Tel. 239-177; Sorth America: Friends of the Ea's2th, 1045 Sansome St., San -p-
Fransisco, CA g'illl, USA, Tel. (4161 433-7373.
IFDA DOSSIER - SUSCRIPCIONES
Norte: 48 rmeus JU~ZOS o 30 do1Zare.s 'Jb
Sw: 24 fra'".css sdzos G 15 dollares US

A :'ecern. ISFAK si:n;c.'j corn ?i,iie!: they do nut, ;ic:d '.:.yss r.ijc',- ¥:p t;le haby-
:'cc? ~arufactur et? whose I !let hi ca: sind aggre??ivt: pron'oti.>n ai?! c[ z~r%:>.:;
. - .
art.i:icia i. inrran!: feedlnr L-,>'Â¥ ': : ::, irc;l.i.rs every d,i> .!,I o- ~~';:e^.^t;i;-
quactlty. The 15FAN rep^:--:, bss-c< on 21 surY:e: C.-5 mark',-ii.2.n~ plc-.c'i.ices ot
32 Luaipariie!; ir: 8 Europea;~ i:oufl:r.i.es, feu:' L that: industry is ti-cnll',
difcregisrding the lu:err.eLiuii;:L Civde 6' Karhe-iiig i^f Ii;eas:c'!3k Subhi,:.,
tutes, agprcved b) the World i:ea3th ~:;semLly ?n Moyà !.?S!.
The IBIAN surve;, found t'r.ousa-nds 'ii exati?^lcs ci mass media advert.!sing
to the pubi.i,;, mabsive pro-.oT.io:~ of products 'via ?tea-! th-care.; ~~~~~~~~~~,
the distribucioil of sillions or sa'.~.ple.s, and i.iiid-:;ell edvert.lsi!ig to
health-care professior-ZJ!~. All are pr>L.c' .i^.-'il,.ed '* by the t~dc.
IEFAN spol..ei.perr,on and Ltep:;: tiierdng counselor, Kar!cy-Jo Peel: said 'we
are appalled lit this situation. Par':i:ularly at the dls~~ibuc~c;~ of ~~11:pies
in gift boxes t.? breastfeedin$ inothera: a guaranteed 'way of underraining
rheir confidence and abillry :o successfully breastfeed."
Scientific studies havr sfcowr thai the distribution of samples sigiiif l-
cantly shortens the dut.*tior. of breastfeeding. Siw-ldrly, many studies
have bhown that in i^idustri.ilized countries, babies who arc bnctlefad
rath:r than breastfed, are more likely to sutfer fro?? gastroenteritis,
respiratory illnesses, and other childhood diseases iucl.iJiag allergies.
Moreover, much of the advertising Is nut confined to Europe. Parents
mdgaz.ines produced in European cour.tries art, distributed in Third K-irld
countries. Third Worl4 health workers trained ln Purope .ire subit=ctei til
these dggressive promotional practices whici, proi.laim hoctlefeeding as
the norm.
IBFAN EurOpedn Representative, Judith Philipo-ia, said "The shee. volume
of blatant advertlbing makeb a total mockery of Industry's claims, chit
they encourage breasteeding. They promote bottlefeedine by ever1, pas'sible
trick at their disposal, These companies, bear a terrible resrciisibility
for interfering with the health of children, not only i:~ Europe,
bur throughout the world." IBFAN hdb sent the survey 1.3 all EF( 'Amber
State? govarmepi.s t3; rLsponaz a5 all had voted for the InLernatlrnal
CoJe in 1981; reiterating char comin1i.i.nsat In 1933.
LFzat11er informatiov and copies of Breaking the rules, Spp., fror-.
IBFAP, i/o GiFA, Case 157, 1211 Geneva 1.9, Suitzerlxr'd; 1'Bt iA, cf'o
INFACT, £1 East SSvh ST., Suite 301, Minneupdis, MP 2409, LlSfij ?K':,
~ / a IXU, POP 1045, Fencing, Malaysia. 1

In recriot years, l0CL'-iniciatet networks hav:; been inscrunental is
changing the marketing activities of corporations in several areas.
IBFAN (International Baby Food Action Metii'ork) played a central role in
:he adoption by the 1981 World Health Asse;:.bly of an international Code
of aarketing for bs-~astailk substitutes, the boycott c.f Nestle for its
infant foriiula markdting practices and the eventual signed agreec'.ent by
NesclG in January 1984 to abide by the Code. HA1 (Health Action International)
is coi-~.:arried with ths ratioaal and safe use of pharmaceuticals
ar.d tollowsa& its members' adverse publicity campaign against Ciba-
Seigy's antidiarrhoeal Entiirc-Viofom, ihe coirpany recently announced
the drug's worldwide withdrawal. PAN (Pesticide Action Network) has a
series of aims that Include impositions of import and export controls on
hazardous pesticiies and the promotion of pablic information on health
effect? from certain cr~p chemicals.
Ti-s resolution carried on tobacco called for an elirnma~ion of "the marketing
anJ promotional practices of those engaged iri Lhe inan.ufa:ture and
sale of fobazco products" and for "othar i~eai.iir>-'$ to signlfi~dntly re-
L.-c the i:i:ld='l:i! of sriking i-'-ir.Ldwidel'. A Y-inxi.3as wut&sh>~p dhich 91-2ceoed
the Ge>eral A3sec.bly È'a addressed b. Sirnun Chapman, an Australian
slioking coitrol accl-vist associiitad with I ta Internatiazdi Union Against
hncer's Smoking Control Programme, The Australian Consumer's Asso:idcion
and the Australlii Governmantis National Health dnd Medical Research
Godncil. Chapma~ and Ruth Vemeer of the IJCU Central Office will
eoordinata the early stages of the ^.amp~ign which will be knovn as
AGHAST (Action Croups t'7 Halt Advertising and Sponsorsh~p by Tobacco).
Ihey will begin by proJ~ic'i-ng a detailed critique of tobacco induatu
claims for the alleged irrelevancy of tobacco advertising to increases
in stoking prevalence. A manual of practi2al data-gathering, monitoring
of local ddvertising prictict's. publicity and lobbying tactics will also
be produced and distributed worldwide to the network of consumer and
healtn groups who have already expressed interest in the campaign.
(FJV m e infomatinn: IOCU, 9 Emastraat, 2596 EG The Haque, Ssthsr-
:ads or IOCU, FOB 1045, Psr.ang, Malaysia. 1
IFDA DOSSIER - SUBSCRIPTION FEE
iorth: 48 Sdss fwnas or 30 US dollars
South:3i SAse francs or I5 L'S soLlsrs

Rfcseau interdiscipiindire dc i:ech.?rche et di? p:.r';tcir..,i'..ioii est i-'r.r~si
t & par des unites (ii", iec?iei:che cr. a'es cbercht'l:r!.! qui t-ravailler;~ en
Lqtiati:ur sue las ~ultipies ;robi.£me de divaloi-peat-.r-t, et qui arr:cuiei:;
Lc'urs .qctLc;r,s au> revey;dicd~Lci:-i des sectaur: -.o,'l:~lairrl-s
I ft. dc .PE:,? ct-
1 .
ganisations de base.
La recherche-action, ?.a recherche-participation est d"nr une des carat--
c&ristiques £m.damentals du RIIP. En outre, dans la plupiirt des casÃ
i'orientatior des travaux et des recherches est mu1:idisci~linaire.
Urbanisation: Appui technique aux roc~ir.'ements .;rbains qui iuttenc
pour Ie logement: 6laboration de p.lar.a d'amenagement out permettent aux
organisations populaires de revendiquer la tfcrre, Ie 1ogener.t et les
icrvices publics avec plus d'org~.imet,ts et surtc'-it are; des ';ropc;.it ic,rL:;
conccStcs (pr1r.cipalcnient Quito, Guayaquil et K,3chala); a~pui tech-.
nique aux conununautes rurales-urbaines dans 1'6labor.-atlo~ de strategies
qui s'opposent aux prccessus d'6migra~ion forcge, 2 t ravers 1' amenagemerit
intCgr6 des vi31ases et des regions; analyse Jes mouvemects urbains
e.t lautogestion.
. PrjblZaes ruraux: -- -- Appui technioue (analyse des terres, des ^illi-uies,
des maladies, etc.) et cours de formation Jestines aux i-ontnunsut.e5
paysanEes et aux cooperatives de petits agriculteuis (provinces de
fii-luncha et Imbahura) ; rectieiche au niveau des techn7iogies traditionnelles
dans Ie cadre de l'uttlisation des "technoLi.lgies appxopn6es"
(Lcla) ; analyse des transformations de la structure agraire, actuelleacnt
en cuurs. qui pemettra la formulation d'une strnt6gie favoidhle an
paysznnar parcellaire issu en bonne paide de llapplic.ation des lois de
reforme agraire (1964 et 1973) dans une conjoncture oG on privilggie la
grande production capitaliste d'agro-6levage.
. p--p
Industrialisation: Analyse de l'inadaptation des formes qui adopte
ce processus en Equateur et son rapport contradictoire avec La petite
industrie artisanale; Itobjectif est de fora-uler une alternative conforme
aux besoins d'un d6veloppement autorentr6, ce qui pourraft abouti:
2 la mise en place de projets lies aux associations de petits industriels
artisanaux.
. M6decine et sant6 publique: Sous le thsme "santc et sociGt&" on a
men6 differences recherchtis sur les maladies et l'avortement selon les
classes sociales (Quite): recherche-action dans Ie domaine de la mgdecine
du travail; recherches orient6es 3 la valorisation de La medecine
traditionneile; Glabordtion des plans de sante populaire au iilveau des
projets d'amenagement intEgr6 (urbains et ruraux); r6alicatlon rle campagnes
de vaccination et autres soins medicaux, aussi bien que de cours
de formation elgraentaire pour la population qui participe dans les projets
int6gres; analyse de la rupture des structures communautaires et de
ses repercussions dans le domaine de la sant6 mentale fstructuration du
plan de sant6 mentale au niveau national).

. L16duca:ion; Avec le concours des Studianfs de la facult6 dc philo-
p---sopi'ie,
lencres et sciences de lt6ducation, 11 a St6 possible dforgani-
ser des cours d'alphab6tisdtion, de recyclage poi-r enfants et adultes,
ec da fnm~tion ad r~iveau des techniques le l'artisanat en cuir, de La
broderie et de la couturi: en g6nfiril. Des profcsseurs et des etudiants
ont aide 2 la formatiaa pedagogique des uoniteurs charges des cours sur
les techniques de construction, agricoles, medicates, etc. dans Ie cadre
des projets ir.tGgr6s, nais aussi dans des q;i:irtiers popuiaires.
. La culture. L'encouragement au dSveloppement des forme3 dlexpressicn
cradi:ionelle^i ou enracinGes depuis longtemps surtout au nivaau
rlirale a et6 i-r>c- prSJccupation iirportdnte dans las projets integr6s (orgdni-i~tl~in
de grouses de theatre); deiuis trois aiis, on d6veLoppei avec
L'a-ipi;! de I'LNLSCO, uiie recherche dans Ie domaine de lei isuslqua ill-
ileme.
. Lzs
-- - -. -- femea: -- On essays d'e~icoura~~ Lrorgrinis.acicii prod~~ct~ve dos
*, l-.
enmcs dans Ie cadre dris projets ini.egLes (artisanat); avec i'aide da
I/UNESCO on pr6voit un seminaire qui mettra en rapport des organisations
diaines de base et les jlanifii-aieurs de lf6tat.
= W- La recherche cin~nistagrapkique: constz~ue Le dexnier effort des
aembres du RlIF, eile a pour objectif celui d'appuyer la parsricipation
de l'ensemble ftes participants da.15 Le? differfits projets, et de fawriser
la corrmunicaticn ~ntre ebx.
I.es aenbres d'.: RCisea;"i~i..a:: lies an bonne partie i 1'L';iivt)rsite Ceiiiirtile
de I'Equateur (UC), 2 i'Universit5 de Guayaquil ('W) et aux ~nbersitt's
6tatiques en general. 11s agissent aussi au niveau de l'appareil de
1'6ta~, de projets de coopGracion eel cue 1.3 GATES (Lojs), etc. T^.:;:e-
fuis, on a decide de travailiiir aussi de manisre Lndgpendante ce qui a
permis la creation de centres et unites de recherche tei qua Ie CUS
(Centro de estudics y asescrta er. salud) ou ie CAN (Centro de arte na-
clonal).
Au niveau des universit6s, les bases d'appui 1.e~ plus importantes sont
sdns dt-ctin doute Ie TISDYC (Taller de i.nves'i-igaclh social, diseno y
comunicaci6n) de la faculte cl'ar.:hitecture, i'£,.-il "de sost-grado" de
Id facult6 de medecine, 1'Institut du recherches 6ducatives et le d6par-
Lenient d'eiitensicn universitaire de la facult6 de philosopkie, lettie-,
et sciences de l'education
Les formes de lialsor entre les membres du RIIP dependent des caract6cistiques
de chaque picjet, ltiquel, 2 son tour, est formu16 sur la base
des derrandes d'un oecteur de la ~apuiation et d'une concertation entre
ce secteur et 1'5qiiipe de recherche. On tient '5 un rapport d'Squilibre
entre les grouped soclaux et les cherchears et animateurs ce qui a permis
de fairs des experiences pbsLtives ae pcirticipation de la popdlati,x
meme au niveau de la recherche.
Ce R6scau est Ie produit des efforts multidisciplinaires d'une dizaine
d'ami6e9, i.1 s'est i-ormalise depuis enviror~ deux ans et 11 envisage
d'6largi.r ses rapports 2 travers i'echange d'experiences et la coordina-
tion d'initiatives avec d'autres associations, inscizutions et unites de
recherche et de participation qui auraient ces mhes approches gGn6-
rales. ::'ast dans cette perspective qu'on a entrepris des contacts et

des initiatives au niveau de lfAm6rique Latine et qu'op. tient 2. Stablir
des liens de col~r'.boraci.op. avec les a~cres pays du Tiers Monde. Un ob-
jecti.i; minimal serait I'dtablissement d'un 6chdnge systeciatiq~ie das re.-
sultats des projets et iles recherches; auquel on ajoutcrait;
. la participation dans d-2s seml-iaires, i-6uniun-i et aa-itres initid-
tives qui perae~traiant Id ciinfrontati~n des rt5alicgs et dus exp5-
riences dlintSr&: c-manux;
. 1'6change de chercheurb et de dirigeants ds comuniiiit6s ~~~ncerii6s
par les 1n3mes problsmes;
. la rgaiiqa~ion d'afforts de sy~~hi?se sui" des pr~bl?'aes comuns qui
pourraient aboutir a des publications 3 c.iractSre coraparacL:.
Nous pouvons offrir uie s:r.:cture d'appui au niveau des univerai~s's pm-'
la realisation de rencv-itres et de s&ainaireri; une partisipacion dir?':te
Jans lea di.ff6rc'nts pnjats; nacre apport au niveau dua acquia d'exps-
:lances pasaees et prs'sautes.
La policica de 10s iiltiaos ~obierr.03 .in 'zessro pals, partic.ularaeiice
del actual, de ciara tendencia neoliier-l'., ia atdo la de iiapulsar el
saqueo dr. 10s recursos nacuLales y la ': "J;I.I :i5n indiscrlminada y violenta
de auastras tierras de la Amazon5a. desco-ior.f Garmany).

GOCIP is a non-profLt organizatirn. Ic is an ass-ci.itiun cf perse::;" &c
gat-cicipated in this conference, three cf which werp ~ppohf'td by ri:?
crganiz,ing cc.imniti.ee of the conference.
'he seat of DOCIP is Gene'-a, Switzerland,
According to the statutes, DOCIP "supports indigeno-~~ popl~lations victins
of cultural, economic and social oppression, thosa who i~~nt. to preserve
their identity md these who are fighring for r.!ieir self-determir~ation".
For this purpose, it "collects a''? catalogue;, the relevant do-
~~tsetitaci~n and puts it at the disposal ot Interested persons "r crganizations,
it encourages research in this fie:."! as --"ill as meetiiig? aiie
exchange of infomaticii between sr-ich pcpulations; one of its .?.aii; tasks
is the Information of the. public opinion all over the world".
Fvan though its rnai~i object are indigerio~~ populaticns of the bneriz-as.
it is alii- opisti tc the prrblems of minority groups in other parts of the
world meeting with 'simiiat situdtions &S those of the Amerindians.
fcr the time being, LOCIP people are work1r.g cn dn extensive dcrumenta-
tion based on the 1977 conference. At the hams tilne they send out copies
of documents on request. In particular to indigenous populations.
What does DOCIP want from you?
As you see, DOCIP is at the disposal of all of you vl-L) are worried about
the discrimination against indigenous porulatiors of the Americas and
other parts of the world. Rut in order to function as a center of exchange
of information it invites you to serd free of charge copies of
al-1 publications as well as any other relevant documents you saay be able
to make available.
What can DOCIP offer you?
On request they send you at a moderate price (cost of photocopies and
postage) copies of documents you indicate precisely (e.g. final resolu-
tion of the 1977 Geneva conference, or Second Barbados Declaration 1977),
or of documents on any specific subject, provided you can give a clear
definition of such subject.
(COCIE, FOB 101, 1211 Geneva 21, Switzerland).
E 6

t,i.estri> equip* e.-it5 in:':clando iÈn revision cricica de experienclas no
tradic-~onaies 2e plariiii~:af.'L6n--iaipleaentacl5n de accionea y piogiarnas de
desarzcilc L'i.,?vad~s a cabc en America Latina y el Caribe, elic con el
propS:Jlc.~ 4e con'r~i'-i,~ii a sisternatizat pautas iaetodol5gicas y operativas
m5s apropiadas y eticaL+is pars la gesti6r' de as~ntamientos humanos en la
RegiPn.
Nos proponernos reconstrcir y sistur~atlz~r m i ologlas y procedimientos
operatives apllcados p-iia intdivarir ¥i;ibr i I rundo real, analizando al
misiio tiempo 10s pxocesos y andos de crgar..zaLi'in de 10s sectores populares
y otros actcres saddles, inst~tuc:unales o no, ligados a 10s progranas
estuilia-los, espacialmente la articulaci6n operativa entre todos
-110s >Â el des-iiipe-io de i^is re3pecsiivo~ planes y estrategias.
Este proya:to as para n-isucroo uue oportunijad de reflexionar critica-
mente sobre 10s aportes senerados por las coniunldades, animadores, pro-
aot\ires y educadores papulares, instituciones publicas y no gubernamen-
:ales e investigad>res de la region.
Para po~a-i~lsr la cow-inlcaci6n efectlva antre nuestro proyocto y Los
pragramas de otias ~tga;izacion+s e inatituciones, querfamos coidborar
en el e?tdble~ltUlent~ o fortalecimlento da une red entre i~vestigadores,
agendas y otros a~cor~? siciales lnteresados an esta problemScica.
For n-,estra part.-', aapfcramos poder contribuir a ia rfd con aportes origirtales
en ~aterla je inventarlos de experienctas, de sistematizaci6n
critl-a da ¥iiatodolag:s y estrateglas operatlvds y en torno a1 diflcil
probliiiaa de Id articulacih micro - macro insticucicnal.
Sera importante para nosotros desde ya que niis indicara experiencias o
programas dt. ac:15n y planificacion de su conocimiento que encuadren -
aunque solo sea parcialmente - en las caracterlsticas definidas y yue
podamoa contactar y andlizar, ya sea a traves de encuentros, trabajo de
camp0 o ar5lisis ~ialiogi~Eico. Asinisso nos interesa nos indique institliciones
en Aii-G~ica Latlna y el Caribe que nos conv~;ndri3 ~ontactar a
prop6saito de eate proyecto.

lr k!ll'.dall8

A program ¥-.iiru.-i 20: l-faJ-l';';35 che Cul:.xral. ?xposura, S~changes an-1
Journciys (CEKJJ;i'n?'SI . :,Je ex;ose arid a.

'.ti.j!~Lred and ?nboJ.deaed by the success of the lic-raeii,'?. Cc.~.+3~r>~~

. t i ~ c.,nJccf perindical s?:~ii%.j and surveys of media ?ri-iMei:is or!
ri eir chx or ;;:i assignment f:'im governnenta.?., non-govc.rr.sefltcil ei i
inti.-'rnacional b~dips;
. to i.:st'tut.-! a,id aw-ird Fcl.io~'ship3 for reijc:irch in titc . l;c:d of his's~~ry, anthrupology, et.hnograph,;sorioJ.ogy
and ot!it'rs t!::.? ?>i ihtiin~ texts IT. the 18is1 or_-' of thd

The Centre for Technological Documentation
CDT collects technulogicel documentation of relevance to the country,
followirg established national development priorities. It collaborates
with documentation centers in the Ministries with a view to stimulating
technclopical research. CDT also makes contact with similar institutions
abroad, seeking to facilitate information exchanges and an integration
into international technological information networks, and e~tends its
assistance to every research initiative undertaken in the country,
through publications or any other means.
The Public Librery
BP was created :c collect, inventory and publish books and documents and
to mar-.e them accessible to the general public, ana firstly to students,
as well as to promote an interest in reading as a first stage towards
stnd? and research.
--- P-o3rct s and perspectives
. A campaign for the col.ectioi~ of 01ai testimonies on the 1'-citional
Liberation Etrugfle, to begin with a series v+ Fexuars on the mert,odolog1)
it the collection of oral tradit-i.ori&, ro be attend& bj
sp~~ci~lict S participating in the caoiprig~;
. a project hi the recuperati.on of sources rele.vant tc the history
r'f Guinea-I;issau, dispersed abroad arid integration of The Archives;
:.he venue of a Cnloquium on "The Formation of the liation in African
Co'u..tr>.es ci. Pers-uguese Official Language";
. tht initiation c.t severai socio-ecorioinic studies s~ciiig either at.
issessing prosperLive projects or al valuing the results of pro-
:CI-~E alreedy under wzy;
. coc.rdinarion i.1 research effi.'rts in the iioeio-econom~. field aii-ong
rhe dif fnent :~:.t erefct-er: instftutioi.~ IT. rhe countr?;
lc-~nrl'ix~g
of the tei-hnolo&Lcal docuaentatiori and research pro-
fI&um'S;
. publication c'f the jrvcrtor~ i.f t-xtr.? r;opie:: at BP, that could be
use6 for uxc.l-.age purposer ;
. r.pening of the FP t-c t.he b,eneral pi:b.'ile uric'. gradual transfer-mation
into a r.n-3 Katioual Library.

RONGEAD ; UN RESEAU AGRO-AL IMENTA i RE POUR QUO I FA I RE'?
:h Sud, des famines reviecnent; ati Nord des surplus agriccles s'sccuau-
lent et la crise sinstalle.
Pendant plus dc. 20 am, on a pens6 que l'aide alirser.talri; et Ie truna-
fert vers Ie Sud des mdGles de pr6J~c:ions qui avajent :;i bien "r6csbi
en Europe" pouvaient rgsoudre .It; prcbi6iut- de la fah.
II est d6sonnais evident que ce scl;ena sifplisce est loin de r6scudrc
1'6quation qui se nomu- "laa^l-d6velci~pi~aier;t r.oiidial"
Sud et la crise au Nord.
crGiiat La fain air
Comment gu6rir de ce mal--d6veloppei~ent.; qtii eat vraiicenr ca~able ci'er;
faire le diagnostic et de proposer 1e bon reinsde?
Dans la mesure oG 11 est de plus en plus clair qu'il ~ ' y a pas up5
grande solution mats qu'elle est multiple et sans doute comple~. , 3cs
gouvernenents commencfer,t 5 accorder tine cerzaine ccr:Sifi6xf.ticn
acteurs ce 66veloppenier.t hier :ie[:liges.
? des
Les "OrgaciisarLons Non Gouveini-.ineritales", par la uiversit6 tie ieu's experience-E
avec Les populations du Tiers Nor-de, et par leur ea'pacit6 5
animer une seneibilisaticn et une r+t:ex:o~ rivec le publ:'.~ eu~opeen sur
les problemes de dGveioppemerit spra:~i:-ser.t: aujourd'hui, cor.:~ d~ fir:!-
velles forces cociales capable5 dt feirc emerger &S propc:si:.ions ori~;:i-
naies en matisre de d6veloppemeut au Xord comm~ hu Sud.
Ctest pourquol, depuis qyelqaes ?.i;ut't-.s, aes ON(-. ont ronnaanc6 k se cm-
CerKer pour ~cir coniienr. lerrs pz~~,;ir?.ii cir dfeloppenen: et lea pm"
granones dqtdncatJcr. pourraient Yra

,
;
A., , -. 3 .:( '.l,:'/ ry.'e;ni'.er (c¥;"' -[F;\ :)o;.sj^:- 'J?, ;;.34), IFC.f., hi;; un-
, . -- -- .. . . . -. .
¥'-¥¥ .,.. 3f.'::':. ...' t9.l- :e:].,~s!; of ?,*F L!~T' cp j Njt-i-jqs smvcrsi t) to ¥¥de
I ',.'¥¥* j-l'i;;.;'.!"i,..;T. ,'.?l! ,}ri>,;l-'.¥k.. 'I;'?''.,.; Wit." ,^-"3,; 2,~,'f-'.-'-pl,;¥T"~

FROM THAILAND:
These ;ersons are the aier.bers cf a reg:o;i;'l tis.^m i".:r;n!:;,-: :!:'C Ps:as.int
Dfcve.lc.pir.ent Program of ACFCD which proyra::, a~.i.:ng ::~Z!L-':. ir.::iudi!s a
ccntlncing sharing of pt-asant de~velcpne;'.: cor,::eFts, :yFToc-hes s:;r4 m-
thcdologies by way of exchange programs, worLc5ops .inJ 'V! sits. ei"'-.er L.I~
the country or regional internatie~i:il level,;. In -i."'-ici: level, peasd~.c
leaders and their organizations are .:c.tively In p,'irr.i:iyncion, In iact
the program is directed tcmiircs the peasznt l,.?a¥.'le< their.se-i.vfc.z '"c progressively
assume :he leadership in the prog;a% i.:?elf.
"Ac 'i.1 Le slad fee. if i??:. cc*:id ;-ek;-;iir.l.;~ p:;t ,:.S ..n 1 ~ ; i~-':io.>. ¥,;
al~prr.ative 2e~el.c-pmcnr frier,.-!-;, ;'ci;>:.n£ ';i ti;o t , 1;-ii.i.1 .: :l.! i';:or?;.i;-e
. .
networks withi:; and 12.1:3!. ¥if Asi i ,,..l. f" . She ,!1.1: :o.: :.ir,ib 0.: '.'if. ,;ea.,iic':
pepillations arid Lhs?i? genui~e t.~ftv+J.c1;~,;"^~~,~: iq As::i,
Thenk. ycr £"o t.">? c$;iitin~io#!.s acridins; che ?J-'l',A rlu:.qIerà 1 [v.^-1. it: is
very iupo:tant !:C infcr~ t.ke pe~pie about tS,u problems of: '^M S~'tut":;, --
r1:erefore in t:he pi:c^s dififc'st of dur r~.-!t.~re cc'nsei~azl~n club WC try
~:?Lway-i to publish news i.; tt;is topic. T. an seir.',i';g .-ionic sheaf.'-; Zrr.a '-Â¥Â
p~ibli.:a:ic:-.. I .-.m daitirig !-.he. new nu?,I,ers of rFl!A; ct.e 48 jus? c!,'c!vi"d.

Te .~~)~~"ir,ij..; -'iv,.i!.c; :!!i.i: i: 1a.i-i :+,~ta .-ipt.'.y-e 70ua ir.3i;an-:ericz we cubri.]'i?
"aq>...jLa''? .", ,) iri ;È~G;L :r.r4:out sax ;ieticPi organ-iisines qt1i nt!
.:.=I.:I.~~I': ??

ifda dossier 50 . november/deceinber 1985 footnotes/notes/notas
N.B. Docume^its mentioned in the fo7Zow~ng ~isati^r. aris no$ avaXab"-C
from IFDA but, dependkg on the case, fm publishers, bookshops or the
address indicated after the d'smiption ~f the docuwent.
LOCAL SPACE
. Isis, *I arid Hedia, &alysis, Alternatives and Act* (1984)
132pp; Women in Action, Momen's Journal zupplement (N03, .June 19851
34pp.; Mujeres en acci6n (?3, 1985) 44pp.; La salud de las muieres -
La experiencia de Bzg-, Reflexiones a c c i ~ ~ intermciones s
(N03,
Junio 1985) 128pp. (Isis International, Via Santa Maria del1'~nima 30,
00196 Roma, Italy or Casilla 2067, Correo General, Santiago, Chile).
. North-South Institute, Women in Industry: North-South Connections
(1985) 75pp. (185 Rideau Street, Ottawa, Canada KIN 5x8).
. Robin Morgan (ed), Sisterhood Is Globs, The International TJomen's
Movement Anthology (Garden city, New York: Anchor Books, 1984) 815pp. A
publishing accomplishment. Features original articles by feminists from
all over the world, each preceded by statistics on the status of women
in that country, covering Iiia expectancy; contraception and abortion;
women's religious, secular, educational and aaployrnent rights - including
marriage, divorce, custody, homosexuality, welfare, prostitution,
rape, battery, traditional/cultural practices; and more. An invaluable
reference book, It includes chapters by Fatma Cussedik (Algeria), Peggy
Antrobus (Caribbean), Naval El Saadawi (Egypt), Hilkka Pietila (Finland),
Simone de Beauvoir (France), Atma Ata Aidoo (Ghana), Fatima
Mernissi (Morocco), Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo (Portugal), Marie-
AngClique Savan6 (Senegal), Mallica Vajrathon (Thailand), and maiiy
others.
. Emmanuel Todd, L'enfance du monde: Str~uctures familiales et d6veloppement
(Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1984) 254pp. 89FF.
. William U. Chandler, Investing in Children (Worldwatch Paper NQ64,
June 1985) 66pp. (Worldwatch Institute, 1776 Massachusetts AV., NW,
Washington, DC 20036, USA).
. Henry W. Degenhardt, Political dissent. An International Guide to
Dissident, Extra-Parliamentary, Guerilla and Illegal Political Move-
-- ments. a Keesine's - Reference Publication. (Harlow: Longman, 1983) 592pp.
No doubt it is very difficult, if not impossible, to compile an exhaustive
guide to a group which by definition lives underground, appears on
the surface in disguise and keeps secret all its vital data. And it does
so because the group knows that it is not only writers whu are eager to
get hold of it.. . What is possible, however, is to collect available,
though often highly unreliable, information about the group in question.
And this is what The Guide has accomplished successfully. And that means
that our knowledge of political dissent is much greater now than before.
The complexity of political opposition often depends on the complexity

. ~nthony D. Saiicn, The -. E:hiiic Rev'i-'i.al in rtia 'Â¥toddr Varld (Cazbridge
i;:i2.'sraity Press, 19%') 240 pp.
Ar~an$L Hatte La*c and Y *red Stou~dze, Techn01ag.y. Culture and Coiamu-
- nizarior: -- --- ' report to - Lne French Xinister of Research -. and Industry (Am-
¥iterdan-i No'-th Holland. 1 85) ~-'-ÈvD The first section çu"irnaiize and
avsiudte. the -itate of '-aLn'-ir "i su-k as it hd~s become compartmentalized
live? the last 15 -years it Frdnce. Tbus reviewed are studies of the
prahs, the :anti-nt of che media, the cinema, the cultural industries,
the pq-iblic, com~nicatlon technologies in schools and in industry and
axpemient'ition policy concernfig new tslecomunications products (videotex,
electronic directory, "to.). The second part traces the new axes
of research and experimentation at .Ã tine when important transformations
ire ma~ing thfcir presence felt in communications systems, in schools, in
industry, among the general public and in local bodies, not only in
France, but worldwide. The third part deals with structures that favour
the implementation of a new policy of research and experimentation. The
volume brings together the analysis and discussions of a vast number of
communi.cation workers. Apart from the collaboration of a work group composed
of 15 specialists from private firms, universities, research canters
fron the public sector aid radio-television, the commission called
an numerous researchers, media professionals, trade unionists and local
authorities. For this edition, a special introductory section has been
written, which alias to reconstru~t the socio-political context surrounding
the commission and, in a wider sense, the debates over communication
policy In Frince since May 1981.

. David Andr?ws, &LRG Solution: 'dierarchic~l In,:onpeLence 2nd Eow -
to Overcone It (London: Souverzir ?re,:s L:d3 19E4) 288pp. ln our increasingly
- - centralised society, . government, .
industty edu.cdion.-al, medical
and supp1;- systens all operate in a b~reai-cratic and i".effic

Non-Governmental Organisations, Nairobi 4-8 February, 1985 (ELC, FOB
72461, Nairobi, Kenya) 109pp.
. CaNGAD, Les serviceaiques en milieu rural, rapport dlun s6mi-
naire tenu a Tambacounda, Senegal, 9-12 avril 1984 (BP 3476, Dakar. S6-
&gal) 76pp.
NATIONAL SPfiCE.
. Asscc~atic~ Suisse-Palestise, Uru-Salem Hie1oso1)rn A1 Quds Jerdsa-
-- lam. SSminaire Jerusalem, G~riSve, mai 1984, 157pp.
. NCjokc t41diopc-Nku, Le aGveloppemei,t. Gconomique du Zaire: Le rele ?U
cr2dit3 Psxg-ectives et strat5gies (Centre de Recherche sur le dCveJ.oppement,
avrii 1985) 260pp. (Universit.6 de Neuchztel, Pierre-A-Maze1 7,
2000 Neu:hi.:el, Suissej.
TcrC Idinn& Eriksen with Richard Moorsom, The PoIicj.ca1 Fcancmy of
Nar,iibi.a, 5: annoted, critical bibliegraph/ (The Scandinavian Institute
of Afi-icar. Studies, 1985) 423pp. (Box 2126, 750 02 Uppsala, Sweden).
. Tzbe Tiecera (ed), Seminar Procee8int:s: Current and Planned Xesedi
ch In Relation tc &eafrorestaticn, W~dlots and Firewood (held on
--p
Octotier 6, 1982), (National. Institute for Developmert Research and Docu-.
rtantation, Nov. I1)8!!! 37pp (L'niversity of Botswina, Giiborane, Butswdna)
. Osvaldo Sunke13 herica Latina y la crisis economics internacionak:
Ocho tesfs y una rropuesta ~Cuadernos del RI&, Gri~po Tditor I.aL~i~maie-
---A
ricanc SAL, 1385) 71pp.
gentina).
(Sarffiiento 1474, l', "/" 1042 Buenos Aires, Ar--
. ?lick D. Hills, Crisis, co~~flictc~ y conse?sz, Ecgador: 1919-1984
(CO?-DES, 198L) 207pp. (Casilla 11307 CCN'J, Quito, Ecuador).
Solon Barraclough, Un aniilisls prelirn~ilar del sistema dlimentario
en >lira=+, (Ginebra: UNRISD* 1984) 156pp.
Kerner Olle, Interfiationalisier~~ngsstrategien in der Tleutschen
aut~mobilinduscrie, 64pp. (ESA, Frsien Lnivters2t:it Berlin,
strasse 36A. L 3ei:li:i 41, BRD) , nimeog.
Albrechc-
A.R. van Amstel and E.E.M. Baars, Preparatory Study for a National
~o~servation Strategy for the Netherlands, 40pp. (Free University Press,
PO? 7161, 1007 MC Amsterdam, Netherlands), rnimeog.
THiRL WORLD SPACE
. Abdus Salarn, Ideals and Realities: Selected Essays (World Scie2tif-
ic Publishing CO Pte Ltd, 1984) 369pp. (FOB 128, Farrer Road, Singapore
9128).
, Subbiah Arunachalam, Citation Counts as Indicators of the Science &
Technology Capacity of Third World Nations (Indian Journal of Technolo-

gy, Publications & Infornation Directorate, Hillside Road, New Delhi
110012, India) 12pp.
. Susantha Goonatilake, Aborted 'Jiscovery, gience and Creativity 111
the Third World (London: zed Books Ltd, 1984) 1Yipp. In this thought-
provoking formulation of the social and historical nature of sciences,
the author shows how modern Western science, despite its original bor-
rowings from Arab and other non-Western societies, overwhelmed the rich
intellectual and scientific traditions of various non-European civili-
sations and has today established an unparalleled hegemony. Today West-
ern science has pre-empted any scientific formulations outside its own
parameters, resulting in an imitative rather than creative ai-icnce in
the Third World. The consequences of these countries having to rely on a
scientific tradition alien to their own history and intellectual initia-
tives, are incalculable, and a clear factor in the present-day syndru~'~
of underdevelopment. Dr. GocnaCilake argues that these societies muse
reclaim the rational sci.entific elements af their own independerit intel-
lectual heritages, and break with their existing initiative patterns of
research and develc8-wxt. (57 Caledonian Road, London NL 9B3, Eng.'.aiiL;).
Herbert Wulf, "Am- Ptcduction in the Third World", SItRl Ydarbu~k
1985 (SIPRI) pp.329-343 (Pipers vsg 28, 171 73 Solna, Sweden}.
. Research Centre for Cooperation With Developing Countries, Deveiopig&
Cc;.lntries -* -
&Joeconomic ~~?%5/J33's en D?velop~)ene:~t - Le Profile
-At~~~~~omique, 39Upp; A~drej K.umdi et al, zxi&=ry Conmodities: @25tz
radz and Co2eration among De~relspins C~uritries> i llpp. (RCCDC, PO3 97,
p,- -
6110'Ji Ljubljana, Yugoslavia).
a AndrS 3ou~*~gky et dl, Iad~5~ri~11~+1tion et changements socia~x dans
I'Orient arafce (Eeyroath: CERMOC, 1985) t33pp. L'~!ne.it arabe n'a paÂ
encore une indascrie 2 IJ mesure de se.s richesses p6troliZres et de son
r3le 6conucilque et financier mu'i*dl. f'ourtant 1' experience nasserienne
d'indi.tstrialisation a exercS rne torte j'ifluence sur la Syrie ec l'lraq
et de grands complexes indusmels voieil it' jour en Arabie saoudite et
sur les rrves du Golqe. Cet cuvrage cct'~ "iif - et piu'-l-dlsripli~airc -
du Centre d'etudes et de recherLhes s1 * 'P p'" y;.n Gr~enc prspose 3 un
large public des "lements de rgponse .A--< q ~fe~ -drs soulave6s par cri dg-
but d'industrialisat~un. Ses diffSrar chai;i:iLa tra~ten: d; r3ia (ie
l'Etat, de la rente petroliere et des g,:~itiques d'i-id1-i~triaii.stition, de
Id classe ouvrisre gmergente. de llimmigraf 3 m; iis 'f frfenf. egale'n~nt
quelques etudes de cas (Iraq, Arable scioudite, ens ei t?'"isi-r'- ai'Ci 2ns
et palestiniens) ainsi qu 'un dossier cartographique -: ':rie t ieqt-,' 'P tie
pages. (Diffusion: Sinbod, 1 rae Feutiiei, 'SOIF Pans, T-'T.c~).
. Agence de Cooperation Culturelie & Technique, L'avenir dea

. . :., -,
,.;,L#; ':r~-,kicai l!isease Rest a-cL, Se: ei.?h F~.cgra;~.ze Report (Ge:le7va:
.-- .
'*?-, , . '. . ,P u.-.Zr. HCXJLD SANK/WHO Special Progrzme !'.or Researc>i and Trai.nir.g in Trc-
;.:P: i Disease':,, 1585;.
C. T. Ltr.) (e'l), ~~j~~~~ngf~A;^~f;
Par;id;c?; ~~pcributioi~of
YI.I.I.~. t':. chr Fr~;motion ~f 'r'n:l.-il Goals .:nd C:.'lt~;ra: Values L,) -. .- - -- the Devel-
. --
c'[.r.ifc!.l~~'~~r.ess ('la-igko'r:. AL:.z, Ci~it-~?.: 'i-r~ifl c". Pevelopi'.-:nc, 1984)
l4Syv, (Di~Lrib~tic~i: SuLsit Sias, 3:!3;7 Sol Saritlpap l;aret RJ, 8:ingko~
LOSUC, Tt.aila,-id) .
. Sz-,bart KiiHer, :Jew Genesis (;'rim
pcnef'ate ::c;ur iciud - even yci:i heart. In this yiir of the; 40th r'n:~iversary
of the United Satlone, Eobi.'r: Muiipr is dsliveriiig a very important
message Listen t.c it.
Intcrgovernicental O(:eariograpl~f.t: Cominission, Gsean Science for the
.--U,--- Year 2000 (Paris. UNESCO, 1984) 95pp.
. Incerr~atlonal Crg~iniz~t, m of C~nsb~ers Cnicns, 5 Bfliion Consume;s:
Organisirg for Chcnge (i985) 78pp. (IOCU, PO Box 1045, Penang,
Malay~i~).
. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Pol&ies for C=mon
Security (Soins: SIPRI, 1985) 25rpp. Ori 25 April- 1982, the Indepen-
.ierf Commis=tor; ¥:¥ r'isarc'..mei-.E arni Se~arity Issues - better known as rhe
Falae Commission - adopted its, final report. It was published that same
year, under the title 'Lomrnon Security', thus introducing a nete term
into the language of debate. The basic idea of common security is not
complex. It is that nc- country can obtain security in the long run sim-
ply hy taking unilatercil decisions about its own military deployment,
because security- depends also on the actions and reactions of potential

a.iverdari'is. SIPXI convrened a, conference to ¥~n:%i.'t.ipk a critical exiir--r.-.
jtion o*' :.he concept of cocaaon sea-rity .?'.id CJ ;:o~sider the i1rpli~-a£i.>.!.
0.: y''':? isle3 for d3"ict7:~ament 3.113 ,ams cont'c.il hiicy. T!,'Ls Doof ?:J~'.:A~KL-.:
tne maic papers presentad ac the confe':encs.
. Joz?L Gz!Idblac (ed.)> N~~~~r~o~z~?ration - The L'hy -p. and ctle l.i 3 Trd:a, Israel,
?'~kistan, South Africa and Spain); a:-,d 3 group r i !>rates, both
l-lorth arid South, which far various reasons have joined the Treaty (Canada,
Sgvpc, South Korea, Sweden, Switzerland and Taiwan)" :he focus of
the b33k is on motivations for and against nuclrisi. proliferation. An
inalyais ^? ':h.%s raotivitions leads die editor to make

. Ligus suisse des droits de l'home, La forteresse europ6enne et les
- rgfugies, Actes des lgres Assises europgennes sur Ie droit d'aslle, Lausame,
f6vrier 1985. 247pp. (Editions d'en bas, C? 304, 1017 Lausanne
17, Suisse).
. Rubez Berrios, Economic Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist
Countries (1.985) 23pp. (Latin American Program, The Wilson Center,
Suithsonian Institution Building, Washington DC, USA).
. Latin American Working Group, An Anti-lntzentio~i Handbook:
dians and the Crisis in Central America (1985) 39pp. (LAWG, Box 2207,
Station "P", Toronto, Ontario M5S 2T2, Canada).
. Comission for Justice and Peace & Ecumenical Research Exchange,
Food Strategies and Lome 111 (1985) 45pp. (Oostmaaslaan 950, 3063 DM
Rotterdam, The Netherlands).
. John W. Forje, Third World Development and the Myth of Iriternationa1
Cooperation (Lund: Jowifor Publications, PO Box 3011, 220 03 Lund,
Sweden, 1984) 356pp. This is a collection of 20 papers - - almost entirely
written by Third world intellectuals on a wide range of subjects. The
primary focus appears to be a search for alternative strategies of development,
though the concept is nowhere adequately defined other than
In an overall sense of a strategy for reduced dependence on the North.
The problem with the book is that, though the individual papers are
mostly well written, the totality of them does not mesh together Into a
coherent and cohesive whole. Unfortunately, the editor's introduction
does not draw all the strands together. Having said that, however, it
must be stressed that the volume contains a large number of intriguing
perceptions which are most useful to Third World strategy formulation.
A H Mazrui in a paper on "The Barrel of the Gun and the Barrel of Oil in
North-South Equation" provides a realistic picture of contemporary power
politics and the links which should exist between an international military
order and the new economic order. He appears to urge for a proliferation
of nuclear science (not necessarily nuclear bombs, though Mazrui
does not discourage it as one would have wished) as a means through
which the Third World can be equal with the North. I wonder whether that
is a satisfactory strategy of alternative development. The editor himself
in his Introduction, suspects the Brandt Commission and its Third
World "accomplices", in particular, "as part of the Western strategy of
placing the Third World in a very acute corner". He goes on to state,
however, that the only way out for the rural and urban poor of the Third
World is to team up with activists in industri.alized nations so as to
immobilize the military and industrial complex operating in alliance
with Third World elites. The question then is, what is Mazrui urging
them to do. in promoting the spread of nuclear technology? Is nuclear
technology in the interest of the Third World poor? and is it not a virility
symbol of a Northernised elite? The development of relevant alternative
strategies require a proper grasp of the limitations of socalled
status and prestige symbols associated with the North and replacing
them with more humane benchmarks of achievement. (L. de Silva)
. NGI.S, International Workshop on Multilateral Development Assis-
-- tance: Final Report (1985) 190pp. (Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10,
Switzerland or c/o Mellomkirkelig Rad, Underhaugsveien 15, 0354 Oslo 3,
Norway).

PERIODICALS
. Africa (Anno XL, ?2, 1985) : "L'annassione deli'Oltregiub~z -1elld
politica coloniale i~aliand" da Giampaolo Calctii Novati (Via Aldrovandi
16, 00197 Roma, Italia).
. Africa De~~elJ~XtiEt
(Vcl.IX, ?3, 1984): Special issue on Nigeria
(BP 3304, Eann-Rcsfden~e a Dalkar, Senegal;.
. --
Altercom (No50, 1985): "Un disiurso nuevo para Ani6ri2a Lat~na"
(ILET, Casilla 16637, Correo 9, Santiago., Chi:e).
. Alternatives Ecor.o~iques (b.'29, 1985): "Lrivre5se dz t>dn gra:nbi gar
Daniel Joussan. Quand Ie bl@ est rn~isconn0. 11 faut le vetidre. C'est ce
que font les Etats-Unis depuis touji.'urs, ies Europcens depuis dix a;'?-
Aujcurd'hui, ies acheteurs i.ont molns gourmands, les vendeura phs pressants.
Une piece de plus i verser a'-i ccnten:ieLx fcntre les Etats-L'r.is c:
1'Europe. (20 rue dVAssas, 21000 Dijon, France).
. Alternatives non violentes

- --L..
pevc~cp;r.ent: pc; :,:V '- 1." ?W (\'C,? .',. ;%j',: "The In:,?rna:iL;-.al.
Fan~ for Agric~.'i.t.i.iri! beve1opn.e-1: the rirst six years" by Ji;'r.n Andrews
King (Sap,- F:ih.'.ic~tle:~~, 28 Banner Sr.ree:, i ;ind,;p. E':;lY 8QE, W).
- Ec:~~nc;~'.-^,!.s - (\,ol.31. lQP3}- ''T^!c- 7s..ii!3:c ec~noinic ethic ana ccocom-.
. - . -.
: ' y Ghazic '3.. ,:s~ $2 I i~iztitut. f:"- ftLq_er.s:;'ia;:t-?,Jche ;;usam;--narfcLt
, l~~.nC'~~iis::r,'. '.3, 'Â¥!+'Â 'LZl.ingen, FRG:.
. -- FEP Navsl . etter (Nc 16, 1985; : "Youth trainin% in Zaabi;.: ~iavor,ga
i'ea'-:ibLli i.y staiy" (X Eoi: 269C6, &borne, fio~swana;.
. - FrSres - -. - - des homes - (?10, 1985): "La dette er, les hoimes" (20 rue du
Rafdge, 780dC Versaiilas, France).
, Grassnut'r Del^elop..;en'- (V: l.?, Yc 1, ;?£S : "3a~t.i'~ tarei'aot cp -
:hti.-L~cl~~~ist~' Ly F.iich MlLhel-l :.l^lr.?r--:fi,.~;~.~n 1'~iii.iijat-Jori, 1512 WLlaou
foulevard, Rosslyn, VA 22209, USA;.
. - Hea~.th -- fur the ---. 1-1113iur.s - (Vol.Xl, ?l, 1985): "Information: where to
find ic? How t.2 store, it: How CO retrieve it? HOK to share it?" (Vcluntdry
Kkalth I'.!.scciatior. of India, C14 Ctmmunity Centre, SDA,
i'-C, 016, Lndia).
New Delhi

. 1DOC Internationale (Anno XVI, Vol.17, N"2, 1985); "The genetic ---p-manipulation
of crcp plants" by Ben Kifiin and Peter J. Lea. The pL2ser.t
and intense international dabate on the control of plant genetic resources
and their ruse ir. igriculture sees on one side governments and transnationals
c'

vities including new discoveries and applications of science and techno-
logy to economic and social growth in Third World countries. In fact, a
large portion of the present issue and of the next one is devoted to the
presentation of Academies and of Research Councils in the Third World.
(PO Box 586, Miramare, 34136 Trieste, Italy).
. Nouvelles de 1'6cod6veloppement (N031, 1984): "L'Gconomie infor-
melle et au-delii"; (N032-33, 1985): "Acteurs non gouvernementaux et pra-
tiques alternatives du dGveloppement" (54 bd Raspail, 75270 Paris,
France).
. Peace News (P2251, 1985): "Shadows on our lives: forty years of
living with Hiroshima" (8 Elm Avenue, Nottingham 3, UK).
. Peripherie (N020, 1985): Peripherie wants to contribute to the dis-
cussion on relations between the North and South and on solidarity with
emancipatory movements i.n the Third World. We are particularly interes-
ted i,! developments which have led to the rise of social movements in
metropolitan as well as in Third World countries; processes of differen-
tiation among Third World countries and their theoretical implications;
problems of national reconstruction after the military victory of na-
Clonal liberation movements. Each issue of Peripheric focusses on a par-
ticular topic, but also includes one or two other articles on themes of
current interest as well as hook reviews, a review of reviews and Eng-
lish summaries of the main articles. The latest issues concentrated on:
cultural identity and the nation state (N018/19); small peasants and
agricultural development (?IT); world economic crisis (?15/16); the
Third World and Marx (NY14; women and social power (N013); religion and
religious moveaents (P12); national liberation movements in power
(Na1O/il). (?0 8426, 4400 M'iinster, FRG).
Public Enterprise (Vol.5, ?3, 1985): "~cmen - equality, development
and ~eace" by Margaret W. Kenyatta; "The impact of adjustment progrannie's
on women in developink countries" by Mingarida da Gama Santos
(PO Box 52, 51109 Ljubljand, Yugoslavia).
'uer.acer (N035): "Ex diCxgnSstico .'ie Alan Garcid: use lectura 'entre
A_____
llneas"" (DESCO, AV. Salaverry 19h5, Lima 14, Peru).
Recherches iriternationale~ (?lb. 1985): "Le Tiers Monde dans le
comerce mondial" par Jean leicp6riEre (SEPIRl'l, b4 Bd. Auguste Blanqui,
7501.3 Paris, I'zanc'e) .
. Revista de ciencias sociales (?27-28, 1984): "Desarrollo agrario
en Costa Rica" (Univeisidad de Costa Rica, Apartado ?75, San Jose).
. - Scandinavian Jou7:ial of Develogment Alternatives (Yol.IV, N02,
~985): Ar?liles by Richdrd Falk, Tamds Szentes and I-uis Echevema (Post
E 9" 73JQ, 113 93 ?toc'dnln', Swmleni
. Seminar 'N0311, 1985): Seminar attempt& a aeparture from tne usual
jour~.a'!. I-robiemi-., national and international, are posed and discussed.
Each issue deals with a single problem. Those who hold different and at
times rpposing view-points express their thoughts. there is no editorial
no suming up. Readers are free to judgs the facts for themselves. It
may not be possible to provide a final answer to questions raised, but

Seminar equips its readers to find their own answers. CRomesh Thapar,
Malhotra Bldg., Janpath, New Delhi, India).
Share International (Vo1.4, N07/8, 1985): "Uomec, a global forc2
for change" by Robert L. Terrell (FOB 41877, 1009 Amsterdaa, NL).
. SIM Newsletter (Noll, 1985): "European union and fundamental
rights" by Joost Korte and Lammy Betten (SIM, Nieuwegxacht 94, 3512 LX
Utrecht, The Netherlands).
. Socialismo y participacign (?30, 1985): "Chile: temas y rareas de
la raconstruccion" por Ricardo Lagos (Apartado 11701, Lima ii, Peru).
. Solidaire (N'78-79, 1985): "NumSro special - Dossier: Viande" (Case
postale 81, 1000 Lausanne, Suisse).
South (No57, 1985): "The IMF's African nightmarew (13th Floor, New
Zealand House, 80 Haymarket, London SW1Y 4TS, UK).
. Terra Nuova (Anno 111, S013, 1984): "Movimento cosa succeda". Si
stringono i tempi per l'opposizione ai missili, via del r2sro arrivati
in Sicilia. 1.e 1ist.e verdi alle amministrative ai novemhie, hanno intan-
to registrato success! e sconfitte. II verde 2 11 naturale ir. genera
sono comunque in espanslone. Spazio inolt-re alle iniziar.ive dell'Arci-
pelago Verde, annunci e programmi dalla CaEiJdgIIZ e dalla citi. (Massimo
Ilari, via del Pergolato 121, 00172 Roma, Italia).
. Third World International (Vol.4, ?5, 1985): "No sore Hiroshima -
No more Nagasaki" by Syed SikanJer Mehdi.
. Third World Network (Na2, 1985): ''Souril Airicals ter~oriss: wP.y it
exists" (87 Cantonment Road, Penang, Malaysia).
World Quarterlk {Vol. 7, K03, 1585) : "jofnt v*-~tures and Ttlird
W-irld maritime development" by S.3.
narket, London SW1Y 4T&, [K).
Stuimy (New Zealand House, 80 Yi.iy-
Third World Resources (Vol.1, Sol, 1985); organiz-r40iis - h-3; o -
periodicals - pamphlets and articles - audiovisudis i'46+ i9':h St , Oak-
land, CA 94612, USA).
Vivre Autreaent (?2, 1985): "Consommdr 'local? Le dsveloppecent par
l'autre bout" par Diana Senghor (F.l:DA, BP 3310, Dakar, Senegal).
. --
World Policy Journal ,Vol.II, N43, 1985) : "East Europeanh on the
bloc systeir." by beorge Konrad and 'Economic reform: th~ stntegic lirp1~cations"
by Silviu Brucan (777 U;; Plaza, N.w York, NY 1:10i7, 'SA,.
. Women's 'norld (P6, 1985): "A dossier on women and liealth" (ISIS-
WICCE, PO Box 2471, 1211. Geneva 2, Switzerl.aria).
. Work in Pro ress (The new name of tha WU Newsletter) ('.'ul.9, Noi,
1985)"UKU ar 10" (UN University, Toho Seiaei BIJ;. ! '3-1 S' . buy2
2-chome, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150, Japan).

ifda dossier 50 materials received for pub1 ication
Argentina) 3pp.
B>Je ;,l.ita!ic, - Tha-ixe, -. - .- .- Conscicntizatlor; and Mobilization: The.
--v . p - - -. - .- --p
Ri'-,ad:urit:."a of th,. i"osi:nnrii.t.~ -p-.-p Lea.Jers of Konve Area (Union of Africaii
?erforming Arrists, P'J isox 8222, Yau~nde, Ctimeroon) 13pp.
, h:.r.sel Sduabe iiyo'n, - Theiitra, . .- -- Adult F.duc,atior. and Development: T '
,:amer-szisa~ K~rkstlop, 2?pp; b:orkslio on Theatre for
&:~5~-&~e3 RuraL Develz~?&~ !31pp; Th?atr.? ~i~e1e;ance: An Tnterview
W.'&>, ; ~ p n e ~ ~ 11;-p. ~ ~ (Unior Z ~ of n African ~ ~ ~ Ferfoi-aing ,
Artists)
hrharz G;~den? :-iedi?al Scis~~czs: Aliernatf-v? Insights an2
Apuri:achi:s (Pitzer College, C hrticiont, CA 9171 1, USA) 10pp.
"
. Ri-chars Faik, ~ ~ ~ ; 2 ~ r ~ $ - ~ g , -in g ~ :he ~ rAge e a : :~f ~ Trident- (Center
of In:err:a:ic~al StudLa.;, Princeton University, Corwin Hall, Princeton,
New Jersey 08544, lj3A) 22pp.
. Maji.1 R.iiinUna., Educ'atLon -p-p. for Exclusion or Participation? (For d
--pvlev
-^t e.?~ica:-~.cnal Isaurs fr.m the grassroots) (Port-la-Galere, Theoula
055".;, Al~es Maritime, ?r=i:e) 29pp.
NATIONAL SPACE
Sa"! Cole, ~f.-,-p~t~r:;~a;hy&ugv-: Global Impact on Income Dis-
-- trib'~ii on, Emp Laymen-;an i Growth i,School of Architecture, State Universl.ty
-,f Sew Yr.rk, Haves Hall, Mair; St.Campus, Buffalo, NY 14214, USA)

. Naiindar Sii.g!'; Sppenihe-liner
. -
. - a-. rG .- - I"^; . -. - Gi:-E - -. ;,.p. md L'.?, -. - - The ;;UJ-,-:..,~Y:< - . -. .
of Hiroshiz 9pp. (:?~dha~-lal !iei.ru Ln:vc:s

ifda dossier 50 . novernber/decembe? 1985 they had this to say
PRINCE CLAUS OF THE NETHERLANDS:
RETHIN!-:iSG DEVELOPMENT LEAN'S CURBING ETHNOCENTRISM
!ur %ester3 thiriking or the theory and practice of development coopera-
tion shows nany signs th3t betray its origins. Both chfcory and practice
are the product of their times. For quite some tine the western model of
society, the economic a;odel, was accepted as the "common human pattern",
arid thus as the model fcr the ncn-western world as well. It was an area
in which development becama synonymaus with westernization.
For a long time we were blind to the social and cultural aspects of developraent.
Fortunately "here hava recently been signs that the ciiltura1
siJe of development is being !.etiter andeistood. But even now too narrow
eccxmit: ?hinkir.g is an obstacle. Although it is recogxized that there
Is a cultural dimensi.'iii !"o Jevelcrirfn:, It is a: the saae tine regarded
as a nuisance and solutions are sought by adding a dash of culture tc
oar development ei.fort~-; and thacr-Lcs --.'Â¥hic otherwise remain valid as
+£"re Such a concept.:!oil is i-occed In :he eeuno~~i~-.ally-'ainded cultures.
Eccnci~ic a~i-~ic-~c-iaants are stL11 .?.c the cop of. chair scale of values.
The ak-'Jel. cf fcestcri c~lt~re ts gradually losing its atti-acticn to the
Third X./rld. 'Ynis w ~ ~ p-art:lY.uJa?ly l d
seem £L bat; the- result of the emergent
acruggle tor social and cultural, idencic~ in the Third World cou1;tries,
ihis is geiieraL1y referred to as "self-reliance" but we :%:it be
caraiul not so intarpre? it in che ~ypic.i.'~ly weitern economic eiecse.
Self-relianca in a purely economic sense does not exist. Nowhere! The
tera self-reliance is therefore much broader ancl sicre coiaprehensive than
economic self-rel