ifda dossier 74 - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

ifda dossier 74
novemberldecember 1989
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Voir et coinprendre 'ce qui est'
Lecons d'une animation au Senegal

Lecons d'une animation au Senegal
Classiquemcnt, dans Ie milieu anima-
tcur qui sc r6ftre au dCveloppemcnt
comniunautaire, aussi bien en milieu
rural qu'cn milieu urbain africain, on
pense souvent quc les recours aux
structures administrativcs ou socinlcs nc
sc justifient que pour cies raisons d'op-
portunite: c'est un ptissay obliffiitoire,
bicn qu'cstinik inutilc, pour Iwuriscr ki
naissance des institutions popukurcs
souhaitCes. I.cs aniniiiteurs apprc-
hcndent mal l'cl'ficacii6 potentielle des
strucmrcs cxislantcs et sous-6vi'ilucnl
ceriains des aspects de la reiilite du
fonctionncmcnt social.
Si en milieu rural les populations soni
dejh bien organisecs et si Ics diffkrentcs
structures ;issoci;~iivcs ou lign;i$rcs
jouisscnt d'unc honnc cohesion, ils
pensent qu'cn milieu urhiiin tout est i
rehire. A pcine dispose-t-on dc structures
comn~unauliiires ernbryonnaircs.
I.es (iiiliirii.~, les iriho[(~y~, Ics ;issociiilions
de ressortissants, les tours dc
the ... n'ont pas unc longue histoirc. I'.llcs
nc rcposent pas sur un socle durable.
Aussi serait-il alkatoire d'y biitir un
edifice solide. Dc touie facon, ccs
institutions, cn milieu rural comme en
milieu urbain, avaient toutcs dcs iiires
socialcs qu:isi indClehilcs: cllcs t'onctionncnt
scion un syst?me incgalitaire et
hierurchique incicccptahic pour dcs
pr;iticicns dc I'tinii'niiiion.
Dans cc type dc societe, Ics marginaux
son[ nombrcux et pauvres. Us sont lcs
grands perdants d'un systtnie social qui
l'onctionnc 1;irgnient en favcur d'une
Dans notre cas, Ie projcl (:hodak cicvicnt
Ie mmic venu sauvcr Ics pciuvres,
Ies d6munis sur 1e plan materiel et sans
rati:ichement sociiil. I-cur promotion
doit se realiser i Icur benefice cxclusil'
et sans 1c concours dc la minorit6
privilegiee. P.lle doit &re 1'aboutisscmeni
d'une approche selective &ins 1:)
participaiion communii~~tairc au dkvcloppcment;
il est cssentiel d'ohtcnir un
consensus 21 I'int~ricur du groupe uinsi
forme, et dc reussir FI miirginal!scr les
irnjividus dominutcurs hostilcs ;KIX
procedures democratiqucs.
Or, dans ces groupes, il s'agit bicn
souvcnt dc reunions reciproqucs, cc qui
ne vent piis dire egalitaires, les membrcs
dcs groupcs disposant dans bien
dcs cas d'une mars de manoeuvre
sulTisai~~e pour difterer I'application
d'une decision des chef's hierarchiques
ou pour garantir l;i reciprocite dc
1'Cch;ingc. Ainsi, par exempie, 1c sousquiirticr
Aral'iil, compose probuhlcmcnt
clcs gen.-> Ics p1u.s demunis dc (ir;i~~d-
YoSf, ii reussi a rccrter son quarticr
m;ilgre lii presence des bulldozers et l;i
volonte dc l'administr;it~on dc Ics 1'iiire
degucrpir.

1.e~ limitcs evidentcs dc notre iipprochc
con~miinautairc s'cxpliqucnt liirgcn'ient
pas les normcs su&r6es par Ics iinimateurs
et dans cc cas its continucnl a
par noire mtiuviiise comprthension du travaillcr scion Ics relies socialcs qui
mode dc Sonctionncmcnt des groupes. prcexistiiicnt 2 notre intervention -
Nous cstimons que si nous inipliquons cornme Ies vendcuscs dc poissons, Ics
glohiilen~cnt toutc lii collectivite nos jcuncs rniiraichcrs; soit ils demeirrent
efforts scront wins. Nous nc rtussirons sur des bases cominiinmiiciires mais
qu.5 rcnforcer la position dc ceux quc sans tenir comptc dcs structures socialcs
1c systhnc injuste l'avnrisc d6,ja. I1 taut preexisttimes et ils echouent - commc
clone neccssiiircrncnt reussir ;I insu~llcr pour lcs n~enuisiers de Tiiibii, les jcuncs
clans 1c groiipc i'espril con~muntiut.'iire
Clyilnairc en cond;irnn;int toute tcntiitivc
vendcurs dc journiiux.
ci'cxercice dc pouvoir personnel ipn'stc. l~inalcmcnt, nous iivons constalc quc
dam bicn dcs ciis notre presence n'ii\ait
Duns cctte optique. ki tfichc cssenticllc rien chiingt et clue Ics goupcs condc
l'iinim;ilc~ir consisic ;'I orgiiniscr Ics tinucnt de lonctionncr scion Icur code
pcrd;ints du p . 5 Ics scnsibiliser cle propre, i~ l21 grandc sutist';iciion cle tous
t'ii~on

traclitionncllc clans 1c groupc rcprtscme
par Ies vieux ou lcs notables.
Par contrc, lorsquc lii reglcmentatk'in
interne ;i 212 nigocice, quc cc son tiu
scin dcs groupes ou avec I'adniinistra-
lion coninic dans 1c ens dc I'operation
Cgout dc T.eona ou dans 1c doniaine de
a sante, I'ohjcctif vis6 a 616 aiteint. De
plus, on ;I pu consliiler quc cc .succ15s
etait dU tiu hit quc chaque ptirtenairc
m;irch;ind;iit en sc biisant sur l'iitout
clue consume 1c riillien1cnt poienticl dc
Chodtik 2 ses proprcs intcrds. 11 nous
i1pp;iraTt liniilemcnt quc Chodiik c^t
d'autiint plus cITicucc qu'ellc cst intt-
gee ;lux interds stratCgiqucs dcs grou-
pcs. C'cst unc dCcouvertc pis toujours
facile A supporter pour I'animnteur. 11
decouvre qu'il n'est plus !c niciTire
princip;~! clu jcu nliiis qu'il est lui-mc'nle
un cnjcu clans Ics rapports dc pouvoir
qut travcrscni lcs groupcs sociaux cliins
un quarticr.
Mcilgre unc recherche cie cocliliciition
precise clcs comportcmcnts, l'org;inisa-
lion sociiilc que nous chcrchons A crcer
nc contrfilc en fait qu'unc p:irtie humtii-
nc dc l;i vie.
l .es parteniiircs continucnt A cvolucr
dans cI.autres univcrs soci;iux quc, par
inaptitude ou par choix, nous ignorons.
DC ee fait, ils ditiennent unc autrc
source cl'incertitude qui constilue un
2l6ment chiirni?rc dans lcurs striite~c.
in eITct, sachiint que 1'existcnce dc
notre orpnis;ition sc justilic piir les
L ions
nCcessiircs rcl;itionsque nous chcr"!
I entretenir avcc eux, les iictcur.~ so-
cii~ux d6l'inissent lcur strategic en rap-
port iivcc cctlc source c1'inccrtitudc si
vitcilc pour nous: participcr ou non iinx
iicti\ites quc nous proposons. ('cue
strategic est d'autant plus payante pour
cux quc nous ignorons ccrtaincs pr;il-
ques dc lii population don1 la maitnse
cst pourliint cruciiilc pour nous.
Pendant cc temps. la population continue
dc partager sa vie et sa loyaulk
avec d'autres groupes, dal~iri~'i, tours dc
the, groupc t'amilio-ckii~iqucs yui ofit su
fondcr lcur existence sur un sceteur
crucial pour leurs mcmbres, conime piir
cxcmplc en donncint l;i possibilii6 d'aller
I l h~lecquc pour tin iliiliii~~. cl'iivoir
Ics prcis soutcrrciins pour un inhofii!,e.
Ltiint peu inl'ormes sur la vie rtclle dcs
gens et des groupcs, n iiveugles par lcs
idtaux or~iinis;itionncl'i clue nous vou-
Ions a tout prix atteindre, nous somnics
dans l'inc;ip;icit~ dc niaitriscr notre
environncmcnt. Nos capacitCs d'aciion
s'en lrnuvent nCccssiiirement reduiles.

Or nous rel'usions, au ci6but, dc nous
prttcr

prioritt'iirement dc se hire udoptcr, on
integrcr un reseau urbiiin en pliice,
auqucl il sera lie par cert;iines ohlig:i-
lions mais qui. en retour, lui devra
toute protection.
Pour re;iliser ces ohjectil's, I'individu
cherche ;'I btncficicr de deux conditions
Suvoriibles. Hn recouront aux marntxiuts,
iiiix voyanis. il cherchc i'i multiplier les
chances de beiieficicr dc rentcs de
situiinon. 1.e matin, lorsqu'il se Icvc,
lorsqu'il a fait scs ablutions, prononce
des lormulcs magic]~ies, il v;i sc diriger
dans tous les sens et tenter eic rctrouvcr
es signes du cici quc son voy;int lui
aura indiquCs. l1 chcrchc iiinsi ;'I ohtcnir
mutes Ies I'acilites et i s'inscrirc clans 1c
chtimp mtignCtiquc cl'une pcrsonnaliiC
influcntc. (JCleguc du qucirtier, nutiiblc
lout puissant, minisire, miiriiboul, p;ir
c simple jcu de h;is;ird nu dc l;i provi-
dcncc, en dcvcniint lociitaire chex 1c
notiihle clu coin ou j;irdinicr en hce de
I residence du chef dc rescau I'iimilio-
clanique ... qui peut 1c l'airc riipklemcnt
beneficier dc son influence et lui per-
meitre ci'accCcicr rapidenient iiux facili-
tes souliait~cs.
seront mullipli6cs puisqu'il peut devenir
1e beau-pere d'un marabout, d'un jcune
homme riche, d'un depute on d'un
ministrc qui va s;iuvcr toute lu 1';imille
et aussi ses nonlbreux dcscenddnis. Scs
t'imbitions, il 1c.s mesure cn Sonction dcs
alouts don1 il dispose. S'il a une licence,
une maftrise et qu'il est 1c neveu on 1c
cousin d'un n~embre d'un lignagc in-
Iluent ou d'un ministrc, il pourra cspe-
rcr ICgitimenient devenir ciirectcur d'un
service national. S'il ne dispose que du
diplon1e, il verru scs chances anloindries.
M;iis I'iiitCgrriilion dc I'individu depend
iiiissi kirgement iie scs ciipucitCs d'tipprcniissugc
(Jcs nouvclles normes clu
groupe, ciu quarncr hole et ¥ les constnucr
cominc reference pour s;) propre
coiuluitc. I.'ticccp~at~on cic I'indiviclu ou
son role par 1c groupe depend iiussi des
titouts (.Ion1 dispose 1c dcn~andeur. S'il
cst un entrepreneur, il a be;iucoup ;'I
olTrir tiu groupe. qui pourrrii lui ;iceordcr
unc pkicc dc choix diins son oryinigrammc.
S'il cst un simple griot, il
b6nelicierti d'un prestige limiie ?I lii
n~esurc dc s;i fonction.
l$ dCfinitive, Ics individus qui tirrivent
Iraichement en villc voni ben6Iicier dc
conditions exterieurcs rcl;iti\~cnieni
kivorahlcs A leur propre integration. 1.e
quariicr, en situt'ltion d'offrc pern~uncn-
te, regroupc unc ganlme variee ci'tisso-
ciiitions poursuiviint dcs object ifs divers.
il recherche I'integration de ses mein-
hrcs: (j~illircis. tontines. groupes dc the,
clubs dc jeunes, mbi/lilye, associations
dc rcssortissiints d'un vilkigc eou d'unc
region ... Ces groupements cherchcm
tous A ticcroitrc 1c nombre cle leurs
mcmbrcs. 1.e nonibre constituc un atout

dc taille pour se positionner sur I'echi-
quicr urbain et pour multiplier les iicihe-
rents dc qualite, c'est-i'i-dire ccux dis-
posant d'titoufs intercssants ou assuriint
unc liiiison strategique avec Ics resdiux
situes, diins lu pyraniidc socicilc invisible,
h un niveau sup6ricur.
II existc conme unc phase d'initiation
au cours dc liiquclle I'individu est appclc
;'I r&iliscr progressivcmcnt son
insertion. II sc soumct iilors ;I un ;ipprciitissagc
dcs normcs du groupc, qui
va lui permetire d'assimilcr rapidcn~cnt
1c code dc coiiduitcs, en m&~~e temps
delini et delinlife, qui sera son chiimp
d'evolution propre. Chaquc mcmbre du
gruupe d'accueil va alors contribuer, a
s;i manicre, 5 I'initiation, cn donncint
toutcs les informations reliitives ii 1ci
distribution officicllc dc I'autorite, et les
voles d'accks possible - cel;i pour crccr
et renforccr la loyautc dc l'inclividu an
groupe hole. 13 nitnic temps, chacuii
vii chcrchcr ;I atlircr 1c nouvcau vcnu
duns un sous-groupe, pour renlorcer s:i
position et montcr dans l;i hierarchic
intcrne. C.'elui qui fait son entree pcut
disposer dts nlaintcnai'it ou plus lard dc
ccrtains iitouls et Ics chefs dc sous-
qroupcs fumilio-cltiniques vont essiiycr
dc I'altirer pour faire lcur profit des
clumces dc I'immigrant et cela uv;int
nitn~c qu'il n'ach6ve son initiation ou
nc dcvienne majeur dans Ie goupe.
Aucun n~en~bre n'est inutile aux divers
Les contraintcs du groupc sc revelcnt
prfois lourdcs, niais vivre rctrcinche dc
tout groupe est prcsque inimaginciblc.
De plus, ciprcs les dilTicultes du debut,
groupcs dcs quilrtiers diins l;] mesure lcs inities, une his adrnis, pcuvent ttre
ou n'importe qui pcut avoir dcs atoms, potenticllen~cnt des chefs dc mini-clans.
identifies ou potenncls, pcrmcttant dc II faut, pour y panair, qu'ils client
renforccr la position du clan et, recipro- ciccru Icur auionomie, en creant on
qucn~ent, ou Ie clan pcut accroitre son elargissent leur /.one d'inscrtion et,
pouvoir piir I'action de tel sous-goupc parallClemcnt, qu'ils aicnt den~ontre Icur
ou dc tel mcmbre et en Siiire bCnttiacr loyaute vis-a-vis dc l'ensemble (Ju grouchacun.
Tout cela crce et rentorcc les
solidiirit6s 2 I'intericur du groupc et
solidifie sii cohesion.
PC.
Diiiis cc type dc conlcxlc. tel arrivaiit
va kirgenient proliter du soulicn du
goupc, obtcnir, par cxcii~ple, une aide
en nature du d6legu6 dc quarticr ...
Ccpendiint, lorsqu'il aura reussi 5 s'inte-
grcr, il va crfer son proprc sous-rescau,
grace auquel il obticndra de nouveaux
souticns. C'est ainsi qu'il existc unc
niobilitc 5 I'intkrieur du systcn~c. On
pcut gravir Ics echelons au scin du
groupe. Et si une org;inisiition nc fcicili-
tciit pas cettc capillaritc, ellc vcrrait scs
mcnibres la quitter. Mtiis, 1c plus sou-
vent, 1c groupe comrne Ics individus
evitcrunt h tout prix la rupture conl-
pltte.
Ccs solidarites s'tiv6rerunt capitales pour
'Cquilibre dcs institutions Sorniclles ou
inforrnclles du milieu urhiiin. Grace ;I
dies, ccux qui sont situks au has dc
'~chcllc vont pourvoir excrccr dcs
pressions pour obtcnir, en echungc dc
lcur loy;iute, desav;iiita$s legilimcincnt
tiitcndus du groupe ou clu chci'de cliin.

l .'eSficacite dc I'orgiinisation est I'onction
dc sa capacitc 2 donncr sat~sfaction 3
ses n~emhrcs. Diins cc hut, et pour
iissurer l;i cohesion ciu mbo~i!~~
consolider l;i position dcs chclls hicnir-
chiques, lcs dirigeiints vont s'cmploycr
ictivcmcnl ii ohtcnir dc s'inscrcr dims
cles r6se;iux hierorchiq~ics situes uu
nivciiu 1c plus hiiut dc l;] pynimicle. lie
a sorie. dcs qu'il fuui faire l';icc A unc
inquiCtude q~iclconque, ils peuvent
rapiclcmcnt iinircr I'utlci'iiion d'unc
pcrsonnalile irillucntc et, souvent,
obtcnir siilisfaction. Sa strategic clone v:!
consister esscnticllcment 2 pouvoir
s'entrcicnir dircctcmcnt ;ivec 1c chef ile
et

clan sans avoir besoin dc passer par des
intcrn~ediaircs.
L'adn~inistration fonctionne die aussi
2 la lunliere des rtseaux, des lignages
ou n6o-lignages. Au niveau superieur
dc la pyramide sc situent des personnalit6s
lie rattachemenf, des chefs hierarchiques
nationaux de rcseaux t'amilioclaniques,
des marabouts, des nlinistres,
dc riches entrepreneurs, des responsables
politiques qui, grSce A la formule
masque de la tontine, vont, a tour de
relic, dormer satisfaction aux sollicitalions
de parents ou amis de leurs
lignages respectifs. Sur intervention d'un
membre du puverncment, on fermera
lcs yeux sur les Sautes con~n~iscs par un
cousin. On offrira un poste dc responsabilite
nationale ou internationale 2 un
membre du clan mais cc clan devra
attendre que d'autres obncnncnt des
satisfuctions aviint qu'une nouvelle
~'~IVCU~ lui soit accordCe.
Si Ie Sonctionncment interne d'un reseau
actif diSSerents niveaux de la
societe scn~ble s'effectuer sans trop de
peinc, il en va autrement dans Ie quartier
(ou Ie village), quand on cherche
a mobiliser la totalit6 dcs reseaux pour
negocicr valablement avec l'administra-
[ion ... En effet, dans un mEme quartier,
les dirigeants dc clans A la base peuvcnt
se r(Scla111er de reseaux antagonistes et,
dans ce cas, 1c fait qu'ils acceptent dc
nlettre ensemble leurs alouts respectifs
n'accroit pas leur capcite de iiegocialion
a un niveau ou 1c respect du nlecanismc
de distribution cntre ptirtcnaire
dc fait constitue une rcgle non (Scrite.
Chaque decision cc niveau constitue
un enjcu et tous les ptirtenaires (1111
interet a hire respecter la regle de
fonctionnement qu'est cette tontine
silencieuse. Chacun des membres, pour
y parvenir, cherche accroftre les
nloyens renforyint sa position par
rapport i ses pairs, pour faire efticace-
men[ pression sur eux, les amener
respecter la rkgle du JCU, ou, avcc un
pcu dc chance, marquer des points sur
ses partenaires. En fait, personne n'a
vraiment interet a tenter dc neutraliser
ses pairs, mais plutot 2 s'attacher leur
confiance.
Avec Icur relais, les chefs des groupes
familio-claniqucs vont devoir negocier
chaque Ibis qu'une demande d'appui
eur parvient. L'equilibre n'est pas
menace tant que chiicun trouvc son
comptc dans la relation dc consensus,
chacun clevenant un (ifout interessant
directen~ent son partenaire.
Ic service ;idministratif d'Etat installe
dans un quartier subit souvent, an
debut, I'epreuve de l'orplielinat social.
Mais, comme il dispose d'atouts cer-
tain~, il sera approche par Ics difterents
groupcs familio-claniques et sollicitc de
devenir nlembrc A part enticre des
institutions du quartier, qui tenteron1 dc
I'utiliser avantageusement. Malheureusenlent,
la plupart du temps, les structures
administratives implantees localemen!
sont victinles de deux extremes:
eviter 5 tout prix d'etre investi par 1'un
ou I'autre des groupes qui recherchent
tous A bencficier pleinement de la
comprehension et dc I'appui administratif,
ou se laisser au contraire coloniser
par I'un ou I'autre reseau, en devenant
hostile aux autres. L'ideul - rarement
atteint -serait quc 1e service social ou

admimstraiif essaye de nouer des rap-
ports avec Ie maximum d'appuis et
dispose dc la plus large niarge de
manoeuvre possible pour la realisation
des objectifs assignes ft cc service.
I1 arrive que Ics institutions d'encadre-
nient chercheni A cchapper a toutes les
tentatives de recuperation nienees par
Ies difitrentes associations ou groupcs
poursuivant des objcciits speciliqucs.
I,'absencc dc liaison - souvent obse~6e
- enire Ie qu;irticr, Ie village, Ics diK&
rents inhotc~!lc.~, constitue une preuve
eclatante dc la divergence des iiit6r?ts
des partenaires, administration ou
service social d'une part. population de
autre.
Pourtant, Ie plus souvent, 1c service ou
I'cquipe adniinistriiiive sc fiiit introduirc
dans 1c quarner grace 9 I'iiction d'un
chel'dc reseau claniquc qui, nLcessciirc-
ment, investit I'institution exogne et
fait valoir les atouts que possedc Ie
clan. Par cxemple, un centre social a pu
Etre implantc dans un village X, grace
tiux notables issus de la localilk, parcc
qu'ils sont directen~eni likes au ministrc
concerne. Lorsque 1e personnel d'encadrenlent
s'installe, il esi oblige d'executer
les directives des personiialitks locales
auxquelles il doit. indirectemcnt, d'etre
dans la zone.
Une large part dc I'incl'licacitc des per-
sonnel~ d'encadremcni vicnl du hit
qu'ils ne pcuvent p;is agir iiiclepcnd;in~-
merit dcs reseaux dont, par la force des
ehoses, ils sont devenus membres. Lcurs
attaches avec ces dcrniers les amenent
A dcvier dcs objectit's olficicls ct done
d'un soulien 3 I'ensenible des groupes
deniunis.
Dans ces conditions, 1c pari 1e plus
difficile A realiser est dc reussir a cngtiger
les associations ou les groupcs
fan~ilio-claniques a iiiobiliser solidairemcnt
leurs atouts, Ieurs reliitions, pour
realiser des objectifs d'interCt commun.
1.a plupart du temps, on juge plus
etTicace de rccourir isolcnient aux cliej"i
dc rgseiiii plut6t qu'a rcunir Icurs forces.
1.a grandc niajoritk des efforts consentis
va consister a raccourcir les itincraircs
A parcourir et done a reduire au
maximum 1e nombre des intcrn16diaires
con~pris entre eux et les personnalitks
situees au soniniet de la hierarchic.
Voila un handicap majeur A un appui
2 la participation populaire, dans la
mesure ou lcs praticicns du service
social pcuvcnt diflicilcmcm reussir,
seuls, 2 se glisscr dans 1c rkscau clani-
que de id on id responsable naiional.
scul habilite A resoudre un (uu plu-
sieurs) des problCmes prioritaires du
quartier. I.es travai1leur.s sociaiu dis-
posent d'atouts nloindres et oni des
capacites de negotiation reduites.
Dans cc type d'organisation, les groupes
eux-memes disposent dc capacites
rcellcs a resoudre tous seuls les proble-
nics auxquels font lace leurs diflerents
nicn~bres. 11s on1 des ittouts qu'ils
mobilisent h tout monicnt, et les diffe-
rents partenaires Ibm preuve d'une
griindc disponibililc! quiind il s'agit dc
defendre Ics interCts nlajeurs dc I'asso-
ciiition ou du rksedu.
La soeidte skntgalaise est ainsi etagee
el hi6rarchiske. Pour ceux que lcs

entes dc position ou des alouts person-
nets quelconques n'ont pas privilegies,
1 n'est pas si facile de s'introduire dans
les groupes et clans. Ceux-la, c'est-a-
dire ceux qui se trouvent a la peripherie
de la pyramide et ne savent pas com-
ment s'y accrocher, sont ccrtainement
les plus menaces, les fenirnes, les en-
fants et les jeunes suivant la condition
des parents.
Toutes Ics formes de pauvrete cvoquk
plus haut son1 induites par cet autre
niveau, celui de la dimension soci6talo
de la pauvret6. On peut cstimcr, d'ailleurs,
qiie les groupes en milieu rural
disposcnt de capacitds de negociation
n~oindres que ceux des quarticrs pdriurbains
dans la mesure ou ils ont peu
d'atouts: ils son1 eloignes des sources
d'information et dcs "personnalites de
rdferencc". Les quartiers situes i cote
des villes peuvent souvent, grace l:]
proximite des services adniinistratifs ct
sociuux, des personnalitds influentcs,
solliciter et obtenir un soutien. De plus,
Ies nouvcaux Venus dans la ville, cn
situation d'orplielinat social, sont plus
den~andeurs de rattachement ii dcs
rdseaux ou clans que ceux qui sont
rcstds au village, dans la mesure ou ils
sont fraichcment arrives des campagnes
ct oh, aprts peut-6tre I'ivresse individualiste
de la ddcouverte dc la ville, ils
aspirent viven~cnt au coudc 5 coude.
Lcs quartiers mcttcnt en place et dcvc-
loppcnt co~istammcnt dcs associations
divcrsif6es (tontines, mbota\'i\ gruupcs
de jeuncs, dnhiras ...). Us multiplient lcs
possibilitCs d'accucil et limitcnt largc-
mcnt les risques dc marginalisation dcs
individus.
A I'interieur de I'organisation, les priori-
tds des individus ne retiennent I'attcn-
tion du groupe que grace aux pressions
que lcs intdresscs savent exercer, a leur
statut, et aux promesses de reciprocite
dont ils sont porteurs. Ceux qui ont des
capacites egales de negociation rccou-
rent a la technique tontine ct s'attri-
buent ainsi, tour a luur, les favours on
les avantages dunt l'organisation peut
bdneficier. Si cela est vrai, on ne pcut
pas considerer tous ces acteurs cornnie
passifs. Chacun poursuit une strategic
individuelle ou collective. Elle est per-
tinente par rapport aux priorites rete-
nues, definies en fonction de contraintes
sociales changcantes.
Notrc pratique quotidienne nous amenc
souvent a observer quc Ie choix des
responsables de groupes ou d'associa-
[ions respectc largenient ces nornlcs.
Memc si nous I'ignorons, les groupe-
merits que nous suscitons precedent
toujours uinsi pour designer les t&es de
rdseaux ou cornmutatcurs sociaux. Bien
souvent, sachant notre opposition a
entrer en relation avee ces cadres, la
population procede clandestincment
pour designer ses representants. A nous,
cependant, elle envoie dcs del6gues
prdsentant Ies profils que nous recher-
chons. La plupart du temps, ceux-ci
choisissent de tirer parti dc leurs nou-
vcaux statuts a leur unique profit. Us no
disposent pas d'atouts pertinonts pour
niobiliser Ie groupc que nous cherchons
i atteindre. Et la courbe dc la participa-
tion, en dent de scie, reste inexplicable
parce qu'ello est 1c rellet d'une logique
associative meconnue par nous.
Dans Ie cadre des nonibreuses auto-
evaluations auxquelles nous nous sou-

mettons ptriodiquen~cnt, nous avons
cherche a cxpliquer nos rnalaiscs. Nous
decouvrons cnfin que nos maktises
s'explique~~t p:ir 1c fait que les besoins
quo Ics $ens cxpriment nous hcurtcnt
par lcur ciiriict?re egoi'ste et matericl.
On comprcnd par la nlL311e occasion,
combion lit noiion cic "besoins" tnitsque
volontaircment cela. ridiculise lesaspects
trop conereis lies dcn~andcs tbrn~ulees
et bitnnit Ics notions cl'inttrets. Elle
postule un inter6t comn~unautaire
$tleral pour loutes Ics con1munautt5s.
Or, la realit6 quotidicnne nous enseigne
avec insistancc que I'intkrtt general est
une pure construction dc ['esprit. I1 y
I plut6t dcs itiiirds particultcrs 5 dcs
groupcs ou h dcs individual pris isole-
mcni en recherche pcrn'iiincnte d'uii
consensus co~illictucl.
longtemps peu attentifs aux reseaux
sociaux reels. En consequence, nous
avons surtout privilegie tout effort
tendant h creer des associations dc
jeunes ou dc femn'ies fonctionnant en
nlarge de Icur comn1unaut6 d'oriyne,
postulant impliciten~ent que ccs jeunes,
ccs femmes defavorisees, messtcs ou
sauveurs, sont les seuls acteurs possibles
du changeemcnt social.
Notes
1. Nous devons les passages qui suivent a
notre Ctude I.es cotnposat~h's dc lu p m i t
an Stt16gul (Dakar: ENDA-UNICTK m:ii
1985) UOp, qui fait apparartrc la dimension
sociklalc dc la pauvret6. Pour noub. 1c \r;ii
pauvre n'cst pi'is celui qui n';i guerc dc
rcssources econoniiqucs, ni;iis hicn cclui qui
cst sans rattaclien~cnt social. qui cst socialcmcnt
orphclin. 1,'ad;igc ne dit-il pas: rufic,
Certcs. dcs ¥>iluution parliculieres
pcuvcnt stimulcr chcz des artisans, dil kkk Yri', y e ki rafic tno(>y ki utn~il
rncnuisicrs. ma~ons, lorgcruns, I'interet
pour un rcgroupcment. L'association
pent &re source dc benefices important~
et procurer dcs faveurs non accessiblcs
isolCtiicnt ...
nit. (Litt6ralcmcnt: "I-a pauvrcte n'csl p;is
1c fail d'etre depourvu dc veten~ent. niais
cst vraiment pauvre celui qui n'a pcrsonne".
Dc meme si vous pose/ la question A
quclqu'un que vous savcz ou prhume"~ dans
une situation 6conomique ou socialc difficile,
il vous r6pondr;i souvent: "Je n'ai
pcrsonne, je veux quc tu sois nion parent.
Ie n'ai pcrsonne avec qui m'eniretcnir de
mes niiseres, ni personnc 3 qui contier mes
voeux". Ces propos son1 signiticatils dc cc
~ L Is'aviTc I priorilairc: "Avoir dcs gens, c'cst
la clef du succiis. Sans rnondc. ~ L I n'cst ncn
du lout, 1.1 vie, tcs cITorts n'ont piis dc

'Afin es tiempo de vivir"
La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
LA ecolo'^in del niacizo OS sut?~(imvntc frayil, sus s~~elos son mu\ pobws,
I~CIZC ~ ~ i i i(!C i . iilm ~ /)lii~iosidud \ /~ivm/i~ci(idiis pcndi~~~~.~. D~bido a una
acclcnula colonizaci6n ocurrida en las ultimas dkcadas nor parte de
ctinipc'siiio.~ pohrcs provenienies del interior del pais, el 75% del macizo se
c'nciicntro en diversos @os dc erosion. El desierto de la G;/c~jira 41ie la
liinit(i (11 oriciilc (;r)zei1iizii cotz prolong(;r.se sobre sus j~i1do.s \a tulddas.

Adernks, por razones aim poco precisas, 10s picos nevados se encuentran
en proceso de deg11;ciacibn.
A la lleg(uia de 10s esparioles, la costa Cmibe coiombiana y las laderas de
la Sic'mi Nevada dc Santa Marfa, se encontraban densamcnte habitadas.
E,rist/an n~in;crosos pueblos con diversas 1engua.s y costumbrvs, adaptados
cada uno a un nledio particular: pescadores y rccolectores del nlar y de las
cihps, cazadores y horticultures de selws cdlidas, agricultores de
mont(zn(1, ,guerreros de flechas mvenenadas y gandes Caciques en 10s
centres ceremon isles de las m on fanas. Sobresalian 10s pueblos pe
contruyeron utza extensa red dc ciudades con terra2a.s dc piedra, comunicados
por caminos y vscaleras hasta 10s lu~res nzhs inaccesibles.
Fueron tnaravi1loso.s ingenieros, pndes orfebres, gtzndes ~(~ran~istas,
talladores de instninlontos lilicos en hueso y concha, rejcdores de mantos
predosas de algod(5n y plumas de colores. La riqueza de sus adornos dc
oro fie precisanlente la quo airajo i im cruerzta conquista que finalizb con
la deirota de la rcJsi.stencia i~d(yena at dospuntar el sigh XVII y rotnpi(j
tlejiniti~~i~nzcnte la enorme red dc int~~rcanlbio dc productos desde el nwr
hasta 10s phramos y, n~ucho rnhs allh, hsta el interior del pais. Rompid
toda cornunicaci(jn y se acabaron las pt~des romerias de 10s solsticios ...
Los sobrevivientc.~ de la rnasacre abandonaron sus asen/arnicntos y se
reft~giaron en las parfes mds altos y hostiles, mientrm el manto de la selw
ciibria s1i.y femzas, sits ceisa's, sus cultivos, sus cernentorios ...

primero 10s Hermanos nzayores, 10s quardianes del origen, del equilibrio del
Universe. A 10s que vinieron despuks, a 10s Hermanos menores (co-
lonzbianos, mexicanos, franceses, ingleses, etc.) les fie asignado un lugor,
11na lengua y sus propias costumbres.
El desarrollo de la humanidad se compara con el crecinziento de una
plants rastrera cups rams principles esian unidas directanzente a1 fronco,
a la Madre y las ramificaciones secundarias, por mis lejos que se vayan,
siempre perrnanecen atadas a su tronco original y se nutren de 61.
La pobladbn indigene! de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Maria se estirna
actualmente en 25 000 personas, hablantcs de 3 Ienps pertenecientes a
la fan~ilia Iing'Iistica Chibcha. Los Ika (Arhuacos), 10s Kogui y !os Sanha
(Arsarios), mantienen una relacibn diferenre con la civilizacibn, dc acuerdo
con el proceso histbrico de 10s ~ilfirnos siglos.
Los Ika son grandes politicos que trabajmn d~irante anos para lograr la
creacibn de 10s respardos actuates y la asistencia del Estado. No huyeron
ante la presencia del blanco como 10 hideron 10s Kogui.
Los Kogui son 10s d s tradicionales, 10s quc mantuvieron el menor
confacto con 10s blancos durante 10s ~iltin~os siglos, protegidos por 10s
bosques. Consenwn la tradicibn oral y es alii a donde acuden 10s otros
indigenas para retomar su tradicibn.
Los SAnha se encuenmn en un frierte proceso de descomposicibn social y
mestizaje, estdn perdiendo sus tierras, sus cost~inzbres, sus lideres.
Los templos y centros ceremoniales nlayorcs dc la Sierra Nevada se
encuenfran en territorio Kogui y cstdn presididos par 10,s Mamas. Desde
nifios ellos se retiran a 10s ceniros ceremoniales y reciben alii una
educacibn especial entre vigilia y ayunos, cantos y danz(~s. Aprenden su
historia, Ie geografia sagado, la ley de la Madre, 10s libros espirituales.
Son 10s encarpdos del ordcn matcrial y espiritual de su comunidad, son
medicos, j~ieces, botdnicos y ed~lcadores, son 10s hombres de conocimiento
encargados de mantener el equilibrio de las fuerzas naturales. Realizan las
cerernonias para el buen desarrollo de 10s ciclos agricolas y del ciclo vital
de la poblacibtz: bautizo, iniciacibn, matrimonio y transicibn a! &S dh.

La ciudad perdida
Tqunu, conocido como "Ciudad Perdida" cs una dc las grandes dudades
arqueol6gicas que se encucntran en la sierra Nevada. EstA localizada cn
el alto no Buritaca a una altura dc 1.200 metros sobrc cl nivcl del mar.
El Area que la rodca estA totalmente cubierta dc bosques intocados
dcsde la conquista, a difcrencia dc la mayor parte del macizo que cstA
deforcstada. Es el banco gcnktico dc la Sierra y sc encuentra dentro del
area del rcsguardo indigcna otorgado por el Gobierno a 10s Kopi.
En 1975 sc inida el saquco del sitio por parte dc cuadrillas armadas de
guaqueros. En 1976 el Institute) Colombiano de Antropologia logra
instalar un campamento, sacar a los guaqueros y durante cuatro anos
se dedica a la rcstauraciAn del sitio. Hoy dia es un lugar a donde llegan
10s turistas lucgo dc tres largas jornadas de camino o en heiic6ptero.
En 1987 la organizacihn Gonawind~ia-Tayrona solicit6 furmalmente la
cntrcga del sitio llamado "Ciudad Perdida", que nunca estuvo perdida
pucs fue sicmpre un lugar de "pagamcnto". Las entidades del gobierno
han cstudiado varias posibilidades pero aun no sc ha llcgado a un
acucrdo definitive).
El indigena Ram611 Gil explica a continuacih el cardcler sagrado y la
importancia quc revistc el sitio para su comunidad, para la Sierra y para
la humanidad cntera:

Teyuna
Teyuna es una ciudad antigua hecha de terrazas circulares de piedra
sobrc las cuales sc lcvantaban las casas y en cuyo scno los Mamas
enterraban 10s mucrtos, las figuras de animalcs dc oro y picdra, las
rumas o czientas y las hachitas de picdra.
Las tcrrazas de picdra dc las ciudades antiguas son como corrales dondc
viven 10s animales en forma cspiritual. Son los lugares sagrados de las
dantas, los paujiles, 10s armadillos, 10s monos, las ranas y dc todos 10s
animalcs. Es desdc alli que se cuidan y sc protegen, donde sc hacc
pagamento a 10s duefios de cada espccie. La historia dice: "Los animalcs
que ticncn vida hay que respetarlos y asi mismo las terrazas". Cuando
el Gobierno dice que hay que cuidar la fauna nosotros pensamos: "Pero
si han guaqueado todas las tcrrazas y se han llevado nuestros simbolos,
sus Padres y sus Madrcs, c6mo vamos a cuidarlos? i,C6mo 10s vamos a
protcgcr? Se van a morir muchos animalcs porque no tienen su
corral. Los arque6logos, para estudiar, se han llevado los sapos, 10s
piijaros de oro, luego echaron tierra y lo taparon todo". Parccc que
quicrcn acabar con los animalitos; ellos tambi6n quicren vivir; cuando
se acabcn, tambikn nosotros nos vamos a acabar.
En las tcrrazas estAn las tumas quc son piedritas talladas. Las rojas son
para la sangre. El Mama se para sobre las tumas rojas y pide a
Serankiia que sane a1 vasallo que ticne la sangrc dafiada, quc ticne la
vena tapada, que tiene inflamaci6n. La tuma blanca cs el agua. Nosotros
tcnemos agua y si la botamos podcmos morir, igual que si botamos toda
la sangre. La tuma blanca tambi6n sirve para que haya abundancia de
agua y por cso cst6n cntcrradas. Son las ducfias de todos 10s manan-
tiales quc nacen cn la Sierra, son 10s rios espirituales.
La tuma verdc rcprescnta los 6rbolcs. Los Hcrmanos mcnores cs haccr
negocio con ellos y no se dan cuenta que sin Arboles no se puede vivir.
Nosoiros somos firboles y 10s Arbolcs son gente, tambi6n ticncn vida.
Por eso ahora todos deben aprendcr la historia.
De otra Colombia, Hermanito menor trajo las herramientas y con ellas
no trajo un poder sino la dcstrucci6n dc nucstras costumbres, dc

nucstras ideas, dc nuestra fuerza ... nos sac6 la vista. Ahora los firboles
se mucren dc tristcza, adoloridos y nosotros no 10s oimos, no 10s
sentimos, no escuchamos sus dolencias. Pero los Arboles lloran, botan
IAgrimas y sc muercn ... y 10 pcor es que ademds dc dcstruirlos les meten
candela y muercn tambien todos los animalitos: los caracoles, las ranas,
10s cangrejitos y muchos mfis. Se quema todo y la Madre Tierra qucda
adolorida.
La tuma negra es para lo cspiritual, para el pcnsamicnto. Aunquc uno
est6 aqui sentado, cl cspiritu trabaja, porque espiritualmentc se
construyc todo lo quc sc va a hacer materialincnte. LC6mo podrcmos
trabajar si sc llevan todas las tumas negras para haccr negocio?
Nosotros pensamos que no dcbe habcr guaqucria, saquco ni arqucolo-
gia. Es muy grave para nosotros, es igual que cogcr una madrc y sacarlc
las tripas, las muclas, y pon6rselas postizas. A los Mamas les da mucha
tristcza cl Hcrmano mcnor, porque 10s arque61ogos piensan hacer un
gran estudio, pero lo que haccn es dcstruir, acabar con nuestra sangre,
nuestra hucsos, con lo masculine y lo f'emenino, con la vista, cl oido y
la vox y ahora nos sentimos cnfermos porque hay tumas en cada lugar
para curar cada parcc del cuerpo y se han llevado muchas. Hay quc
rcspctar las tumas, no tocarlas, dejarlas ahi. A los Mamas les da niucha
tristexa cuando se guaquean las terrazas. Diccn: "Ustedes mismos cstan
buscando el pcligro, porquc alli cst5 la piedra, es la tcrraza para
controlar la cnfcrmedad".
Hermanito mcnor no tiene la vista para ver que hacc mal, que hace
dano, que destruye. Corta el cerro para hacer carretera y piensa quo
hace un bien piira todos. Materialmente pucde quc lo haga, pcro
espiritualmentc estfi violando la Ley, porquc es como cortarle un pedazo
de mano, mutilarla y todo la Madre Ticrra sufre.
En el principio entregamos todas las maquinas para quc las llevaran
lejos, a otras tierras, pcro las irajeron dc nucvo. Los Mamas no las
quicrcn aqui porque desde la antigiicdad las vieron como polillas quc
comcn cl frijol, cl maiz. Vicron quc con la mfiquina toda la Sierra se
iba a apolillar. Asi hoy dia hermanito apolilla la tierra, 1c saca petr61co,
carbAn y todos nuestros tesoros.

A pcsar dc la guaqucria Serankua no ha mucrto. El ha visto lo quc ha11
hecho con las terrazas y, aunque perdone mucho, cuando termincn las
terrazas cnviara un castigo; vendran pcleas, balas, muerte. Hermanito
menor sc preguntara: "Qu6 esta pasando en este mundo? LPor qu6 Dios
nos manda estc castigo?" Seranh~ic; mismo mandara castigo para que
despicrten y aprcndan a rcspetar los corralcs dc 10s animales y no
1eng;in nucslros tesoros como ncgodo.
Hcmos pcdido quc no5 cntrcguen a Teyuna pcro no han querido. La
pcdimos para podcr conccntrarnos y buscar una soluci6n a cstc niasacrc
qiic cxistc en todo en mundo. Alli pondn'amos Ios aprcndiccs para quc
esludicn nucstra dcnd;i primitiva cspiritu;il. Pcro si no quicron
entrcgarla, csperarcmos hasta quc dcspicrtcn, hasta quc abran 10s ojos,
10s oidos y cncucntren cl camino, la vcrdad. Lcs pedimos a Tcyuna para
quc dcsdc alli podarnos protcgcr y cvitar cl sufrimiento y la violcncia.
'Hmuinito manor dc pronto no crec que devoh'ikndonos lo qiif nos
pcrtcncce se puede /(3rn~inc~r con 10s problenlo~s dc todos. Quercmos q~le
enliendan quo podvmos (iy~idar" P.
Aun CS tiernpo dc vivir
El Mama nunca piensa haccr maldad, solo piensa en ayudar, en
conscrvar, en cuidar. Con su sabiduria, con su poder ayuda tambi6n a
Hermanito mcnor. Algunos indigcnas quc vivian cn la partc baja de la
Sierra pclcaron y quisieron defcndcrse. Pcro Hcrmano mayor Kogui
nunca trat6 de haccr maleficio o dc matar, nunca pens6 csto. Por eso
nuestra historia dice:
No matar, no pensar mal, no pensar en hacer dano a otros. Si lo
piensa 1c cac a uno mismo y puedc acabarsc, porque cl mal rebota.
Es mejor scr cumplido, scr justo y pcnsar algo buenos para la
comunidad, tanto para Hermanito mcnor como para Hcrmano mayor.
Por cso todavfa cxistimos en l;] Sierra Nevada a pesar dc haber
sufrido dc hambre, dc falta dc carne, de pcscado, dc ticrra, dc todo,
desdc 10s anos dc la Conquista, quc aun no termina. Pcro todavia
existimos porque nunca pcnsamos maldad, nunca pensamos malcfi-
ciar.

Nosotros somos primitives, venimos desde et Nucve Profundo. Conocemos
la sabiduria, el poder, la historia, leemos la tierra, la picdra, 10s
Arboles, las arenas, 10s colores ... Sabcmos leer todo. Nos gustaria que
Hcrmanito mcnor aprenda nuestra historia profunda, aunque es dificil
y sufriria mucho sin coma sal y carne. Si no llegamos dc comun
acuerdo a aprender la Historia para rcspetar y cuidar todos 10s seres
vivos, piedras, Arbolcs, animalcs y gente, el final de este mundo se
accrca. Por eso sc habla mucho de aprcndcr, de comprcnder la Historia,
pucs todc~~fa es licmpo dc rit'i~; no cs ticmpo todavia dc acabarnos, dc
terminar. Por cso hay que cnsenar y aprendcr unos a otros; Hcrmanito
mcnor nos enscna y nosotros Ie cnsefiamos, seria un acuerdo espiritual
y material.
Nuesira historia dice: "Si nosolros indigcnas Koguis, Arsarios y
Arhuacos nos arrcpcntimos y regrcsamos pronto al camino, entonccs
tcndremos todavia largo ticmpo para vivir. Todavia no cs el fin del
mundo aunquc se habla dc 61 como si estuvicra en la puerta". Tambi(5n
dice la Historia: "Bogota, Santa Marta y Vallcdupar vendran a apoyar
indigena Kogui. Quc sc prepare indigcna Kogui, que abra los ojos, quc
haga paganlento. Entonces sabrcmos quc cs hora dc dcspcrtar, cs hora
de abrir 10s ojos, cs hora dc banarnos, cs hora dc prepararnos, cs hora
dc vestir, es hora dc hablar, dc cnscnar a su amigo, a su compancro".
Por cso hoy cn dia se cst5 dicicndo quc Hcrmanito mcnor tambikn debc
aprcnder la Historia, sin molestar las terralas pucs todos los dias esth
cometicndo crrorcs, crcando problcmas aunquc picnsc que 10s csth
arreglando.
Pcro si Hermanito Menor cstudia nuestra Historia primitiva, espiritual
y material y cntiende el verdadero significado de las tumas, ollas y
tesoros cnterrados, sc dad cucnta quc estd daiiando los drboles, que sin
ellos no podemos vivir. Si 10s cogcmos a machetazos, el Ducno de los
Arboles manda problcmas, violencia, dolcncias, como si 10s drboles dc
desquitaran. Los problemas que se cstan presentando en la Sierra, en
la Nad6n y en todas partcs, sc dcbcn a la dcstruccirtn dc la ticrra, dc
10s arboles, los animates. Ahora las Madres se csthn desquitando porque
Serankua sufri6 mucho para haccr la ticrra, 10s cielos, 10s manantiales,
las terrazas. Parece estar llcgando la hora final pero aun ticmpo porque
el Sol todavia no se fin apagdo, aLin estb riro. Los Mamas-Caciqucs

Mayores estan dispuestos a ayudar a1 Gobicrno Nacional c Internacional
para que no haya mAs masacrcs.
Me gustaria que Hernianito menor comprenda quc cl indigcna csth
pagando espiritualmentc impucsto o derecho. Cuando dcjemos dc cuidar
todo, sera cl final del mundo, porquc no habra quikn cuide 10s Arboles,
10s animalcs, la fauna, la tierra, la brisa. Entonces Scranku dira: "Hoy
se acabaron todos los Hermanos mayores, los que cuidaban todo; hay
que terminar cl mundo".
Aun es tiempo de vivir. Aunquc ya hay una senal del fin del mundo, aun
cs tiempo de vcr y de cambiar, dc buscar la nmnera de salvar todo;
Ahora cs ncccsario hablar con Hcrmanito menor alcanzarenios a vivir
si Hermanilo menor coniprcndc y nos colabora para poncrnos dc
acuerdo cn una sola direcci6n. Por eso en cl ano de 1985 10s Mamas
fundaron la Organizacihn Gonawindua-Tayrona para comunicar nuestra
historia y buscar apoyo.
Pedimos en forma pacifica a1 Gobicrno Nacional c Internacional que
prcslc mayor atenciAn a la Sierra Nevada; que detenga a los turistas que
llegan a molestar, quc destine los rccursos necesarios para protcgcrla;
quc se respctcn las costumbres tradicionalcs, la sabiduria, sus formas dc
organizaci6n y que todas las dccisioncs y proycctos scan consultados con
los Mamas Mayorcs, quicnes conoccn mcjor que nadie cl Territorio y
sus neccsidades rcalcs. Pedimos la ampliacihn del rcsguardo, cl
saneamicnto pacifico, sin dcnuncias, sin pelcas. A las buenas qucremos
que los Gobiernos apoyen a la Sierra Nevada.
Porque nosotros somos firboles y 10s Arboles son gentc, nosotros somos
agua y las aguas son personas, somos brisa y si no hay aim6sfera
podemos moiir en un instante. Estamos gastando la atmosfera y si ella
muere, nosotros tambien.
Yo soy un indigena Kwii-Arsario primitive, dcscendientc dc Serankiia,
Skinekan y Lubviko; yo soy dc la Raza Luaviko y a vcccs sicnto pesar
por no saber cxprcsar en Espanol la palabra complcta. Creo quc
Scrankua, cs decir cl Dios que him la ticrra y nos hizo a todos, blancos,
negros, amarillos c indigenas, me protcgc y me ayuda a cxprcsar a todos
su palabra.

Me siento feliz y gozo porque nuestra Historia dice: "Aun no es tiempo
de acabarsc el mundo". Pcro si cl Gobicrno Nacional e Internacional no
escucha nuestro llamado, no tendrh poder para controlar la crisis dc
violencia actual.
Aunque nuestro Hermanito Menor diga que 10s indigcnas son brutos,
no lo somos, pues nosotros nunca hicimos negocios con la Madrc Tierra
ni con la Madre Arqueologi'a. Siemprc buscamos proteger, cuidar.
Porquc si nucstro Hcrmanito mcnor no conoce la verdad profunda y
quiere ncgociar con la Madrc Ticrra, de pronto puedc scntir dolor,
recibir un golpe en su pierna, en su cabeza, en sus ojos, en sus oidos,
de pronto Horari4 por dcsobeccr, por maltratar a la Madrc Ticrra.
Segun el Mama Valencia dc Maptama los Hermanitos dicen: "Los
indios son pobrcs, no comen bien, sus casas no son bucnas, son sucios,
usan ropa sucia y gorro sucio, no ticnen zapatos y no viven bien
ascados". Pero ignoran quc cllos si cumplcn la Ley dc nuestra Madre
HAba y de nuestro Padre Scrankua, quien him la tierra, quicn hizo la
atm6sfera, quicn hizo la vida, la luna y el sol. A1 Mama Mayor de la
Sierra Nevada no 1e intcrcsa tcner mucho dinero, carro, aviones ni
apartamento nuevo. Prcficrc cstar tranquilo y aunque no tenga bucn
olor, aunque est6 mal pcinado, mal vestido y sin ~ipatos, estA cumplicndo
con la Ticrra Madre. Aunquc aqui materialmente lo vean sucio,
espiritualmcnte esth limpio porque todos 10s dias va a1 Templo
(Karunkiia o Cansmaria) a adorar a nuesiro Padre Serankua, quien
hizo la tierra, quien hizo el mundo y ere6 todas las razas y tribus y todo
lo que vive aqui sobre la tierra.
Por eso estamos pidiendo pacificamente, sin problemas, sin guerras, que
10s gobiernos nos tengan en cuenta y cstudien nucstros problemas; asi
habrh mcnos maldad y menos violcncia.
Que nosotro indigenas de todos los paises nos prcparcmos y es-
tudiemos a fondo nuestra Historia primitiva, espiritual y material. Estas
son palabras dc nucstro libro espiritual, dc nuestra Historia antigua y
primitiva.
Todavia hay tiempo para que Hermanito Menor aprenda y enticnda y
ayude a cuidar.

ifd;i dossier 74 . noven~bcr/december 1989 regional space
The South Commission:
New horizons or the same old song?
by Loh Wei Leng
University of Malaya
Kuala Lumpur 22-11, Malaysia
(The publication of die "Objectives and Terms of Reference of the South Cotntnission"
(Dossier 66, J ~~~/'AII~I.Y~ 1988, pp.43-56) did not trigger much discussion among
our readers. So when the following paper was received, we decided to publish it in
tile Iwpe that its title, at least, will provoke a discussion.)
The proliferation of international organizations, global, regional and
sub-regional, since 1945 is a phenomenon that the postwar world has
become accustomed to. And, in the case of that grouping of countries
known variously as "less developed countries", "underdeveloped
countries", "developing countries", the Third World, or more recently,
the South (the use of which, depends, inter alia, on the perceptions and
preferences of the writers, the particular forum and audience that one
is addressing), the question of interest with the appearance of yet
another body on the international arena, the South Commission, is
whether, :is the French saying goes, plus $a change, plus c'est la m$me
chose. Put in another way, to what extent is the South Commission
envisioning new horizons in the way of new agendas, objectives or even
merely a new modus operandi, or is the South Commission really singing
the same old song and beating on the same drum that the poor
countries of the world have been harping on since the 1950s within
various existing international organizations?
The objective of this short paper is to present, very briefly, the historical
development of the formation of global international organizations and
international eroupings of a less formal nature, which were established
with a view of representing the interests of the Third World in the
different fields; after which we can determine the relevance of the
preceding question, namely the title of this paper. This is because the
purposes of the Third World would not be well served by a duplication

of the efforts of existing bodies, not to mention the wastage of
resources, both human and material. If it becomes apparent that the
question posed is legitimate, then the subsequent line of action that
suggests itself is to proceed with a study along the lines indicated by
the question raised.
In the early days after the end of the Second World War, in the period
1945 to 1947, the United Nations (UN), the Bretton Woods institutions
of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (IBRD, known also as the World
Bank) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) were
the first global organizations to be established. Many of the Third
World countries were, at that point in time, still colonies. But, as soon
as they became independent, they immediately applied to be admitted
to the UN as that was their announcement of the change of their status
from that of a dependent territory to a fully-fledged member of the
world community.1 Membership was not, however, translated into
influence over decision-making in these international bodies.* As the
newly independent Third World countries felt that their voices were not
being heard, not surprisingly, this gave risc to the formation of their
'own' organizations so that their viewpoint would be accorded their due.
The early fifties witnessed the emergence of the Afro-Asian bloc which
evolved into the non-aligned movement (NAM) in 1961 when countries,
who designated themselves as non-aligned, convened their First Summit
Conference in Belgrade. The NAM has since come to function as the
political voice of the South.3 Thereafter, the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) came into being in 1964 with
Paul Prebisch, who was seen as a Third World spokesman, at its helm
as Secretary-General. As UNCTAD was largely a Third World creation
with its agenda incorporating Third World concerns and demands, it was
viewed as the alternative international trade body to GATT, presenting
a Third World perspective on world trade. Be that as it may, nonethc-
less, UNCTAD membership comprises not only of the countries of the
Third World but also the industrial ones of the West and of the
Socialist or Communist Bloc. It is thus, strictly speaking, not a Third
World body. Instead, the Group of 77 (G77) which originated as a
caucus of Third World countries prior to UNCTAD I, has evolved to
be the body which serves as the Third World organization on economic

matters in most fora, beginning with UNCTAD and subsequently in the
UN and its various specialized agencies such as the IMF, the World
Bank, and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization
(UNIDO).4
The Afro-Asian movement had its beginnings in the rising nationalist
sentiments at the turn of the century and the concomitant dirge against
colonial domination.4 At two of the conferences in Europe in the mid
1920s, African and Asian leaders were able to meet each other and
exchange notes about what was deemed their common struggle against
imperialism. But, it was only in the post World War I1 period, as one
by one, the Asian and African colonies began the process of shedding
their colonial fetters and becoming sovereign nation states, that they
sought to cooperate with each other against their present and former
colonial masters.
Prior to an actual gathering of Afro-Asian states, there were the
separate African and Asian efforts to come together. A Pan-African
Con~ress met in Manchester in October 1945 and made the first forceful
demand for independence for Africa.4 It also expressed its support for
independence for Asia. In Asia, the first meeting of Asian countries was
the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi in 1947. 29 countries and
territories were represented at this conference which tried to set up a
permanent machinery to facilitate an ongoing Asian consultation.4 However,
this institutional effort did not get off the ground due to rivalry
between China and India.8
Regardless of the lack of progress in organizational terms for the Asian
countries, they shared, together with the African states, a number of
common features which were to link them together. There were the
common bonds of relative poverty and low level economic productivity
compared with the Western industrial countries, the unifying factor of
being non-white and coloured in a world dominated by white peoples,
and a common colonial past which bred a strong anti-colonial sentiment
right into the post-independence period. In addition, an intense desire
to ensure that political independence recently attained is not eroded and
re-established in other forms, particularly in the economic sphere, has
been said to be the main factor making for an Afro-Asian solidarity. It
is also this same factor which has yielded the foreign policy stance of

non-alignment, which can be added to the list of shared features.6 Non-
alignment, in the sense of formal non-adherence to either the Western
or the Communist bloc by way of a military pact, is no more than an
expression of independence, so newly acquired.7
Given the fact that there existed a basis for collaboration, it could be
expected that there has in fact been informal cooperation between the
new states in the UN from the very start.7 This grouping acquired a
more formal status after the new Delhi Conference of 1949. Nehru
convened this meeting of newly independent countries of Asia and two
African countries, Egypt and Ethiopia, making this the first Afro-Asian
gathering before the later and more well-known Bandung Afro-Asian
Conference of 1955. This second New Delhi Conference was to discuss
recent events in Indonesia where the colonial power, the Dutch, had just
incarcerated Indonesian nationalists. As the Dutch ignored a Security
Council ruling requiring the release of the nationalist leaders, it was felt
that the "the free countries of Asia" (Nehru's phrase 8) should seek
solutions to the Indonesian problem. The call for more permanent
arrangements for consultation arose at this conference so that, subse-
quently, the Afro-Asian states increased their efforts at consultation and
cooperation at the UN. By the end of 1950, the Afro-Asian Bloc had
become a reality.
While the Afro-Asian Bloc was able to act in concert on issues of
shared interest, the specific needs and preferences of member countries
diverged, with their foreign policies reflecting their particular Cold War
affiliations, especially in the atmosphere of intense rivalry of the 1950s.
The Bandung Conference of 1955 has often been touted as the high
point of Afro-Asian collaboration, despite the variety of positions which
surfaced in the course of the conference.5 It is the unity attained in the
final communique which gave rise to the myth of Bandung, i.e. an Afro-
Asian solidarity which is more apparent that real. As it was difficult to
expect to achieve unity from such a heterogenous gathering, the
tendency for smaller groupings to emerge resulted in a separate African
caucus in the UN in 1958 8 and regional organizations in the 1960s
such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, after Bandung, efforts to
convene a second Bandung came to nought. It should, however, be

mentioned that a non-governmental movement, the Afro-Asian Peoples'
Solidarity Organization (AAPSO 9), and its many affiliate organizations,
were able to organize conferences and meetings for a ten year period,
1957 to 1967, after which it too came to cn end when its main backers,
Russia and China, were in the bitter throes of their clash, the now well-
known Sino-Soviet split which marked the international relations of the
1960s.
The Nro-Asian movement had a successor in another kind of group,
the NAM, which had its roots in the strong sentiments surrounding the
recent achievement of national independence by the emergent states of
Asia and Africa. There were also others seeking to assert their self-
determination and independence from the two world blocs - Yugoslavia
under Tito being the prominent example of a non Afro-Asian nation
actively promoting the NAM. After the resounding success of Bandung,
non-alignment has received a great boost with a perceptible lessening
of world tension and an improvement of the international climate.8 In
1961, when there appeared to be an intensification of the Cold War,
Tito, together with Nasser of Egypt, sponsored a conference of non-
aligned countries "for the purpose of consolidating world peace,
safeguarding the independence of all nations and eliminating the danger
of intervention in their affairs".10 Thus, the first conference of Heads
of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries was held in
Belgrade in 1961. At that time, the NAM started with 21 members with
the numbers increasing substantially subsequently so that by the 1980s,
approximately four-fifths of the Third World countries have become
members of the NAM.11
The NAM cannot claim to share a unanimous definition of non-
alignment except in very minimalist terms, i.e. formal non-adherence
to any bloc in the form of military alliances or pacts. Thus, it too has
suffered from the Afro-Asian Bloc's lack of affinity by way of a shared
ideology. Nonetheless, it has survived into the 1980s mainly by
identifying a new basis for cooperation, namely a focus on collaboration
in the economic sphere such that it has been said to resemble a trade
union of the Third World.12
What NAM did develop, in addition to its changed and broadened
orientation, is an organizational framework enabling it to actively and

continuously pursue its goals, vi~., as noted by Sauvant, a keen observer
of Third World organizations,
. organizational arrangements are required that offer the infrastruc-
ture for effective cooperation. These arrangements are the basis for
improved communication and intensified contacts among developing
countries, and the involvement of a growing number of countries into
matters of mutual interests (...). Horizontal communication becomes,
therefore, a prerequisite for sharpened awareness of issues of
common concern, the recognition and definition of common problems
and possibilities, the formation of common responses, and the pursuit
of coordinated policies.11
Much like the structure of many international organizations, the
Conference of Heads of States and Government which meets ap-
proximately every three years, is the principal organ of the NAM. This
is usually preceded by the preparatory conference of Foreign Ministers.
Next, in lieu of a permanent secretariat, the presiding country of a
summit carries out the coordination and implementation functions until
the next summit. The leader of the host country serves as the president-
in-office of the NAM during this period. As for the third main
component, the 1973 Fourth Conference at Algiers decided to add on
another institutional layer with the formation of a Co-ordinating Bureau
at the Ministerial Level, comprising 36 members and a Co-ordinating
Bureau at the level of Permanent Representatives. These co-ordinating
bureaux act as the executive branch of the NAM.
In addition to these main organs, there are also specialized Ministerial
Conferences to deal with specific areas, drawing on the deliberations of
Expert Groups; political working groups in the context of the UN which
arc given the task of preparing a common stand for the NAM on issues
arising; and Co-ordinator Countries for Economic Cooperation in 19
specialized fields, as of 1981, entrusted with the implementation of the
Action Program. An examination of the working groups in the UN in
New York and the fields of activity for the Action Program for
Economic Cooperation is sufficient to demonstrate the breadth of
concerns that the NAM is engaged in. In addition, ad hoc meetings,
symposia and seminars have been convened when there has been interest
on any specific matter which had yet to receive the NAM's attention.

The political objective of preserving the political independence of
member states is largely carried out within the UN and some of its
Specialized Agencies such as the International Labor Organization
(ILO) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO). As for the economic objective of development
and self-reliance which involves increased economic cooperation in the
form of exchange of information and joint projects, adopted at the
Lusaka Summit of 1970, this is dealt with by the Co-ordinator Coun-
tries, dmwing on the relevant expert groups and technical groups
initiated by the Coordinator Countries.
It may be recalled that it was mentioned earlier that the NAM serves
as the political voice of the Third World countries and the G77 as the
economic arm. In view of the shift in orientation of the NAM in the
1970s, with economic matters gaining in increased importance, the
question arises as to the probable overlap with the efforts of the G77.
This is particularly so since the mid 1970;i with the preoccupation of
both the NAM and the G77 with the urgent need for reform of the
international economic system and the establishment of a New Interna-
tional Econonlic Order (NIEO) which would take cognizance of the
interests of the Third World. In addition, there was also a recognition
of the need for collective self-reliance, termed Economic Cooperation
among Developing Countries (ECDC). However, a closer look at the
activities of the two Third World organizations would reveal the
difference in emphasis. The NAM focusscs on direct actions, described
as "the achievement of structural changes through unilateral measures
by the developing countries" while the G77 concentrates on negotiations
between the Third World countries and the industrial countries,
articulating the collective viewpoint of the Third World which is
essentially concerned with effecting structural changes, whether by direct
action or by bargaining, with a view "to accelerate the development
process and to obtain a more equitable sharing of the benefits and
control over international activities".11 And, inspite of the similarity in
ultimate objectives, heavy overlap in concerns and activities, let alone
in membership from the Third World, they continue till today to
persevere with their separate identities.13
What exactly does the G77 do?l-Ã Initially, before UNCTAD 1, the 77
countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America came together to work out

a common position. At UNCTAD 1, the G77 successfully displayed a
remarkable solidarity despite their obvious heterogeneity, as evidenced
by their voting pattern. This encouraged them to continue to act
together in order to strengthen their bargaining power in negotiations
with the industrial countries of the North. After UNCTAD 1, the G77,
whose members have grown to 125 in 1981, has adopted common
approaches at subsequent UNCTAD meetings and has come to be
recognized as the Third World spokesman, presenting Third World
viewpoints at other international economic fora.
In the e:irly years, 1964 to 1967, G77 policies and strategies would be
formulated in the following way - the three constituent regional groups
of Latin America, Asia and Africa would first thrash out a regional
consensus which would then be "aggregated into a general G77
position". And the 31 member Trade and Development Board of
UNCTAD, which functions as the decision-making body between
conferences, was virtually the G77's executive committee.13 This skeletal
structure was substantially amplified after the first Ministerial Meeting
at Algiers in 1967. It was decided that the principal organ in between
conferences was to be the Ministerial meeting which would be convened
not only before each plenary conference of UNCTAD but whenever
necessary. Next, four Main Committees were set up with Co-ordinator
Countries appointed at different venues, namely at the UN in New
York, at UNCTAD in Geneva, at the IMF and the World Bank in
Washington, at UNIDO in Vienna. Since then, co-ordinating committees
have been established at other UN bodies, such as the Food and
Agricultural Organization in Rome, UNESCO in Paris, the International
Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, the United Nations Environmental
Program in Nairobi and at almost all the UN specialized agencies.11
The third organizational layer consists of the Working Groups which are
formed to investigate specific issues and to formulate positions for
negotiations. However, only the working groups at UNCTAD are
permanently constituted and as of 1981, there were 14 of them.
A detailed look at the areas of involvement of the G77 reveals that 'the
concerns of the Group of 77 now influence near!)' all considerations of
international economic issues in the United Nations system' (italics
supplied). 11 This explains why it is seen at the Third World spokesman
on any economic matter. In addition, at any significant international

economic negotiation outside the UN system, for example the Con-
ference on International Economic Cooperation (CIEC) of 1975-1977,
the G77 was also represented.12 In other words, in practically every
international economic forum, within and without the already very
extensive UN system, the presence of the G77 can be felt. And, in these
two Third World organizations, the G77 and the NAM, together with
their component bodies whose numbers have gone beyond the double
digit figures, the Third World can be said to be represented at virtually
every existing international organization, global, regional and sub-
regional.
To conclude, as stated at the outset, the objective of this paper is to
investigate the existing Third World organizations which seek to
articulate their views and address their problems. From this cursory
examination, what gaps can be identified? What issue areas are not
dealt with by the NAM and the G77? It would appear that the answer
is in the negative, leaving us with the question as to the kind of role
the South Commission intends to fulfil. A preliminary look at the
objectives of the South Commission seems to point to a focus on self-
help nieasures.15 This happens to be the preoccupation of both the
NAM and the G77 since the mid 1970s, hence the rationale for future
research on the topic, "The South Commission: New horizons or the
same old song'?' While not intending to question the credentials of the
30 members of the South Commission, who are serving in their personal
capacities and not as official government representatives, the Commis-
sion could just as well have been constituted as an Expert Group of the
NAM or as a Working Group of the G77. Perhaps it is this very
feature, its composition of 'intellectual leaders', which promises to
distinguish this group from earlier Third World bodies. This, then,
should he the subject of further inquiry.
Notes
1. Src Inis I.. CI;iude, Swords into Ploiighsfiares, 3rd cd,, revised (New York: rand on^
House, 1904) pp 447-448. Appendix IV on Membership in the United Nations. It lists the
original members as of 1945 and those admitted each subsequent year, i.e. in 1956. 1947.
up until 1963. For a summary of the years after 1964 till 1977, see T.A. Coulombis and
J.J. Woll'e, Introduction to International Relations: Power atid Justice (New Jersey: I'rentice-
I [;ill, 1078) pp.273-274.

2. In the Brctton Woods institutions, there was weighted voting which was in favour of the
Western countries while in the late 1940s and early 1950s, despite the one nation, one vote
principle. Third World countries did not yet have the numbers to determine decisions in
the United Nations.
3. See a description of the NAM from an International Relations Dictionary in the U.S.
Department of State Library. 1978, cited in C. Geldart and P. Lyon, 'The Group of 77:
A Perspective View', International Affairs (57, 1, 1980-81) p.79.
4. The discussion of the Afro-Asian movement in this paragraph is drawn largely from D.
Kimche, The Afro-Asian Movement, Ideolo~ and Foreign Policy of the Third World (New
Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1973), Ch 1 "'Die Historical Setting". The following two
paragraplis are based on Ch 2, "The Political Setting". See also G.H. Jansen, Afro-Asia and
'\'on-Alifinncnt (London: Faber and Faber, 1966).
5. G.H. Jiinsen, Afro-Asia and Non-A@inenl.
6. There can, of course, be other considerations which motivate states to opt for nonalignment,
such as perceptions of the cold war (for example, detente was seen as necessary
to world peace) and how to maximize gains from the given situation (for exan~ple, playing
off one blue against the oilier is only possible if one is not a member of either bloc).
7. This definition of noii-alignment is the one adopted by the NAM. See D. Kiniche. The
A@-Asian Movement.
S. Cited in D. Kin~che, ibid.
9. See Janscn and Kinlehe for more on the MPSO.
10. t'roiii Trto and Nasscr's joint communique, cited in Kimche, ibid., p.95.
11. Kurl l'. Sauvant, "Organizational Infrastructure for Sell'-Reliance: 'Ilie Non-Aligned
Countries and the Group of 77", in 13rcda I'avlic et al., The Chullqqcs of South-South
Coopcri~tim (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1083) p.30. In addition to tlie p:ipei
cited, Sauvant h:is written oilier books and articles on the NAM and the G77. In tins
particiiliir paper, he presents a detailed picture of the institutional set-up 01 the NAM
and the G77. The description here ot the NAM's organi~ational structure and that below
of the G77 is but a skeletal summery from Sauvant's paper. See also Ixelananda de Silva,
"The Non-Aligned Movement: Its Economic Organization and the NIEO Perspectives", in
IJreda I'avlic et al., op.cit.
12. G. Williams, Third World Political Organizations, 2nd ed. (London: MacMillan, 1987)
p.05.
13. Geldart and I.yon, ""I'lie Group of 77, op. cit, p.80.
14. This discussion is drawn from Sauvant, "Organizational Infrastructure for Self-Reliance",
and Cicldzirt arid Lyon, "The Group of 77". op. c;[.
15. Sec 77rc South Commission (1987?). an informi'ition booklet providing "sonic initial
information on the \u>rk of Hie Soutli Commission". Instead of earlier terms like "collective
scli-reliance", or ECDC. a new phrase "South-South Cooperation" has heen coined,
referring however to Hie siimc process.
To our readers: Due to a number of factors, the next Dossier may
be somewhat delayed, appearing perhaps in February as a double
issue (No 75/76).

A debate in Cairo
A Third World perspective on interdepen-
dence, integration and collective self-reliance
by Mohamed Sid-Ahmed
22 Ibn Zanki Street
Zamaiek, Cairo, Egypt
On 15-16 May 1989, the Arab Society of Economic Research organized its First
Scientific Conference in Cairo on the topic of Interdependence, Economic
Infeqc1/ion and Collective Self-Reliance, from the specific perspective of the Third
World and with special attention to the Arab world. Outstanding economists of
various schools of thought from Arab countries from both the Mashrik and the
Maghreb took part in the two-day deliberations.
I will not attempt here to review the wide range of issues, theoretical and
technical, addressed by the Conference, but, rather, to shed some light on the
niiijor problemaiiques which the discussions underscored.
To begin with, the opening session was largely devoted to trying to define
interdependence, an issue of particular relevance given the scarcity of academic
literature on the subject. This scarcity is surprising in a context where, with the
growing internationalization of the world economy and the appearance of new
forms of integration in industrialized capitalist countries, interdependcnce with its
implications for the world at large has become an issue of paramount importance
everywhere. To mention only one such implication: the potential ability of the
transnational corporations which already hold 40% of world trade, to revolutionize
the world economy by promoting a world market going beyond all national
frontiers.
As mentioned by 1sni;iil-Sabri Abdalla in his openiiigssi;itcmcnt. interdependence
is affecting all walks of economic life: the processes of production, R & D, trade
and financing, capital and labor transnational mobility. It is affecting relations
between niiirkei ;ind centrally planned economies rind, of p;irticukir interest to the
Conlcrcnce, the ability of Third World economics to cope with the new situation.
as no society ran isolate itself from this multifarious all-encompassing phenonien-
on. In all Hdds of human encleuvour, politics, econon~ics, culture, even sports,
extra-national factors are exerting an ever-growing influence on the life of the
individual citizen. This perception of ;I directly accessible, ever-shrinking planet in

which the individual human being is developing a sense of global citizcnry, albeit
in a chaotic, uneven manner, is also the result of the ongoing scientific and
technological revolution, especially in the field of informaties. Man is acquiring a
qualitatively greater ability to store, retrieve and process information. Break-
throughs in technology include bioteehnology and genetic engineering which bolster
the status of the more industrial societies, side by side with a growing ability to
create substitutes to raw materials with improved specifications, which diminished
the role of the South and makes its societies more dependent on the North.
A heated debate arose among the participants over whether independence is
basically motivated by external or iniernnl factors. The neo-liberal economist Said
Naggar upheld the thesis that interdependence is primarily a function of external
factors, notably, the degree of exposure and vulnerability of a given economy to
external shocks. According to Naggar, interdependence will therefore depend on
factors such as the degree of economic openness of a given society, on the ratio
of its exports to the national product, on the range of its export commodities, on
export flexibility in response to the needs of foreign markets, on the size of its
external deficit with respect to its GNP, etc. '13e marxist econon~ist Fouad Morsi
upheld the opposite viewpoint, namely, that interdependence is primarily a function
of internal factors, mainly of the social division of labor inside a given economy.
Rxternal relations i.e., interdependence with the external world, are a reflection of
internal social relations. It is in terms of internal needs th;it choices concerning
exchange and interrelations with the external world are made. "I'he distinction
between the two standpoints is essential. If we accept the proposition that
interdependence derives exclusively from external factors. it follows [hiit no
national economy can withstand the onslaught of the transnationals, that national
sovereignty is of no relevance when it comes to protecting economic independence
and that no development is possible according to a national design.
If Fouad Morsi stressed that economic n~echanisms of a national economy are
capable by their very nature of putting effective constraints on extra-national
interdependence and therefore of resisting the phenomenon of economic
dependency, Samir Amin, with his famous theory of 'delinking', put the accent
more on political will. Globalism, acknowledged Amin, is an irreversible process,
but, contrary to nco-liberal thinking, it deepens rather than levels worldwide
economic unevenness and disbalances and increases polarization, thus making
'delinking' unavoidable. 'Delinking', clarified Amin, does not mean autarky or
isolation, but cnsuringlhat national interests determine the forms and modalities
by which national economic?! contribute to the international division of labour.
If, on the one hand, interdependence reflects a growing need for forms of global
authority to cope with an increasing number of problems which have no solution
within the context of a world order based on national sovereignty and the nation-

state, on the other hand, such a global authority would deprive the South of the
prerogatives of sovereignty which constitutes in irreplaceable safeguard against the
danger of deepening dependency and deprivation. There is still a huge theoretical
vacuum concerning the impact on the world economy of the use and abuse of
parts of the pliinet not protected by the sovereignty of any specific state. This
applies not only to the seas and oceans, threatened by pollution, with invaluable
species of fauna and flora exposed to extinction and non-renewable resources to
depletion, but also io outcr space, now accessible thanks to modern technology.
Organized global crime, drug production and traffic, international terrorism take
tidvaniiige of such loopholes. How can these problems be resolved and conflict in
;l world still marked by scarcity and need avoided without some form of global
authority'! Hut, then, who will set the rules of the game? To what extent can one
talk. in the now prevailing global conditions, of a global civilizalional identity, the
basis of global citizenry?
Mechanisms of dependency represent the main threat to Third World national
states in the context of this new international division of labour, not only
char;icterizecl by growing internationaliziition of production, but also by increasing
unevenness in development and inequality in exchange, which has produced
aberrations ol' the magnitude of today's Third World debt. If scu-relinnce comes
up against ever more formidable challenges and inleginlion into greater units is
becoming a prerequisite for surviv;il, collective self-reliance seems to be the most
appropriate form of complen~entarity for societies where the achievements of
independence and the inevitability of interdependence are reconciled, not made
mutually exclusive.
ifda dossier 74 materials received for publication
(continued from page 11 1)
Regional space
Chaldeans Mensah, Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries: Concept
and Modalities (Dept of Pol Science, Tory 10-1 1, Univ of Alberta, Edmonton T6G 2H4,
Canada) 23pp.
R.G. Narnbiar and Rajesh Mehta, Can the Developing Economies Afford to Liberalise
the Trade? (Res & Info System for the Non-Aligned and Other Dev Countries, 40-B
Lodhi estate, New Delhi 110 003, India) 10pp.
Tsudi Wa Kibuti Marnu-Lo, L'Afriqiie noire embourbee (ISDR MBEO, BP 8251,
Kinshasa 1, Zaire) 9pp.
Global space
Michel Rogalski, Vers line economic de paix: Slogan ou strategic? (EHESSICNRS,
54 Bd Raspail, 75270 Paris Cedex 06, France) 29pp.

Special Issue on 'Military Withdrawals and Peace Building'
Guest Editor: Kumar Rupeainghe
This special ISÈU of the Bulletin of Peace Proposals (No 3, 1989) l* concerned with
the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the Third Worid. Armed intervention has
not been uncommon in Third World conflicts, but recent^ a number of intervening
governments have either pulled their troops out. or announced that they will soon do
so There is also a trend towards an increased role for the UN. The withdrawals have
attracted attention not least because several of the conflicts had been considered
hopelessly deadlocked The special issue examines this process of withdrawal, focusing
on the possibilities for peace building and conflict resolution.
Conflicts from three continents are analysed. Most of them - Afghanistan, Central
America, Sn Lanka. Namibia, Indo-China - have featured in headlines over the years,
while one - Western Sahara - haa almost been forgotten by the international cornmunrty
(perhaps reflecting the fact that it has never been a vend of superpower rivalry).
Kumar Rupesinghe's introduction links different case studies together, providing an
overall view, and showing that there are indeed general lessons to be learned from the
disparate conflicts He discusses the causes of military intervention and rts effects on
the country concerned as well U the potential for, and consequences of, withdrawals.
Among the themes touched upon are the importance of ethnicity in Third World
conflicts, the role of the UN and the international community and the characteristics and
dynamics of guerrilla warfare. Nor are the complications of the withdrawals forgotten:
peace tends to bring problems of its own. Opposition movements and alliances which
are brought into existence by war. or which live by it, are often unable to adapt
successfully to more normal conditions.
The special issue of the Bulletin of Peace Proposals is available from Sage Publications
at a cost of £6 per copy at the ind'widua! rate. of £1161 per copy at the
institutional rate. Subscriptions may also be ordered from Sage: 1 year (4 issues) costs
E201S33 for individuals and £4066 for insliiutlons. (Sage Publications, 28 Banner
Street, London EClY ME, UK)
NOS.42-3 48 RAGES JULY-DEC. 1989
Special double issue!!!
WORKERSf CONTROL AT
THE C A P I T A FÂ¥t,.* L .-
PERIPHERY: X+-,
,*1^*
,X.,~%' $2 "' . c t3Â
AN OVERVIEW OF
APPROACHES AND
PRACTICES
^Â¥^ ^
by Assef Bayat

ifda dossier 74 . november/december 1989 global space
The new detente:
Some reflections from the South
by Rajni Kothari
Lo kayan
Alipur Road 13
New Delhi 110 054, India
Wliat is happening all around us? Is the world suddenly becoming a better place to
live in? More secure, less militarising with the shadow of nuclear war receding and
the arms race being contained under the impact of what may turn out to be a New
Detente? Is it also going to be a more humane place to be in, more permissive of
human rights and cultural plurality, more democratic internally and accommodative
for di~zrse national aspirations externally? In effect providing a truly multilateral
global order, cooperative within and across regions, keen to resolve long-standing
disputes in power relations, with softening of 'hard' positions by tnajor power centres,
triggering off a chain of softening up across the board? Building on positive'
tendencies within specific regions and countries while at the same time attending to
tnajor crises domestically within major countries (mainly in respect of the economy),
hence producing pressures for demilitarization for oilier societies as well?
Sounds too good to be true? In reality
things don't quite work out that way.
Human history is witness to major
reversals in world affairs, at times for
the better, especially after the balance
of forces that govern the world have
gone so off the keel and appear close
to an abyss. Either son^ small or large
step somewhere starts off a chain of
happenings that keep extending into
other spheres or there are simultrineous
spurs from diverse spaces all of which
cumulate towards a brighter opening up
of human prospects. Is something of
this kind happening around us? Don't
at least the announced intentions of
major powers indicate some such turn
in the process of history, at any rate of
contemporary history, with possible
consequences for the longer term too?
No doubt, there are bound to be and
there will be forces at work that would
like this not to happen and will try to
intercede accordingly. And, of course,
there will be persisting counter-tenden-
cics still at work which will nut allow
the changeover to be in any way
smooth or easy to accomplish. And yet
doesn't one notice a whole array of
happenings that have so far at any rate

provided grounds of hope and expect-
ation of still better things happening?
The more obvious symptoms are well-
known: the de-escalation in the nuclear
arms race heralded by the INF Treaty
and the general change in attitude in
the two superpowers towards defense
spending and the arms race as such.
But no less dramatic have been the
Geneva accord on Afghanistan, the
ceasefire in the seemingly endless war
between Iran and Iraq, the new initia-
tives in Kampuchea, and in Angola,
heralding the journey towards Namibia's
independence. And, of course, the less
noticed but nonetheless path-breaking
steps taken in Western Sahara, Cyprus
and the as yet inconclusive dialogues on
Central America which, given Perm de
Cuelltir's intense interest in sorting
things out in Latin America, could
produce some kind of ;I temporary
truce on which more long-term resolu-
tions may emerge. These by themselves
add up to a major change from the
climate of confrontation that existed
even a year ago.
Then there are the bigger shifts. There
is the qualitative and in some ways
nionuniental change in the status on
Palestine, building no doubt on the
patient work of decades, the courage of
various elenlents on the P.L.O., and the
steady built-up of public opinion which
has succeeded in isolating Israel, and yet
it is a typical case of a major leap when
quantity gets transformed into quality.
No matter what the hawks in the U.S.
and Israel do now, there is no stopping
the state of Palestine from emerging as
an important actor in world politics.
There are other shifts that have a
bearing on the whole kaleidoscope of
world politics. The slow and tiresome
meetings between the Soviet and Chine-
se sides that were going on for years
seem to have got transformed into a
desire for resolution of outstanding
issues between them. Close on the heels
of that, following Soviet advice and
clear gestures, the Indians and the
Chinese have sought to clear up the
accumulated sense of suspicion and the
long-standing stalemate on the border
and other issues. Similar moves are
afoot between the Chinese and the
Vietnan~ese which will no doubt con-
tribute to the untying of one of the
more knotty carryovers of the long
colonial era of conflicts in the peninsula,
namely the crisis in Kampuchca which
has involved historically unprecedented
genocide of the most inhum~iii and
ghastly kind.
And cutting across all these possibilities
of relaxation in inter-state tensions may
be gains on broadening parameters - a
generalized preference for econonlic
welfare of people over military power
of the State, a widely shared consensus
on the democratic process as a way of
organizing governance, a broader accep-
tance of human rights, a spirit of toler-
ance towards cultural pluralism, exten-
dable at least in theory to even the
questions of nationality and ethnic
identity. Already there had taken place
some welcome developments in certain
regions - the 'reden~oeratization' in
major countries like Brazil and Argen-
tina and later in the Philippines, the
democratic revolution in Nicaragua in
the face of powerful hostile forces and

yet with a distinctive institutional model
of democracy that included liberal
freedorns, the dramatic changeover in
Pakistan, the powerful upswing of
democratic resistance in Burma and
Korea, much of this a result of domes-
tic struggles but all having a bearing on
the regional and global thresholds of the
states system.
Such a combination of de-escalation in
states of tension and violence in the
intcrn;itional arena and prospects for
clcn~ocratixation of the State interntilly -
and both of these generating public
opinion across the board in favor of
both peace and demoer;icy - may set
the stage when it may even become
possible to deal with some of the more
difficult and obstinate issues that have
led to an accentuation of structural
dualism which characterizes the present
'world order'. The most important
an~ongthcse are the debt crisis on the
one hand and the escalating arms trade
that is preventing the promise of clisarmanlent
to widen beyond the nuclear
club on the other. The latter in particular
is also fuelling militarization of
civil societies, permitting ethnocide
against cultural minorities and nationalities
within nation-states, and propping
up regimes of repression in which
armed might is being employed against
dissident groups tind movements for
civil rights.
It is being argued by some that rclax;i-
lion of tensions iniernationully and
changing attitude to issues like human
rights may permit gradual improvement
on these matters too. Perhaps this may
be too much to expect, most of the
optimists would agree, but as there
seems to have been a close tie-up
between carious issues like superpower
rivalry and the nuclear arms race, the
North-South divide, support to authori-
tarian regimes, regional confrontations
and escalating sales of armaments and
collaborations in arms manufacturing
capacities, it may not be too far fetched
to expect that once reversals in some of
these take place they could well exiend
to the whole gtiniut of issues.
What precisely will be the emerging
sceniirio of world affairs in respect of
most of not all of these issues and - this
is crucial - their interrelationship is by
no means certain. We have yet to come
to grips with what in fact is taking
shape right before our eyes. All one can
do is to delineate new trends (and
identify the rciisons behind them), raise
certain issues that these trends throw
up, suggest doubts and apprehensions
in respect of possible outcomes, and in
light of all ol' this, think of new inter-
ventions that could ;it once build on
positive tendencies and prevent both
negative outcomes thereof and the
persistence of counter-tendencies that
continue to create impediments in the
way of realizing a more humane and
just future. '1'hese are matters not just
of theoretical conjecture or even of a
carefully studied set of analyses but also
of intellectual inputs for policy alterna-
tives that should be considered by world
statesmen, the diplomatic community,
the United Nations system and above
all that slowly emerging group of quiet
influentials, the 'concerned citizens'
representing various social movements
and 'voices of the people' which in a

variety of ways have been impinging on
both domestic and world affairs.
The influence of the latter may appear
less visible and direct but is in a variety
of wiiys basic and could contribute to
major historical shifts, not just in the
structure of norms and opinions that
perform longer term catalytic roles but
also in unravelling and highlighting
hitherto suppressed facts and realities
that hiid been defined out of existence
by forces interested in preserving the
stnins and keepin~onflicts and
confrontations alive for perpetuating the
s;ime. '1he peiice movement in F-uropc,
for example, hiis not only stirred the
conscience of large sections of the
people, including privileged strata of the
middle classes, hut has also, through
patient research and advocacy, exposed
the horrible economic and ecological
costs of the arms ace and laid hare the
depressing consequences thereof for
employment, economic viability of
regimes, fulfilment of minimum con-
sumer need of people in countries
spenclingso much on armaments, not
to speak of h;il;inee of payments dif-
ficulties facing major governments and
the st;irtlingcffects of all these on
stability of currencies, interest rates and
the extension of the debt trap to what
used to be buoyant and self-reliant
economies at one time.
Likewise, the ecology, women's and
human rights movements have not just
raised important ethical issues on behalf
of deprived strata of the people, the
comin~"eerations, women and tribal
populations but have also contributed
to national and intern:itional dcbiite~ on
the consequences of prevailing models
of development, national security and
the like which have succeeded in creat-
ing a body of informed opinion that has
over time led to changed perceptions of
reality among sections of the ruling
elites. And this has not been limited to
countries in which these movements had
large media impacts. Thus for a long
time it was thought that the peace
movement was anathema to the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe. Yet in
some ways the impact has been the
greatest in that part of the world.
There is also growinpadmission of "the
common environment danger1' cirlsii'ig
out of "the state of the earth's resources"
and "the crying social problen~ of
the developing world" in the same
Gorbachev thesis1 that propounded the
logic of de-escalating the arms race. But
more than the growing acceptance of
these more obvious dangers, the more
basic contribution of the various social
moven~ents, particularly as some of their
leaders may have been moving out of
their single-constituency foci and realizing
the interrelationship between dimensions,
is to contribute to a deeper
theoretical grasp of the human condition
and to force public attention on
linkages and interconnections that are
likely to escape demands for 'adjustments'
and 'accommodations' that
merely pragmatic and short-range understanding
is likely to produce.
It is with respect to the interrclation-
ships that are likely to be ignored or
left out of consideration, and the conse-
quences of foeussing on single dimen-
sions or limited concerns that I want to

aise certain issues, pose doubts and
apprehensions that arise in my mind,
and suggest, both for the movements
and for the community of experts
concerned with public policy, possible
interventions that are sensitive to the
interrelationships and are capable of
safeguarding the interests of those that
continue to be marginalised by govern-
ments and ruling elites, perhaps more
so as a result of changed perceptions of
the human agenda than was the case
earlier.
Fhere is no doubt that is has finally
dawned on the erstwhile perpetrators of
the war system and the academic jus-
tifiers of the same that they had gone
too far and had ignored the consequen-
ces of their thinking for the perfor-
mance and therefore for the survival
and stability of their perspective sys-
tems. As already mentioned, this is in
part an impact of the peace movement
and the growing public criticism (inclu-
ding from earlier advocates and defen-
dants of the Cold War) but also a
consequence of exposing the sheer
madness of the ruling doctrines of
national security based on the theory of
deterrence and on the assumption that
peace was to be securing by preparing
for war. We have already been told
about the reassessment that has taken
place on the Soviet side, spurred in
particular by the economic consequen-
ces for the USSR of the continually
escalating arms race (both nuclear and
conventional). There is evidence of
sinlilcir reconsideration on the side of
the Western allies, in particular the
United States, which has been reeling
under the quite considerable economic
costs of maintaining large defense
expenditures, in particular the frighten-
ing growth of both the budget deficit
and international debt, the decline in
value of the dollar vis a vis the other
major currencies and the sharp competi-
tion offered by the new economic giants
like Japan and EEC.
Following the growing criticism on these
lines, are emerging signs of slow re-
thinking on economic ideology based on
supply side economics, liberalization and
privatization, dismantling of the Welfare
State and the discrediting of the positive
role of the State in meeting basic hum-
an needs and maintaining nlinin~um
levels of order and justice in society -
in short, a slow rethinking on the claims
and presumed virtues of the latest
phase of world capitalism fuelled by
high technology and its global reach.
Thirdly, there has also taken place some
realization of the limits of Realpolitik -
the slow realization among the leninists
and the maoists about the limits of the
eonflictual modcl of world politics and
a simultaneous though slower realization
among policy makers in the US about
the limits of the confrontational posture
of US imperialism. There seems to be
a retreat on both sides from neat blue-
prints of global hegemony to be achiev-
ed through superpower confrontation
and a strategy of drawing various regio-
nal client states into that confrontational
model.
Ail these shifts represents no more than
a pragmatic reassessment of continuing
with the war system and is not yet
based on any fundan~ental ideological

or normative rethinking on basie ar-
rangements and institutional structures.
As the fuller import of the world crisis
has not been properly received, such
defensive responses are bound to be not
only partial and unsatisfactory but on
certain dimensions, counter-productive.
It is to this ga.p between something
truly positive happening and its failure
to measure up as fully as the situation
is demandingthat I shall now turn.
We still continue to live in a world in
large parts of which the State is con-
ceived as a coercive apparatus and is
weighing down on large sections of the
people, not infrequently in close eol-
laboration with (and often led by)
interests emanating from transnational
capitalism and its technocratic logic.
Increasingly, in many parts of the world,
security is conceived not just through
the corrosive idea of a national security
state but the far more oppressive eon-
ception which limits security to the
security of elites and the ruling coteries,
marshalling for that purpose military
and paramilitary forces. There continues
to be in operation a thriving arms
bazaar, producing both for the security
of narrow elites against their popula-
tions and for maintaining regimes of
regional hegemony and brutalized con-
trol, alongside of course the still eon-
tinuing and ever more sophisticated
weapons technologies which are then
fed to maintain the tempo of n~ilitariza-
tion within and across nation-states, not
to mention the still persisting interest
(all the way from Universities to com-
puter conglomerates) in adventures likes
the SDI.
Nor has there been any great change
in the persisting hold of transnational
techno-capitalism, the growing power of
transnational financial superstructure
(the World Bank, the IMF, the large
commercial money markets) or the
growing hold domestically of the teehno-
managers who are everywhere replacing
institutional structures of representative
and bureaucratic types based on mini-
mum norms of accountability, participa-
tion and reciprocity. There is, if any-
thing growing highhandedness and
repression on the pan of the ruling
clues in their approach to grassroots
movements aimed at radical reconstruc-
tion of governance and of the State.
'I'he poor are everywhere getting mar-
ginalized and so are the women, the
ethnics, the forest people and above all
the indigenous cultures keen on preserv-
ing their identity, their ecosystems and
their ancestral meaning systems. In fact,
there are reasons to think that each of
these tendencies may get accentuated
in an era of accon~mockition between
major powers and within the states
systems as a whole which is likely to ask
for greater integration of states and
economies and cultural orders - as well
as alternative scientific and technological
models - into a large integrated (in-
terdependent?) 'world order'. For all the
democratic and human rights euphoria
presently being witnessed from the
spokesmen of governments, there still
persists a basic fear of the people and
thcir diverse cultural, ecologiccil and
ethnic assertions. It is a fear that may
even grow as the new climate of de-
escalation and the new language of
accommodation :it the global level spurs

the viirious grassroots movements
towards a greater surge forward, par-
ticularly of the hitherto socially and
ccoiiom~cally deprived and oppressed
strata oi the human community.
I'hcre seems 10 be no parantee that
nioderation in inter-state and inter-
governmental relations, following a
decline in the politics of confrontation
at that level, will necessarily produce a
greater commitn~ent to equity, social
diversity and ecological sust:iinability or
of real compassion and care for the
downtrodcten. Similarly thee is little
parantcc ;ig;iinst the persistence of ill-
advised projects of industrialisation
based on hazardous technologies, pro-
ducingtnot just more Chcrnobyls and
l3hop;il.s (we very nearly escaped one
more during the earthquake in Amen-
:I) but the less noticed and, in their
total ciTeet, more pernicious consequen-
ces of the leaks and explosions caused
by nuclc:ir and other devices used for
so called 'peaceful purposes'. Again in
fact there is reason to suspect that as
the slogan 'disarmament to develop-
ment' ciitchcs on and :IS there is more
;ind more uncriticiil acceptance of the
Western model of economic develop-
ment, many of these features of tcch-
nolosical ciitchinpp may in fad grow.
Indeed, one result of both glasnost and
peivitroiki~ could well be a decline in
criticism of exploitive models of capi-
talism based (in mountingextraction of
strategic r:iw materials and natural
resources.
Two important quotes, one from the
main thesis of the Report of the Central
Comn~ittee oS the USSR CP on the
Occasion of the 70th Anniversary of the
October Revolution, and the other from
Perestroika, will be in order at this
stage:
For all the profound contriidictions
of the contemporary world, for all
the radical differences amongthe
countries that comprise it, it is
inter-related, inter-dependent and
integral. The reasons for this include
the internationalization of
world economic tics, the comprehensive
scope of the scientific and
technological revolution, the essentially
novel role played by the mass
media, the state of earth's resources,
the common environment
danger, and the crying social problems
of the developing world
which affects us all. The main
reason, however, is the problem of
humiin survival.1
We know how important the Middle
East, Asia, Latin America, the
other Third World regions and also
South Africa are for American and
European economies, in particular
as raw material resources. To cut
these links is the last thingwe want
to do, and we have no desire 10
provoke ruptures in historically
formed, mutual economic intercsts.2
Much will depend on the strength of
conviction in the larger vision for global
trcinsforn~ation that informs the democ-
ratic movement worldwide, prticukirly
in its ability to comprehend the Kisic
interrelationship between diKcrcnt dim-
ensions of social change and the new
set of conlradiciions that arc arising
following the latest strategic shifts in

inter-state relations. It will also depend
on the ability of these movements to
affect global power structures and the
technological hegemony of countries like
the US, Japan and Western Europe
and major countries (like China and
India) that arc being drawn into their
vortex. There will also be need for the
theory of revolution based on earlier
conceptions to come to grips with the
new reality in which it is quite openly
being advocated that working class
interests have to be subjugated to
"common human values" and that this
constitutes the "core of the new political
thinkingv.= Similarly, earlier conceptions
of nation-building, 'development' and
social change will need to deal with the
possible response of the world status
(ino to the new challenge posed by
visionaries likc Gorbachev and others.
To assume that just because the overall
statement includes, alongside demilitarisation,
issues of human rights, environment
and "the crying social problen~s of
the developing world" does not ensure
that this will all achieved in the slime
measure or even in small measures, or
that new contradictions betwcen these
diverse goals will not arise.
Alongside the social implications of the
New Reconciliation in the states system
attempted at the apex thereof, there is
another set of issues that will need to
be confronted both by statesmen and
by leaders of various movements. First,
how will countries and economies that
have benefitted from the war system
and arms trade on the one hand and
the new model of techno-capitalism
linked with military high-tech and com-
puter science on the other respond to
the new initiatives and the new stance
towards the arms race? It is crucial not
to overlook the fact that the newest
version of industrial capitalism, especial-
ly in the United States but also in
countries likc France and Germany, had
been heavily linked to the R&D genera-
ted by the latest phase in the militarisa-
lion and control of the outer space.
Secondly, how will the Third World
countries that were also benefiting from
such a model of high capitalism (es-
pecially the NICs and aspirant NICs like
India and China) respond to the same?
I'he first issue raises the whole question
of the emerging split within the North
between the two superpowers who have
had to pay much of the cost of keeping
the arms race going and whose population
and economy seem to have borne
much of the.brunt of the same and
other industrial 'giants' who have reaped
considerable economic advantages from
the arms race (as also within the US
between the hawkish beneficiaries of the
SDI and the Pentagon on the one hand
and the State Department and the US
Congress on the other. The second
issue highlights the emerging split within
the Third World keen on getting integrated
into the world market and
those left out of such an integrated
model and made to 'stew in their own
juices' as will, for instance, be the case
with large parts of Africa. Underlying
both, of course, lies the major contem-
porary shift of techno-capit~ilisn~ from
the Atlantic to the cast of the Pdcilic,
the latter in some ways posing a far
more ruthless and amoral conception of
state power, technology and social
control than ur;is the case until the

Atlantic alliance held sway. Similarly, the
NIC phenomenon within the Third
World threatens to undermine what
remains of the old vision of a 'Third
Way' based on the Non-Aligncd movemem
on the one hand and the challenge
posed by the (3-77, NII;0, OPEC
and other radicalised assertions of the
Third World on the other.
The point is that rum-alignment (a
concept to which some movements in
the North have also got attracted) is
meaningless unless it also pursues and
promotes the path of self-reliant devel-
opment both for the St;ite and for
various constituents of people that
constitutes the State, taking the self-
rcgiird, honour and dignity in the idea
ol' not joining any power bloc down to
the populace as a whole, especially the
more marginaliscd and oppressed sec-
lions thereof, thereby putting an end to
the contradiction between the rhetoric
of frcedorn and autonomy in the inter-
national arena and the reality of hcge-
monic:!! structures of governance, devel-
opment and culture at home - from
which

surveillance and secrecy while talking of
the new communications revolution, or
new forms of managerial control steered
by university educated social scientists.
The basic point is that as far as the
masses arc concerned there is no dif-
ference between the militarism of n~ilita-
ry regimes and technological control
exercised by formally 'democratic' regi-
mes. Indeed, it is possiblc to argue that
high-tech based managerial order
under the garb of a democratic govern-
ment may be more difficult to fight
against than an openly repressive milita-
ry regime.
Many issues of the deeper springs of
human liberation entailed in the current
phase of the human enterprise get
throv.11-LIP by these sets of questions.
I'herc is no space here to go in detiiil
into all of them; I have tried to wrestle
with them in some of my recent writin@
of lute (some of them in Alternntivex).-'
Perhiip~ the most interesting aspect of
the emerging global convergence of
norms has been the growingconsensus
on one key value: democracy. It is a
value that is no longer dismissed as
bcloiigingto the 'superstructure' rather
than the 'base' nor is it any lungcr
tossed around in a conceptual war of
nerves: people's democracy versus
ho~~rgmis democracy. All over the
world, rind not the least in the Third
World, people's aspirations and the
diverse movements and struggles
through which they are expressed,
accept the one common label of their
being dcmocratic. In the political arena
itself and again in particukir in the
Third World the struggles for democrat-
ization and rcdemocratization are on
the upswing. And yet, probably the
most disheartening aspect of the liberal
democratic regimes that have either
been in power for long (India and Sri
ILinka, Colombia and Venezuela) or
have of late got rid of dictatorial rcginl-
es and come to power with massive
popular backing (brazil and Argentina,
Philippines and Pakistan) is the ease
with which they have been subjected to
global corporate penetration and their
willing integration into the world econo-
mic, strategic and technological markets.
Furthermore - and this is fairly recent -
as the rising dcmocratic spirit every-
where hris upset earlier models of global
management, the latter have responded
by welcoming these changes (h la
Philippines or Pakistan where they had
till yesterday backed martial law re-
gimes) but ensuring two things: con-
tinuation of strategic toe-holds and
underlining new regional hegeinonical
structures that are then broadly ac-
cepted as natural alignments through
which the nianagement of power and
resources can be organized.
Countries like India kite a series of
dilemmas in respect of democratic
movements in its vicinity. On the one
hand movements tor den~ocrati/ution,
as took place recently in Pakistan, call
tor all-round support, all the way from
the government and the ruling party to
Opposition panics, and various grass-
roots movements. On the other hand,
the emerging framework of regional
cooperation (SAARC) may well become
available for acceptance of India's
pivoial role on the one hand, gradually

therefrom, and integration into the
liberal international establishment
through financial and trade collabora-
tions on the other, mediated and facilit-
ated by the dominant international
framework of financial and development
agencies. Something similar is likely to
be attempted as the democratic mass
movements in Hurma, South Korea and
elsewhere gct channelised into the new
regional gco-politics of transnational
man;igen1eent.
It would be a jaundiced view to take if
one did not throw in one's lot with the
various movements for den~ocratization
and reden~ocratization globally, usually
along the framework provided by West-
ern liberal democracies. And yet, one
has learnt over time how so many
liberal democracies have promoted
dualist structures arising from ii~tcgra-
lion of the upper deciles into a growing
world middle class and exclusion of the
rest to become the world's underclass.
'lhe latter consists of the rural poor,
ethnicminorities and peripheral nationa-
lities, the women pushed out by modern
technology, the comn1unities displaced
by large development projects and
various other victims of the long histori-
cal process that began with the colonial
expansion of Europe in the various
continents of the Third World. More-
over, with such a divide engulfing one
society after another, there is likely to
be 'ecocide' on a large scale, undermin-
ingthe resource endowments of these
countries, particularly of their rural
hinterlands, tribal populations and the
poor generally.
Somewhat similar consequences have
also followed seemingly radical demands
for a new international economic order,
promoting greater transfer of technolog-
ies, and with such transfers, collabora-
tion with transnational corporations for
modernizing domestic economies, raising
exports and using foreign exchange
surpluses built through migrant labour
and the brain drain for makingggood
the 'technological la$ from which these
countries have been told (above all by
their own scientists) they suffer. Above
all, the same tendencies are likely to get
a fillip following the chain of regional
reconciliations (India and China, India
and Pakistan, Vietnam, Kampuchea and
Ihtiiland, in Western Sahara, or on the
issue of Cyprus) sponsored by one or
the other of the superpowers. 'Ihe
moving spirit that has provided a ration-
ale for many of these has been the
same: making good one's technological
la" releasing resources for moderniza-
tion, getting integrated into the global
framework of interdependence.
It is in these newly emerging contexts
of global and regional changes - and
their domestic reflections - that new
interventions from the bottom will need
to take place, building no doubt on the
positive forces that have been generated
by the New Detente and making use of
the breathing space and time provided
by the same, but at the same time
waging struggle against distortions of
the same engineered by dominant
structures of political, econon~ic and
technological power. 'I'here is urgent
need to generate counter-tendencies for
a more fundamental realignment of
forces that would utilize the new oppor-
tunities for putting an end to a world
structure that continues to be dualistic

when considered tram the point of view
of large masses of the people - all
round the world but particularly in
societies thiit have all alonoeen vic-
timized by the course of history. Philos-
ophically speaking, there is the whole
big issue of pragmatic rationality of a
given 'system' contending against deeper
incorrigible, intransigent and vindicative
structures ol'interest. Incapacity to take
full cognizance of the latter while pin-
ning faith in the sudden openings provi-
ded by a new kind of world leadership
can make us feel good but it is not
likely 10 prepare us for producing a
better world.
'he duiilist world structure with which
this piipcr is I'undamentally concerned
has, no i-k~ubt, been a result of interlockingbetween
a number of dimensions
of which the crowningvariable was
militarization and global arms race. Any
stepping away from the precipice to
which this one factor was leading the
world cannot but be welcomed by all of
us. It is the most important first step in
the direction of global transformation
and the creation of a better world. But
unless it is followed by other major
steps and unless it is prevented to be
swallowed and coopted by dominant
structures of prevailing global stutl~s quo
we are once again likely to misread
symptonlatic changes as being transformativc
and regenerative. We have
reached a situation in which dominant
perceptions of human prospects (as
found in global think-tanks) have for
long been moving from early optimism
about possibilities of human welfare and
we'll being 10 a pcssimisiic bcenaiiu in
which concerns of security against the
forces of revolt seem to be overtaking
the erstwhile paradigm ot"developn~cnt'.
It was part of such a primacy of the
issue of security - against international
terrorism, against mass revolts from the
lower classes, against the encroachment
of the world peripheries - that militarix-
ation had become so pervasive a factor.
It of course overshot itself. Hence the
effort to de-escalate. But unless we
recognize the full bearing of this sccna-
rio end evolve our steps accordingly, we
are bound to be caught napping once
again.
Notes
1. This is taken from the famous
'Gorbachev thesis' propounded in the
Report of the Central Committee of the
USSR CP on the occasion of the 70th
Anniversary of the October Revolution.
2. Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika: New
Tzinking for Our Country and the World
(London: Collins, 1987).
3. See in particular "On Humane Governance",
Alternatives (Vol XII, N"3, July
1987). This and other related essays have
been published in State Against Democracy:
In Search of Humane Governance and
Transformation and Suni~ul: In Search of
Humane World Order (New Delhi: Ajanta
Publications, 1988) (cf IFDA Dossier 73, pp
89-90).
4. 1 discussed this in some detail in niy
Fulbright Memorial Lecture, "Democracy in
the Third World", delivered at Princeton
University in 1987 and published in Slate
Aguinsi Deinocrui.}': 111 Si-unli uf Hi~i?kiii
Governance, op cit.

Index of papers published in IFDA Dossiers 63 to 74
(1 988-1 989)
1. By author(s)
Author Title of paper D.N" Pages
Ake, Claude AJOPE: The African Journal of Political Economy
Alvares, Claude India' Anti-nuclear movement grows
Alzerreca B, E. Cidem: Un proceso de comunicacion entre mujeres
Amin, Samir Eurocentrisme et politique
In favour of a polycentric world
La maison commune Europe
ANGOC
Indonesia: Usaha Bersama Arisan Manjung
Bahugana, Chipko: The people's movement with a hope for the
Sunderlal survival of humankind
Bandyopadhyay, J (See Shiva, Vandana)
Ben Salah, Ahmed La dette, oui, mais ses causes?
Biro, Andras Afrique de I'Ouest: WANAD
Bisimwa, Nalukoma Zaire: Top-contacts - Perspective 2000
Bossema, Wim South Africa: Amsterdam's anti-apartheid culture melting pot 64
Buchanan, Anne Avoiding awkward answers by not asking the questions
Buchanan, Keith Engineering extinction (A review)
Chan, George, L. A pilot integrated farm for South China
Cleveland, Harlan In praise of multilateralism: In affairs among nations,
cooperation is the key
Colomer Viadel, Le travail au carrefour technique: Vers une ethique
Antonio
sociale renouvelee?
Das, Lalita Humanising housing
Dumont, Rene Social-dernocratie a CecheUe mondiale?
Durr, Hans Peter New paths to global cooperation: A view from West
Germany
Elmandjra, Mahdi UN Organizations: Ways to their reactivation
China in the twenty-first century
Fazal, Anwar People, pests and pesticides
Francis-Hinds, S. Jamaica: Drama is the tool
Frank, A. G. &
Fuentes, M.
Nine theses on social movements
Friedmann, John Collective self-empowerment and social change
Fuentes, Marta (See Frank, Andre Gunder)
Galtung, Johan On the causes of terrorism and their removal
Gerster, Richard How to ruin a country: The case of Togo
Glauser, Benno Elementos de la cultura como respuesta a la vida
en barrios marginales de Asuncion
Gorbachev, Mikhail Enhancing the role of the UN
Guruge, Ananda Identite culturelle et developpement, Tradition et rnodernite

Habyarimana,
Juvenal
Helie-Lucas, Marie-
Aimee
Henderson, Hazel
Ibn Talal. Hassan
zyumova, Natalya
Jaworski, Helan
Juoro, Umar
Kothari, Rajm
Laszlo, Solvom
Lim Toledo,
Raymond
Loh Wei Leng
Malamah-Thomas,
David Henry
Marcos, Sylvia
McNulty, Rtta
Mendez Lugo,
Bernardo
Mensah, Chaldeans
Mireku, Ebenezer
Moreno, W.J.
& Ochoa, G J
Mugo, Micere G.
Nadvi, Khalid
Ndione, E. Seyni
Neira A, Eduardo
Nertin, Marc
Obi, Regina U.
Ochoa, Gabriel J.
Odhiambo,
Thomas R
Osman, M.
Omar
Pamir, Peri
PARC
Piettla, Hilkka
L'endettement de I'Afrique: Accepter la responsa-
bilite de nos propres erreurs
Liberation struggle and the liberation of women
Women in the Algerian liberation struggle
China's reforms: From economics to systems theory
Quelle culture, quel developpernent?
USSR. The third system recognized
Latin American debt (A review)
The economic crisis and opportunities for regional
cooperation in Southeast Asia
The new detente: Some reflexions from the South
Hungary: Citizens' participation in the environmental
movement
Philippines: 50'000 strong national fisherfolk
organization demands genuine aquarian reform
The South Commission: New horizons or the same
old song?
The Telu workshop experience - Innovative theatre
for rural development in Sierra Leone
Curacion y cosmologia: El reto de las medicinas
populares
Interculture Ireland's Teachers Programme from Africa
Education superior y sistema productivo en
MichoacAn: Artesanos y alfareros, apoyados por la
investigacion, Una experiencia regional en Mexico
Countertrade in Third World mutual trade
Assessing structural adjustment programmes' The
case of Ghana
Estado, crisis y autogestion en el Peru durante la
administracion del APRA
Women and books in Africa: A question of survival?
(See Sumar, Sabina)
Leqons d'une animation au Senegal
Peru: La ciudad y sus habitantes
A citizens' report on the state of the UN?
Another liberation?
Is global civilization coming?
The image of the Other
T'ian-an men
Tunisie. Le retour d'Ahmed Ben Salah
Alternative economic strategy for Nigeria: Indigenous
small scale industries
(See Moreno, William J.)
Science as a part of African culture: Why it must be
learnt beyond the classroom
Towards another administration: Some reflections
upon another development
The path to common security
Local self-reliance in Palestine
Women's voice in the North/South dialogue

Pradervand, Pierre Afrique noire: La victoire du courage
Priya, Ritu India: The Medico-friend circle on child health
Raghavan, GSTP: A modest beginning for South's collective
Chakravarthi self-reliance
Ralendra C. When the tourists flew in
Robert, Juan El auge de la tecnologia ambiental alternativa
Robinson, Claude Reassembling the spirits of Africa on historic Goree Island?
Sachs, Ignacy Notes de lectures (E/ otro sendero)
Notes de lectures
Sachs, Wolfgang The gospel of global efficiency: On Worldwatch and
other reports on the state of the world
Sagasti, Crisis y desafio: Ciencia y technologia en el futuro
Francisco R. de America Latina
Senanayake, Ranil The ecological, energetic and agronomic systems of
ancient and modern Sri Lanka
Shaheen, Jack G. American television and Arao myths
Shiva, Vandana Political economy of ecological movements
and Bandyopadhyay, J.
Sid-Ahmed, M. Interdependence, integration and collective self-reliance
Simonis, Udo E. Ecology and economic policy
Somavia, Juan America Latina: Una vision contemporanea de la seguridad
Stavenhagen, R. New expressions of racism in Europe
Sumar, Sabiha and Zina: The hudood ordinance and its implications for
Nadvi Khalid Pakistani women
Temple, Dorninique Violence dans les Andes Causes et alternatives
Thorsson, Inga The concluding phase of the adventure of the Great
Peace Journey
Opening speech of the first global popular summit
of the Great Peace Journey
Todd, Halinah Indonesia: Government tightens control over
citizens' groups
Toubale, Slimane Monnaie et endettement en Alg6rie
Touzmohammad, Pour Ie renouveau du Non-alignernent: Propositions
Ra'is A.
d'un universitaire ouzbek
Velarde, Federico Peru: Algunas notas sobre las ONGs
Verhelst, Thierry The cultural crisis of the West and international
solidarity
Waterman, Peter Towards 2000: A new labour and democratic
internationalism
Werner. David Public health, poverty and empowerment - a
challenge
Zambrano, Angel Venezuela: Las Asociaciones de Vecinos, una
Enrique
expresion autonoma dc la sociedad civil

2. By third system associations
Name of association D.NO pages
AAPS African Association of Political Science 64
73
ACTS African Centre for Technology Studies 66
AHAS Associated Housing Advisory Services 69
ALDEA Agence de liaison pour Ie dhveloppement d'une
econornie alternative (France)
68
Aliran
64
AMPS Association rnondiale de prospective sociale 71
ANGOC Asian NGO Coalition 72
AOHR Arab Organization for Human Rights 66
72
APEP Asociacion peruana de estudios e investigation para 68
la paz
ARBAN Asssociation for the Realization of Basic
Needs (Bangladesh)
ASA Asian Students Association
Asian Coalition for Housing Rights
Asociacion Latinoarnericana de Ecodesarrollo
ATPEN Association tunisienne pour la protection
de I'environnement
CADIC
Candela
Collectif d'actions pour Ie developpernent
cornmunautaire et industriel (Zaire)
CAMERA Cadre of Media Resources and Action (India)
CECODAP Centros cornunitarios de aprendizaje (Venezuela)
CEDAR Centre on Ecumenical Development Actions and
Research (Philippines)
CEDECO Corporacibn ecuatoriana para el desarrollo
de la cornunicacibn
CEDREFI Centre de documentation indianoceanique
CENDES Centre de estudios sociales (Bolivia)
Centre panafricain de prospective sociale
Centro El Canelo de Nos (Chile)
Centro de investigaciones CIUDAD (Ecuador)
CEPLAES (Ecuador)

CETEP
CH + 6
Chipko
Chitrabani
CICP
CIDEM
CIESE
CIMADE
CIPS
CIRE
CLAEH
CMA
Centro para la gestion tecnologica popular
(Venezuela)
Fondation pour une 6e Suisse responsable
(India)
(India)
Comite international de coordination
des Ongs sur la question de la Palestine
(Bolivia)
Centro de investigaciones y estudios
socio-economicos (Ecuador)
Service oecumenique d'entr'aide (France)
Community Information and Planning System
(Philippines)
Centro de investigaciones de la realidad ecuatoriana
Centro latinoamericano de economia hurnana
(Uruguay)
Centro de medicina andina
CMLK Centre Martin Luther King (Suisse)
Committee for Cultural Choices and Global Futures (India)
Community Media for Development (Trinidad & Tobago)
CONGAD Conseil des organisations non-gouvernementales
d'appui au developpement (Senegal)
DPI Disabled People's International
Droit international 1990
Droits de I'homme et droits des peuples
ELAN Encuentro latinoamericano anti nuclear
ELC
Environment Liaison Centre (Nairobi)
ENDA Environnement et developpement dans Ie Tiers
Monde
ENLLAC Associacio Socio-cultural (Pa'isos Catalans)
Equations Equitable Tourism Options (India)
FACUR Federacion de Asociaciones de Vecino en Venezuela 72
FASE
Fed. de orgios de assistencia social e educativa
(Brasil)
70
FBCN Brazilian Foundation for the conservation of Nature 63
FEDOMASEC Federation dominicana de associationes ecologicas 72
FEP
Foundation for Education with Production 63
FOCSIV (Italia) 70
FONGs Federation des organisations non gouvernementales
(Senegal)
69

Foundation for International Studies (Malta)
G EA Global Education Associates (USA)
Great Peace Journey
Groupe de Vkzelay
HA1
Health Action International 65
H RA
Human Rights Association (Israel) 74
HURIDOCS Human Rights Information and Documentation System 64
IBION Issue-Based Indian Ocean Network
ICA
Institute of Cultural Affairs
ICD
Instituto de comunicacibn y desarrollo (Uruguay)
ICES
International Centre for Ethnic Studies (Sri Lanka)
IIRD
Institute for Integrated Rural Development (India)
IMU
Instituto de investigacion, capacitacibn y
desarrollo de la mujer (El Salvador)
INADES Institut africain pour Ie developpement
economique et social (Cote d'lvoire)
INAUCO Instituto intercultural para la autogestion
y la accibn comunal (Espatia)
INFOE Inst. of Ecology and Action Anthropology (FRG)
INFUSA International Network for a UN Second Assembly
INIES Instituto nicaraguense de investigaciones
economicas y sociales
Interculture Ireland
International Alliance for Sustainable Agriculture
International Futures Library (Austria)
International Rivers Network
IOCU International Organization of Consumers Unions
IRELA
ISIS
1TC
ITTA
Kaani b
LSP
LWG
MAN
Instituto de relaciones europeo-latinoamericanas
(Espafia)
International Women's Information and
Communication Service
The Institute of Technology for the Citizen (Brazil)
Institut tunisien de technologie appropriee
(Philippines)
Lembaga Studi Pembangunan (Indonesia)
Liberia Working Group
Nicaraguan Environmental Movement

Mauchak Organisation Maulik Chahida Karmashuchi 67
(Bangladesh)
MFC The Medico-Friend Circle (India) 69
The New Zealand Coalition for Trade and Development 67
NORLU Northern Luzon Cooperative Dev, Centre (Philippines) 70
The Nuclear Resister (USA)
Organisation marocaine des Droits de I'Homrne
Pace Peace Center (USA)
PAHAR People's Association for Himalaya Area Research
(India)
PAKISAMA (Philippines)
Palestinian Center for the Study of Non-violence
PAMALAKAYA-PILIPINAS
PARC Palestinian Agricultural Relief Cornmitees
Peuples Solidaires
PHILDHRRA Philippine Partnership for the Devel. of
Human Resources in Rural Areas
PKE Polski Klub Ecolognizny
Pugwash
RAC Reseau dbalphab6tisation communautaire (Senegal)
PAIR Red internacional por 10s rios
RDF Rural Development Foundation (Pakistan)
Red nacional de accion ecologists (Argentina)
Reseau Sud-Nord Cultures et 'Developpement'
Right Livelihood Foundation
SAM Sahabat Alam Malaysia
SANG0 South Asia Association of Non-Govern-
mental Organisations
SAW Solidarity des alternatives wallonnes
SEAFDA South-East Asian Forum for Development Alternative
SEDAC Servicio de educacion de adultos (Mexico)
SETELEC Servicios tecnicos, legales y economicos (Honduras)
SIS Systeme d'information du Sahel
SIX S Se Servir de la Saison Seche en Savane et au Sahel 74
SURCT Socio-Legal Aid Research & Training Centre (India) 74
SMHA Southern Mutual Help Association (USA) 66

Solomon Islands Development Trust
Swarna Hansa Foundation (Sri Lanka)
TADREG Tanzania Development Research Group
Taller de cooperaci6n al desarrollo (Chile)
Tepoztlan, El Centre (Mexico)
Third World Academy of Sciences
Third World Network (Penang, Malaysia)
Third World Organization for Women in Science
TOES The Other Economic Summit
UPAN Uniao Protetora do Ambiente Natural (Brasil)
WAWF World Association for World Federations
WEP Women's Exchange Programme International
Women Living Under Muslim Laws Solidarity Network
World Congress Alternatives and Environment
World Rainforest Movement
YDC Youth for Development and Cooperation
3. By theme
Accountability: 64, p.2, p.40; 73, p.2, p.20;
Afghanistan: 72, pp.59-62;
Africa: 64, pp.3-12, p.45, pp.69-70; 66, pp.11-18, pp. 67-69, pp.73-74; 67, pp.2-18; 68,
pp.63-68; 69, pp.31-42; 70, pp.54-58; 71, p.77, pp.79-80; 73, pp.3-10;
Agriculture: 65, pp.17-24; 68, pp.3-12; 73, pp.63-64;
Algeria: 69, pp.25-30; 72, pp.37-48:
Alternatives: 64, pp.41-44; 69, pp.31-42, p.62; 73, pp.52-58, pp.73-74;
Andes: 73, pp.21-26;
Arabia: 65, pp.49-50; 66, pp.61-62; 72, p.66; 74, pp.35-37;
Argentina: 65, p.70;
Arms: See Peace
Asia: 63, pp.69-70; 65, p.76; 71, p.78;
Bangladesh: 67, p.68; 71, pp.65-66;
Belgium: 67, p.73;
Ben Salah, Ahmed: 66, p.2+10;
Biotechnologies: 64, pp.53-55;
Bolivia: 63, pp.15-26; 64, p.73; 65, p.16;
Brazil: 70, pp.65-68; 74, pp.85-86;
Caribbean: 69, p.82;

Change: 68, pp. 33-39; 69, pp.3-14;
Children: 69, pp.15-23;
Chile: 68, pp.73-74; 74, p.81;
China: 68, pp.3-12; 70, pp.15-20; 73, p,2, p.20, pp.53-58;
Cities/villes: 64, pp.13-22; 67, pp.19-32; 68. pp.13-20;
Citizens: see Third system
Collective Self-reliance: (see also South-South & Third World) 65, pp.33-36; 66,
pp.43-56; 67, pp.33-44; 70, pp.35-46; 74, pp.35-37;
Colombia: 74, pp.15-24;
Communications: 63, pp.15-26; 65, pp.49-50; 66, pp.67-69, pp.69-70;
Consumers: 68, pp.63-68; 71, p.77;
Cote d'lvoire: 67, p.74;
Culture: 64, pp.65-68; 65, pp.25-31, pp.51-56; 68, pp.13-20, pp.51-59; 71, pp.19-24,
p.61; 74, pp.83-84;
Debt: 64, p.52; 66, pp.11-18; 69, pp. 25-30; 71, pp.25-36; 73, pp.51-52
Democracy: 72, pp.25-36, 74, p.81;
Disabled people: 65, pp.62-64;
Disarmament: See Peace
Dominican Republic: 72, p.65;
Drugs: 65, p.61;
Ecologists: 63, pp.57-60; 64, pp.23-34; 65, p.70; 71, pp.37-60; 73, p.66; 74, pp,79-
80;
Economics: 70, pp.15-17; pp.59-64; 73, pp.53-58;
Ecuador: 65, pp.73-74; 66, pp.71-72; 68, pp.75-76; 69, p.67, p.81; 73, p.70;
Education: 63, pp.61-63; 65, pp.11-15;
El Salvador: 71, pp.67-69;
Environment: 63, pp.3-14, pp.57-60; 65, pp.17-24; 66, p.60; 67, pp.19-32; 68, pp.33-
40; 70, pp.21-34, pp.59-64; 71, pp.37-60;
Ethnicity: 73, pp.21-26; 74, pp.15-24;
Eurocentrism: 65, pp.37-48;
Europe: 70, pp.47-53; 73, pp.41-44;
Fishermen: 65, pp. 67-69;
Forests: 63, pp.3-14, pp.57-60; 71, pp.74-75;
France: 65, pp.76-77; 68, pp.81-82; 69, p.90; 73, p.76;
Futures: 71, p.64; 72, pp.3-14;
Germany, (FR): 71, p.72;
Ghana: 72, pp.49-58;
Global cooperation (see also United Nations) 66, pp.52-54; 67, pp.51-60; 73, p.61;
74, pp.39-50; pp.63-70;
Habitat: 66, pp.3-9; 67, pp.19-32; 70, p.79; 71, p.78;

Health: 65, pp.3-10, p.61, p.74; 67, pp.71-72; 68, p.22; 69, pp.15-23; 71, pp.3-18;
Honduras: 69, pp.69-70;
Human rights: 64, pp.35-39, pp.58-59, pp.60-61, pp.62-64; 66, pp.61-62; 68, ~p.83-
84; 72, pp.66-67; 74, pp,73-75; pp.77-78;
Hungary: 64, pp.23-34;
India: 63, pp.3-14; 64, pp.65-68; 68, pp.79-80; 69, pp.15-23; 71, pp.37-60; 72, pp.63-
64; 73, pp.65-66, p.69; 74, pp.82-83; p.87;
Indonesia: 68, pp.69-71; 69, pp.71-72; 72, pp.15-23;
Industry: 68, pp.23-31; 71, pp.25-36;
Intercultural relations: 65, pp.37-56; 67, pp.2-18; 68, pp.51-59; 70, pp.47-58;
Interdependence: 74, pp.35-37; pp.39-50;
Israel: 67, p.64; 74, pp.73-75;
Italy: 65, p.77; 70, p.76; 72, p.64;
Jamaica: 64, pp.71-72;
Kanaki: 63, p.63; 71, p.63
Languages: 65, p.16; 69, p.81;
Latin America: 64, p.52; 65, p.2; 66, pp.19-28; 69, pp.3-14; 70, pp.21-34;
Law: 71, pp.81-82; 74, pp.71-72;
Liberation: 70, p.2;
Liberia: 73, p.72;
Literacy: 73, pp.3-10;
Malaysia: 64, pp.62-64;
Maldevelopment: 68, pp.41-49;
Malta: 69, p.84;
Mexico: 65, pp.1 1-15; 67, pp.19-32; 71, pp.3-18; 73, pp.67-68; 74, pp.79-80;
Modernity: 68, pp.51-59;
Morocco: 68, pp.83-84; 74, pp.77-78;
Networking: 60, pp.17-26;
New Zealand: 67, p.78;
Nicaragua: 64, pp.74-75; 73, p.62;
Nigeria: 68, pp. 23-31;
Non-Alignment: 72, pp.59-61; 74, pp.71-72;
Nordic countries: 73, pp.73-75;
North-South: 63, p.76; 68, pp.41-49, pp.51-59;
Norway: 73. pp,73-75;
Nuclear: 63, pp.45-56, 68, pp.85-86, 69, pp.77-78; 71, p.76, 72, pp.63-64; 74, pp.79-
80;
Pakistan: 64, pp.35-40; 66, p.72;
Palestine: 63, pp.71-72; 67, pp.64-67; 73, pp.11-19;
Paraguay: 72, pp.67-68;

Peace: 63, pp.45-56: 64, pp.49-51; 74, pp.39-50;
Peace movement: 69, pp,43-50; 73, p.75;
Peasants: 65. pp.65-66;
People's empowerment: 65, pp.3-10: 74, pp.3-14;
Pbrez Guerrero, Manuel: 69, p.2, p.54;
Peru: 64, pp.13-22; 65, pp.71-72; 67, pp.71-72; 68, p.88; 69, pp.63-66; 73, pp 21-39;
Pesticides: 73, pp.45-50, p.62;
Philippines: 65, pp.67-69; 67, pp.69-70; 69, pp. 75-76; 70, pp.71-72; 71, pp.70-72;
Poland: 68, pp.85-86;
Polycentrism: 68, pp.51-61;
Popular participation: 74, pp.3-14;
Popular theatre: 64, pp.71-72; 70, pp.3-14;
Poverty: 65, pp.3-10; 68, pp.13-20;
Public administration: 64, pp.41-44;
Public sector: 64, p.76:
Racism: 70, pp.47-53;
Rural Development: 72, pp.15-24; 73, pp.11-20;
Rwanda: 66, pp.11-18;
Sahel: 65, pp.65-66;
Schism: 73, p.2+20; 74, pp.63-70;
Science and technology: 64, pp.53-55; 65, pp.11-15, pp.25-31; 66, pp.19-28, pp.73-
74; 67, pp.19-32; 68, pp.3-12; 70, pp.65-68; 73, pp.37-60;
Security: 63, pp.45-56; 65, p,2;
Self-management: 72, pp.3-14; 73, pp.27-39;
Self-reliance: 64, pp.3-12; 72, pp.15-23; 73, pp.11-19;
Senegal: 63, pp.64-66, 64, pp.47-48; 68,p.72; 69, pp.73-74; 74, pp.3-14;
Social movements: 63, pp.27-44; 69, pp.3-14;
Solomon Islands: 66, pp.65-66;
Souih Africa: 64, pp.47-48; 73, p.71:
South Commission: 66, pp.43.51; 74, pp.25-34;
South East Asia: 65, pp.33-36; 69, p.83;
South-South: (see also Collective Self-reliance & Third World) 66, pp.43-51; 67,
pp.33-44; 74, pp.25-34;
South-West Asia Ocean: 74, p.88;
Spain: 70, p.77; 74, pp.83-84;
Sri Lanka: 63, p.77; 65, pp.17-24; 72, pp.68-69;
State: 73, pp.27-40;
Sustainable development: 68, pp.33-39; 70, pp.21-34; 73, pp.63-64;
Switzerland: 63, pp.73-75; 68, p.87;

Tanzania: 73, p.72;
Terrorism: 66, pp.29-42;
Third system: 63, pp.27-44 ; 64, p.2, pp.23-34, p.40; 67, pp.61-63; 68, pp.69-71; 69,
pp.55-61, pp.63-66; 72, pp.25-36; 73, p.2, p.20;
Third World: 70, pp.35-46;
Togo: 71, pp.25-36;
Tourism: 68, pp.21-22; 72, p.65; 74, p.87;
Trade: 67, pp.33-44; 68, pp.89-90; 70, pp.35-46;
Trade Unions: 69, pp.55-61;
Tradition: 68, pp.51-59;
Trinidad and Tobago: 71, p.81;
Tunisia: 66, p.2+10; 70, pp.70-71;
United Nations: 63, p.2; 64, p.2+40, pp.57-58; 66, pp.52-54; 67, pp. 45-60;
United States: 66, pp.63-65; 70, p.78; 72, p.72;
Uruguay: 66, pp.69-71; 72, pp.73-74;
USSR: 67, pp.61-63;
Venezuela: 68, pp.77-78; 69, p.68; 72, pp.25-36;
Violence: 66, pp.29-42; 73, pp.21-26;
Women: 63, pp.15-26; 64, pp.35-39; 66, pp.3-9; 68, pp.41-49; 71, pp.3-18, pp.67-69;
72, pp.37-48; 73, pp.3-10, pp.59-60; 74, p.89;
Work: 72, pp.3-13;
Zaire: 67, p.75; 72, p.70;

Is global civilization coming?
The pace of political change, over the last few years, is taking everyone,
even shrewd observers, by surprise. Who, four years ago, would have
imagined glasnosf, pcreslroika and their consequences'? This is but a
word of caution: we may entertain cmticipdtions - but we may not forget
that is discontinuity which, more often than not, begets the future. And
we always seem to be at a crossroad: which way may eet us closer to the
preferred future, which one may make it even less likely? Still, moments
like the one we are living are rare in history. Transition? Mutation?
Kaims? Experience taught us prudence. Yet, it would be unwise not to
take advantage of this moment to try and figure out some signposts of
a not entirely impossible future.
* This paper by IFDA 'S president may be read in connexion with the previous one,
The new detente, by IFDA Council's co-chairperson, Ra~ni Kothtiri (pp.39-50). It
was written at the end of 1988 at she request of fins Sltartna, the editor of India
International Centre Quarterly for an issue on Futures (Vol 15 & 16, Nos 4 A 1,
S~I~I-I~ 1989). Tins double issue also includes papers by Hems Singer ("When pursuit
of surplus ends"), Jaycmt V. Nnrlikar, lid of the Theoretical Astrophysics group at
the Tata Institute of I~'i~n(11ztnental Research ("Creativity, society and science"),
Narindar Sin$, the author of The Political Economy of Ecology (L.ondon: Bdew
Publishing, 1989), Kamn Sin@ ("Crisis of the split psyche"), Pratap Chandra
("Ascent to humanism"), &or Bestuzhev-Laila, co-chairman of tlie USSR Committee
for Future Studies ("Socialism in the 21st century"), Paul Gregorios, Metropolitan
of Delhi and President of the World Council of Churches, Mahesh N. Buch, the
urban planner of Bhopal ("Rise of predator cities"), Nathan Glazer of Harvard
Univefiitj; Heni-\'k Skolitnowski, an associate editor of The Ecologist ("World-views
and values for the future"), Kfimlii C/;on,11/1)? ("Growth or siinival?"), Sima Sluirina
("A silence of meaning - Information: a challenge to communication") as well as
two [FDA Committee's members, Inga Thorsson ("Â¥Th sword still IumgY) and
Ipacy Saclis ("1n1,enting a immune future"). (40 Max Mucller Marg, New Delhi
110 003, India).

Groping at a better understanding of what may be underway, one may
distinguish two contradictory processes.
First, there seems to be a shift away, however embryonic, not only from
the bipolar hegemony over the world but, more significantly, from the
ensuing sacralisation of the nation-state to a new awareness of the unity
of the global, that is, of the limited sovereignty of its parts.
Second, simultaneously, with this move towards unity in a geographical
sense, there is a growing rift in a social sense. Gaia may better perceive
itself as a physical whole, the human species is divided as it never was
and progress in geographical globalism often obscures regression in
social globalism. Worse: if the earth is irreplaceable, people are not. It
would be surprising if some of the happy few were not tempted to
preserve the planet for their exclusive use.
Contradictory as these processes may be, they however have at least one
positive feature in common. There is a lesson from the first which may
help re-direct the second: the emerging geographical globalism is not
only the result of objective conditions, it is also that of citizens'
conscicntisation, search for alternatives, organisation, and action.
Similarly, if one is to approach a genuine global civilization, which
would necessarily be geographical and social, it is imperative to become
aware of the social schism, to map out another development, and to get
together and work at it.
A united world: the geographical dimension
For almost half a century, as a consequence of the 1939-45 war, the
earth has been held at ransom by two super-powers fully capable, in
their rivalry/complicity/similarity, of annihilating life on it. Whatever
positive developments there have been, to start with decolonisation and
Bandung, that is the transformation of the world polity from a situation
of domination by a few countries to that of a mosaic of 'independent'
states, the margin of freedom of most remained limited by the
narrowness of most 'national' entities, the continuing economic
dependence, ideology, and the power of the big two.
Somehow, things have started to change with the advent of glasnost and
perestroika. That this may suggest a re-attribution of responsibilities for

post-war maldevelopment is not of major concern. At this stage, the
problem is not to apportion the blame, which at any rate would appear
well shared among imperialism, stalinism, and those who accepted their
logic.
What really matters is that en entirely new perspective is now open, that
of global security in the sense that it encompasses, beyond conventional
'security' through military means, however aberrant, ecological security
and, ambiguous as the term may be, 'economic' security.
In the military sphere, the most significant change is perhaps the explicit
attempt, on the part of the Soviet leadership, to discard the old
stereoiypes of the 'enemy image'. The 'realists' have laughed enough
about the Unesco Constituiion ('Wars begin the minds of men. It is in
the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed') for
the requital to be welcome. Indeed, peace does stem from the minds of
people, and to accept the Other, not to antagonise it, is a much more
far-reaching step than that of Armstrong on the moon. Cynics and
'realists' notwithstanding, Gorbachev and Reagan did sign the INF
treaty, and the first nuclear missiles were publicly destroyed. At the
General Assembly of the United Nations, on 7 december 1988, the
Soviet President did announce a unilateral reduction of armed forces
in Europe. The Iran-Iraq war did come to a halt, the Red Army is
leaving Afghanistan, Namibia is on the verge of independence,
discussions are progressing on Indochina and Western Sahara, the
Armenian earthquake prevented Gorbachev from travelling to Central
America but he will go there some day, and, for the first time since
1948, there is a possibility of peace in Palestine.
In the ecological sphere - 17 years after the Stockholm Conference - the
depletion of the omne layer, the greenhouse effect, the acid rains,
deforestation, desertification, the Faustian nature of the nuclear energy
bargain, especially after Chernobyl, are at long last taken seriously and
even sometimes dealt with; and more is in the offing - outer space,
Antarctica, indeed the whole concept of the global commons.
There is also some acceptance - 40 years after the proclamation ot the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and 12 years after the entry
into force of the International Covenanis on Economic, Social &

Cultural Rights and Civil & Political rights - that human rlshfs, at least
some of them, but not yet peoples' rights, are an international
responsibility.
A divided world: The chasm ahead
Remains what is often named, because of a confusion between means
and ends, 'economic' security, but what is, in fact, human security. It
implies, for each and every woman, man and child, beyond mere
survival, a life worth being lived, ie. the satisfaction of physical as well
as political (lain sensii) and spiritual needs, including cultural identity,
autonomy and solidarity, participation and democracy, harmony with
nature, creativity, conviviality, and full human rights. In this year of the
200th anniversary of the French Revolution, the name of the still
missing dimension of global security continues to be Liberty, Equality,
Fratc~rnity: if there are reasons for hope in the military and ecological
spheres, prospects remain dismal in this one.
All throughout history, masters needed slaves, settlers needed natives,
industrialists needed workers: productivity was so low that majorities
had to be made to toil so that, through the extraction of surplus from
their labour, minorities could enjoy life. This is no longer so. Something
radically new is happening: rulers - governmental and economic - no
longer need so many people. A part of the human species is becoming
redundant. Techniques and social relations promote some, who are in,
and exclude others, who arc our.
The apparent 'neutrality' of the process makes it worse than the
deliberate 'triage' advocated by some in the early 70s, lor it erases the
Other from the very conscience of the privileged ones. Every charity, the
age-old corrective/palliative for exploitation, which was also a relation
with the Other, may fade away.
And the rift is not just a North/South one, which would still be
geographical: deep down, it is a social one. It fractures every society in
two.
Black slaves were brought from Africa to handpick cotton in Alabama;
machines relegated them to the ghettoes of Harlem. The Chileans of the

arrio alto of Providencia no longer have much use for those in the
poblaciones. The minority in India who live in the cities, find jobs in the
'modern' sectors and speak English no longer require masses of
peasants, tribals or outcasts. One in four young Dutch people below
30 never had, and never will have a job. In France, 'incompressible'
unemployment excludes two to three million men and women from the
mainstream of life.
Palestine is on our minds, both as a paradigmatic metaphor and as a
reality.
The ultimate in dispossession, whatever the other motives, which are
real but secondary, was the Zionist settlement in Palestine. A premonitory
sign, perhaps, of the exhaustion of the Judeo-Christian model,
those living on a land, for the first time in colonial history, were seen
as superfluous. Their very existence had to be negated. Golda Meir said
it all: "There are no Palestinians". This is a warning to all those human
beings who are no longer necessary, because they no longer need to be
exploited.
The only possible 'civilized' response to this, for those like us who can
still be heard, is our identification with those who are excluded, with the
victims of history: We are all Palestinians.
Paths towards a more humane world
Throughout the three securities runs, one way or the other, a rainbow
thread, that of a coming global civilization. Five centuries of dominant
capitalism and technical progress, including the information explosion,
have made the world one. No problem is any longer amenable to
piecemeal solutions. A new thinking is emerging, or, rather, a very old
thinking is re-discovered: the whole has precedence over the parts,
global security over individual country security, global environment over
specific environments, universal values over parochial ideologies, society
over classes, the human species over nations, states and countries.
Limited means explained the division of the species between the in and
the out. The wealth of means now available make possible the recon-

ciliation between the geographical unity and the social unity: it is now
possible not only to dream of a genuine human wholeness, but to
realise it. If they are objective and subjective reasons for the new
awareness of the military and ecological threats to survival, there are
both ethical and militant reasons for the upsurge of, and solidarity with,
those dispossessed by the juggernaut of modernity. This species of ours
not only created tools. It has also created values, and human groupings.
Capitalism might have increased man's dominion over nature (even to
the point of trespassing the limits) and separated human being from
human being; communism might have failed to provide a viable
alternative; social-democracy might be failing to ensure "the necessary
correctives: the problem is still with us. The planet cannot go on with
nuclear weapons and ruining the biosphere, and the species cannot go
on in rejecting part of itself. As the 1975 Dag Hammarskdd Report,
Winr Now - Another Development already put it, "society cannot
amputate a part of itself without injury. It is its fabric, the network of
the exchange, which is torn apart and those who remain cannot suffer
the effects". Obsidional fever is nothing new, and those who assume that
they tire protected by their superior wealth, techniques, weaponry and
the like are bound to face the consequences of their shortsightedness.
The new actors
The enforcement of the division among human beings is based on an
institutional division. Prince and Merchant established their power
(governmental or economic) upon the 'rest' of society, which, with
episodic exceptions, resigned it self to the status quo, or, when it did
not, achieved only a change in power holders, never a sustained
humanisation of society. What is perhaps new is that the civil society,
or at least the Citizen (people's associations) which express it, is
increasingly seeing that improvement will not follow from appointing or
accepting new lords, even 'good' or better lords, but from the admission
of the necessary, but partial and specialised, role of both Prince and
Merchant, and from its own concomitant autonomous empowerment.
This requires first of all circumscribing the power of Prince and

Merchant through making them accountable for the consequences of its
exercise. This is the essence of the social movements which are rising
everywhere.
In this respect, the current discussion on 'sovereignty' may be partly
misleading. It is useful in so far as it underlines the limits of the
concept (when military and ecological security or human rights are at
stake) but it often takes state sovereignty as its only object. In fact, as
again the anniversary of the French Revolution (and behind it, the
American one) invites to consider, until the 18th century, sovereignty
was that of the Prince, of the dynasty, etc., but the revolution, fundamen-
tally, was to recognize the people's primordial sovereignty, the Prince
discharging it, at least formally, by delegation. In that sense, since then,
the Prince's sovereignty was always limited. What seems now possible
is for society at large to assume directly at least parts of its sovereignty.
That is what the peace movement did, and whatever progress there has
been in arms negotiations is also due to the massive demonstrations of
the early 80s. This what the cot~zmunidades de base in Bra/.il do, what
the peasants in Africa do, what the Cfiipko women do, what the
Palestinian children do, and all those left out in Algeria, in Burma, in
Chile, in Sri Lanka, in Yugoslavia - as well as in Nagorny Karabakh and
in Estonia, in the Basque country, the Andes or the jungles of Amazon
or Sarawak, and wherever history abandons its victims, that is every-
where. This is what Amnesty International does, and the consumer
movement, and the ecological movement, and, perhaps most radically,
the women movement. Prince and Merchant being as much part of the
problem than of the solution, the Citizen will continue to announce and
prepare what is to come, ;is it always did. Universal in/ifada is indeed
the order of the day.
The further unfolding of the incipient social movement calls for its own
globalisation in contenl, scope and method. This could be achieved only
through the recognition of the Other, that is cultural diversity;
networking; and a new approach to conflict resolution and problem
solving. A mental and cultural revolution is needed to overcome
antiquated and counterproductive antagonistic postures and to abandon
the idea that sustainable change comes from above. Justice, like peace
and ecology, puts reconciliation, non-violence, pluralism, communication

and movement from below - that is subversion - on the agenda of
anticipation.
Nothing less is required to enable the human species to maintain its
integrity, that is its existence ç such. This is possible (the very existence
of the problem as we tried to define it indicates that the material
conditions are present); it is a moral duty of those are in, beginning
with the members of the intelligentsia, to try and listen to the yet
unheard voices and to share with those who are out. Yet, it remains
incumbent upon those who are threatened to take action: only their
alternatives, organisation and action will create the conditions of
positive transformation. The trend is still negative, but the countermove-
ment has started.
Things look as if something, somewhere, somehow, had commenced to
change in earnest. National sovereignty is no longer seen as paramount,
and, through the redefinition of security, the need for global reconcilia-
tion to preserve and enhance the chances of continuation of life on the
planet is better apprehended. Much more is to be done to advance
beyond the elimination of the scourge of war and that ecological death.
The imperative is to overcome the social schism. Here are the challenge
and the promises of the coming global civilization - if it is to be.
The Kuropcan Association of DewInprnent Institutes (EADI) will hold its 6th General
Conference in Oslo from 27 to .'SO June 1990 at the invitation of the Nonvegian Ittstin~te of
International Affairs. The Conference will be concerned by ihe implications fur North-SoutIi
cooperation of both 1/7e concept of :sii.~iainahIe development' and the changes taking place in
Europe, especially the impact of glasnost and pcrcstroika it1 Eastern Europe and tln' ecot~otriic
effects of 1W2 it1 Western Europe. These issues will he addressed iti plenary, and discussed
iii wo parallcl sessions. There will he working groups and special sessions orpnizcd by the
vurioiis task forces of the Associuiion. (FOR 272, 1211 C/eneva 21, Switzerland).

ifda dossier 74 . novet~~bcr/dccembcr i980 news from the third system
Citizens' associations support NAM initiative
for a UN Decade of International Law
At their meeting held in Nicosia in Septcm-
her 1088. the Ministers of Foreign Affairs
of tlic Movement of Non-aligned Countries
(NAM) resohcd to hold an Extraordinary
h1inistcri;il meeting of the Movement on
Peacc uftd /lie Rule of Lan' it! In/t,rt~u/~onal
fltiirs to corninemorate tlic 00th Anniver-
s:iy of the first Peace Conference held ;it
1.11~ H:I~~IC in 1309.
1'he initi;itiv'c \\;is conceived around tlie
nine ot [lie NAM liead-01-govcrnnient
meeting in 1I;irare in Septeniber 1986. In
prep;imlion for the (\'prus niceling in
September 1988 a number of foreign ministers
met and agreed to propose that the
Cyprus meeting depart from tradition by
focussing on a theme. The suggested topic
\v;is the l'rtiici.'lHin of Small States Through
inicniiiiitiiiul L,w. 'l'lie idc;i did not receive
~~~fii~~ciit s~i~iport, 'Ilic meeting in Nicosia
w;is eornluctcil in tlic tr:iditional fashion
but proponents of inlern:ilional l;iw succecdcd
in gclting ;I 1~rieS dcclaratior~ on Peace
and flic Rule of l.aw in It~tcr~iurkmal Affairs
ii~cl~iiled in the I'iniil report, and in getting
~grceniciit to hold ;in tixtraordinriry Ministeri;il
h~lectin~in 'I'lic I Iiigue.
Howeicr. rcsist;incc ivithin NAM to the
speciiil meeting and its v:ilu;iting intern;i-
tional l;iw ohjcctives c:iused delays and
compromises in tlic planning.
In April, the Work! Association for World
f-'edenition (WAWF) decided. in spite of
the contiiiui~~~incer'I;ii~~tics ;in(! late d;ite.
to do whatever possible in the lime remaining
to alert the conimunity of Citizens'
associiitions to the NAM initiative. and to
f, .icil~tate . . their presence in The IIaguc h!
orgarii/ing and "NGO forum". WAWF sent
letters to hundreds of associations alerting
them of the NAM meeting, its mon~entous
objectives, the planned activities and invited
their support and participation.
More thiin SO associations - including If-'DA
- coii1munic;ited their support for the ohjec-
lives of the meeting. The letters of support
were copied. compiled and presented to
each gnoernmcntal delegation before their
Opening Session.
A forum of rcprescnt:itives from more than
40 associations took phicc on 27 June 1989.
It was organized as a parallel meeting to
the NAM Ministerial niceling. The purpose
of tlie forum w;is to consider how the
associative con~munity could support the
NAM initiative to strcngllien internationiil
l;iw and the International Court of Justice.
File p;irticip;iting associations, v^liich mct iil
the Institute of Sociiil Studies. represented
Â¥ diverse spectrum of interests and included
peace, judicial. cnvironn~ent.'il. human rights.
women, United Nations associations, reli-
gious. development and other groups.
A WAWF representative was invited by
NAM to report to the ministerial meeting
on tlie Forum. A brief st;itemcnt was made
to the meeting and a summary record on
[lie forum was prepared and submitted to
NAM. '1'tii.s report is available froni WAWI:
on rcqucst.
l'lie opening ecremony included stiitcments
trom President Mug;ihe of Zimbaliv\e.
current cliair of NAM: /.inib

Secretary-Gcncriil. These were reiii;irkahly
forthright ;md often powerful statements for
replacing the rule of force and anarchywith
strcngtlicned international law, including
systeiii;itic propos;ils to achieve this.
['resident Mugabe saki in his statement:
The close links which now exist among
states makes a Ilobbesian international
environment untenable. Universal compulsoq
juri

Israel: A new law threatens the Palestinian right to
organise
A ne\\ serious threat is hanging over the
!)l a estinian ." Arab population in Israel. The
government has introduced a bill in the
Knesset. the Third Amendment to the
Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance 1948,
which is the latcst addition to a wealth of
legislation by which personal and collective
freedoms can he set aside in the name of
"security needs".
Israel's security legislation dates hack to the
British Dclencc (faiergency) Regulations
of 1945 which the new state inherited in
1948 froni the Uritish M;indate which had
preceded it. These Regulations provided for
censorship, administrative detention and
other restrictions on freedom of movement,
opinion and political activity. The powers
given them were administrative, ;ind they
were uscd as the hiisis for the period of
military rule over Arab areas which lasted
until 1066. Various other pieces of cnicr-
genq legislation have been added over the
years, including the Prevention of Terrorism
Ordinance ol 1948 (with which we are
concerned here) which defines a "terrorist
organis:tfion" and sets out of'fenscs in rcl:i-
lion to such organisations. It is important
to note that all this legislation only applies
in a state of emergency; a state of eniergen-
cy was declared in Israel in 1048 and has
never been lined.
This latest addition to llic legislation is
aimed at stopping money froni the I'.l,.O.
which (lie government believes is entering
Israel in large amounts both for use inside
the country and to he channelled to the
Imifudu. The law will affect Kast Jerusalen~,
where Israeli law has applied since its
annexation in 1967, as well as Israel (hut
will not apply in the Occupied Territories).
l-'or reasons which will be explained helow,
the 80 or so non-profit associations which
exist in the Arab sector in Israel, operating
in all fields from education and health to
culture and voluntary work, believe that this
law is intended to be used against them.
The Arab sector is not taking this latest
attack lying down, however, and a vigorous
and intensive campaign is being fought
against the bill, of which the Human Rights
Association (I IRA) is among the organisers.
The proposed Amendment
The governmenls's inlcntion was obviously
to try to rush this bill through the Knesset,
wile attracting the minimum attention. The
Justice Minister introduced it late in the
evening of 23 May when only 14 members
remained in the chamber, and laid it before
the Knesset only 24 hours instead of the
statutory minimum of 48 hours before the
debate. The bill passed its first reading and
is now with the Constitution, Law and
Justice Committee of the Knesset. The
second and third readings are expectcd at
any moment.
1'he hill contains three main innovations:
1. O/Jcnce of receipt of fund.',
An offence is created by receiving or bring-
ing into the country property known by the
recipient to have come from a "terrorist
organisation". Property is very widely defin-
ed to include money, land and any form of
property.
2. Foreclosure of property
Property received directly or indirectly from
a "terrorist organisation", or to be used for
the purposes of such an organisation. may
be seized by the police, following which a
court order must he made for its foreclosu-
re.

The process set out in the bill for the
exercise of this power involves entirely
unacceptable violations of the rights of
those affected. The policy may exercise their
discretion to seize property on the basis of
a mere suspicion (which will usually mean
information provided by the security ser-
vices), and arc given wide powers to enter
premises without a search warrant and use
any "reasonable" means necessary in carry-
ing out the seizure, surely leaving associa-
tions open in future to arbitriiry police
raids.
One further point; the court lias power to
order the foreclosure of any property
belonging to an individual or association, ie.
not only that found to have come from an
illegal source. Furthermore the bill provides
that any properly found on premises hcliev-
ed to be used by a "terrorist organisation",
even if only rarely, or in the possession or
control of a member, will be treated as the
property of the organisation unless the
contrary is proved. Therefore, for instance,
private houses of members of associations
may also be raided and anything found
confiscated until the member proves it
belonged to him or her and not to the
association.
.< "Illqul Corporations"
The third innovation provides for the
refusal to register and the closure of organisations.
Non-profit associations arc
regulated by the law of corporations and
must apply for regislr.-i lion on form;ition.
Under the bill llic 1tegistr;ir of Corporations
may refuse to register an "illegal
corporation". which is delinci.1 to include a
"ten-orist org.inisiition". one which serves thc
purposes of a "terrorist ori;;iiiisatioii". or
one which denies the existence of Hie stiite
of Israel. A court may review the decision.
There is also provision tor [lie liquid.-ition
of existing associations by a court on the
same grounds
The target of the Law
So why do the 80 or so registered Arab
non-profit associations believe that they are
among the intended targets of the new law?
Firstly, it is necessary to explain that the
background to these associations is 40 years
of neglect of and discrimination against the
Arab sector in Israel, as well as positive
attempts to obstruct its development by
such means as planning controls. The
Palestinian population, never integrated into
Israeli society and living in separate eom-
niunities, have always been treated as a
different category of citizen to whom little
or no responsibility is due. Although they
pay the same taxes as other citirens, the
Palestinians receive a negligible proportion
of state provision. Not only do Arab local
authorities receive one quarter the amount
pcr cupI;u of their Jewish counterp;irts, but
they arc left out of development projects
and lag far behind the Jewish Sector in
education, social services and every other
field. The Palestinian culture and Arabic
language (supposedly a second official
language in the state) are ignored and
suppressed.
As a result non-profit associations have
grown up in every field. It is not a matter
of parks and sports facilities, hut of basic
services and vit:il projects such as sanitation
systems, garbage trucks and kindergiirtcns.
Funding froni abroad plays a vital role. The
Jewish sector receives hundreds of millions
of dollars annually froni international bodies
such as the World Zionist Organisation and
the Jewish Agency', none of which is seen
by the Arab sector. The Arab sector rcceiv-
es funds Irom Church bodies and other
citi/cns' associations in Europe and tlie US,
and Iron1 wealthy I'alestinians and other
Arabs abro;id. Under the new law, any
lunds received from an Ar:ili source may be
viewed with suspicion and the integrity of

citizens' associations who operate legally in
their countries and are internationally
respected. questioned.
In short. the purpose behind the law is to
facilitate actions to weaken and intimidate
tlic Arab sector. An emphasis is placed on
the source of property as opposed to ils
application so that it is irrelevant, for
instance, whether a donation received is to
be used for purchasing weapons or garbage
trucks. Increased administrative powers are
given to executive bodies such as the police
and taken away from the courts, so that
powers can be exercised arbitrarily. out of
the public eye, and without regard for the
principles of justice. Set in the context of
increasing anti-Arab racism in the country,
this law is an indication of a paranoic and
anti-democratic climate in which tlic Pales-
tinians. now 18% of the population, and
those among the .Iewish population who
dare to support their rights, are victimized.
7 ,
I lie campiiign agiiinst the Law
As soon as the new measures were announced
in May of this year, the Arab nonprofit
associations began to organise a
campaign against the bill. Seeing this as a
contravention of the basic principles of
justice, equality and human rights, as well
as feeling our existence threatened, the
I IRA was anlongthe initiators of the camp:iign
and is working intensively on tlic
issue.
Almost 60 Arab and 30 Jewish non-profit
associations have taken part in the campiign.
attending meetings, signing petitions
or taking an active part in the action conniittee
which has been formed to initiate
and co-ordinate activities. All the Arab nonprofit
associations which can be located
have been contacted and invited to participate.
The local Hebrew, Arabic and
Hnglish press h;ivc been following the issue.
Members of the Knesset have been lobbied
intensively; :~ll six Arah members have
attended one or more of the meetings and
have spoken out against the bill. Representatives
have visited the Knesset on several
occasions and have spoken to members of
all parties. including the Knesset Constitutional
Law and Justice Committee who are
currently considering the bill.
The campaign has also been active overseas;
several of the European associations who
fund projects here have [:]ken up the issue
and the International Co-ordinating Comniittec
for NGOs on the Question of Palestine
has asked all NGOs the protest to the
Israeli government. The Inlcmational
Commission of Jurists and the EEC are
also taking action.
(///U - Human Rigl~ts Association, FOB
215, Nazareth 16101, hrarl)
- -
Refugees in the world: The European
Comn~unily response is the ~itle of an Iniernational
Co~iference on Refups, Drvcloj)rnctlt
Cooperation and Human Rig111.s to take
place in The JJugm; The Netherlands, on 7-
8 December. The objective of the Conference
is to formulate policy recommendations for
the EEC and its members, and it may adopt
a Charter on Refugees. Soine 120 people are
expected from both North and South including
researchers, policy makers and citiiens'
b~oups. The organizers are the Dutch Refugee
Council and SIM, the Netherlands Institute
of Human Rights (SIM, Bootlwaat 6, 3.712
BW IJtreeht, The Netherlands).
0 The International Solidarity Ne~work of
Wometi J,i~-i~ig Under Muslim Law.s'j);.tblishes
an occasion(11 Dossier as an informal networking
tool aiming at providing in formation
about li~ses and sqqjcs and strategies of
women in Muslim communities and countries
all fiver the world. Two such Dossiers (?3
and 1f-f) have just appeared. ?3 has a large
section on l'akistan and each issue offers a
resource itidex (organisafions, projects, books
and journals). The cost of each is FFR 60
(Combaillai~x, 34980 SaintGlfydu-l-'esc,
France).

'Thts volume has not been wrinen in honour o.f CIBA-GEIGY It is an accounr offaas
which those in responsibleposirions wnhin CIB.4-GEIGY are reluaam to talk about, preferr-
ing to conceal, distort. den? or keep them secret
Confidential infernal material. that has been acquiredfrom individuu8s ^orkin^ inside the
company, *ill as a result, he discussed openlv for thefirsr nme One conceivable outcome is
rhat CIB.4-GEIG Y'\ repurution andFinancral sranding mav be affected As U doctor I ha~e no
choice in the matter The priman dutv of a domr is not to cause harm This necc'isar~lv
implies that Imusi nor keep ailens about knobi'ed&' which mu?pre'-ent suffering"
These are the opening words of Dr Olle Hansson's book which exposes some of the
unconscionable operationsof the pharmaceutical giant CIBVGElGY
The book itself is in three pans The firs[ pan is the story of a drug. clioquinol. which
ruined thousands of people's lives. The story is told b> Olle Hansson who, earl? on, necame
deeply mboived in the traged? and did more than anyone else 10 br!ng ;t touiird-i a conJusion.
It is a dramatic and horrif'.ing star!. but also raises the question, 'C 'uld it happen again"'
In the second pan of the book, more recent examples of drug marketing b\ CIBA-
GEIGY and other transnational companies are examined The picture is \er\ disturbing
Olle Hansson himself died before he could finish the book, so the final par! ^as ¥*ritte
by an associate and describes the events that followed Olk Hansson'i long struggle with ClBA-
GEIGY.
Penang, Malaysia The Hague, Netherlands Monre~deo, L'ruguiiy
INSIDE ClBA-GEIGY: ISBN: 967-9973-26-3. G 10CL. 1988.
ca. 230 pp. 133.35 mm X 209.55 mm. l'SS7.95 pb.
ORDER FORM
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weeks for delibert Discounts negotiable for bulk purchase of Ocopies or more

Maroc: Mettre fin h la detention politique
C'rA'c en 1988, I'Organisation rnarocaine des droi~s de I'hornrne* a publif rkcernment une
Analyse st;itistique des detenus politiques au Maroc dont on frouvera quelques extraits ci-
Cefte publication est /'occasion dc rnet~tionncr un incident re\'klateur d'ur~ eurocerztrlsme que
I'on aurait cm disparu au t7r& en tnaci?re dc droils de I'homtne. Voici les fails: L'OMDH
sc proposait, dune part, de cotltribl~cr d /a creation de I'Union magI7rtbit1e des &its dc
I'l~otntr~c et, dauire part, d'adhiircr ct /a Federation imernaiiotiale tics droils de i'homtnc
(FIDl1) ctorit /c si+e est it Paris. l.e premier de ces projets a suscit& des rductions negatives
tie la part dc la I.iffie frangaise des droics dc I'hointne. Le prksident de recce dcnm're y a rii
"une menace d'kclaiemct~t dc lu FIOir, et /c presidetit de la FmH, lui-inhe fraticais, s'esi
r+X "au risque d'&cra.serrzetit des iniiioritfs par unc federation arabe". Ce dcnuer, dam line
Iettre datte du 26 mai 1989, et dorit nous avons copie, s'et7 est pris au PrLsidet~t-fot~datenr de
I'OMDIf, Ie profc~.s.scur Mahdi Eltnut~djra, ,s-~iggfrat~t meme que celiii-ci "abat~duntre /a
prfsidvnce d'liot~t~cur de votre organisation, cc qui lui itnpose cenairls devoirs de rksenx qu'il
ne setnble pas pret dc vouloir respecter". I1 scrnhie que les dinkeants fratzcak 11 'aierlr pas
apprfcif cinc ddclaration de Mahdi I'.ltnut~djra sur les lirr~ites de I'universalitf des droits de
Vhotntrle ... Duns une iiuen~itxl an journal arabc de 1.ondre.s Asharq AI Awsat, /c 26 juillet
dcrnier, /c professcur Eltnandjra a dfnonce ceite inference d'un autre dge.
1,es detenus politiques au Maroc
Depuis sa constitution en 1988. I'Organisa-
tion Marocainc des Droits de I'Honlme a
concentre ses efforts sur la question dc la
detention politique dans notre pays.
1,'OMDI I a reiter6 A diffkrentes occasions
la position dc principe prise par son con-
gr6s constitutif impliquant la liberation dc
tous les prisonnicrs politiques, 1c retour des
exiles, I'elimination du phenomkne dcs
disparitions.
De plus, une con~mission du bureau natio-
nal de I'OMOH a prepart", sur la base des
informations dont elle a pu disposer. un
dossier contenant la lisle de prisonnicrs
politiqucs, les dates d'arrcstation et dc
jugcment, la nature et la duree dc la con-
damnation.
* Voir IFDA Dossier 68, $3.
Ce dossier, present6 3 l'opinion publique a
travers la presse nationale et internation-
alede menie qu'aux organisations maghrtS-
bines, arabcs et internationales inttiressees,
est Ie fruit d'un travail ininterron~pu de six
mois qui a permis de recueillir les informa-
lions disponiblcs, la verification et 1'0r~ni-
sation de ccs donn6es.
Le dossier constitue pour I'Organisation des
Droits de 1'IIomme un instrument d'action
lui permettant d'eviter les gkneralitks pour
fonder ses positions et ses analyses sur des
chiffres et des informations prtcises.
L'OMIIH est conscicnte de 1'insuCfisance de
ses nloyens et de I'in~possibilite de rtiunir
toutes Ics informations qui concernent les
prisonnicrs politiques, abstraction faite dc
curs teiidtinccs ideologiques et de leun
id& politiques. C'est pour cela que ce
dossier reste ouvert, eu regard a I'absence
d'indications concernant Ie nombre dc
prisonniers non affiliks politiqucn~ent arre-
tfa durant les 6v6nemcnts de 1981 et 1984.

Le non~hre dcs disparus n'cst pas non plus
dCtcrmine et aucunc iniorniation sur Icur
sort n'cst :'I I'licurc act~~cllc disponible.
Notons. eniin, quc cc dossier, qui concerne
226 prisonniers politiques. ne regroupe pas
cs etudiants arrctes pendant I'annee en
cours.
Une premiere analyse des donnte recueil-
lies pcrmct de relcnir Ics principales con-
clusions suivnntes:
1) La prison dc Safi rcgroupe un nombrc
important de prisonnicrs. 80 personncs
purgent leurs peines dont 25 condanin&> a
la rCclusion pcrpCtuelle.
2) I.'enseniblc dcs detcnus politiques con-
danin6s a la pcine capitale, qui sont au
nonibre de 12, sont incarckr6s a la prison
de Kenitra.
3) l:n plus des detenus condamnes a la
rt-clusion perp6tucllc et a la peine capitale,
109 detcnus politiques on! 616 condamn&
h I'cniprisonnernent h terme variant entre
10 et 30 ans.
Parnii les problemes graves et urgents.
'OMDH met I'accent sur I'etat de sante en
degradation permancntc des dttenus qui
font la griive dc la fain]. Trois d'entre eux
son! liospitalis6s au CIIU Avkroes de
Casablanca et cinq autres ont 616 transit-rts
dcrnikement au C1 IU Avicenne de Rabat.
La non-satisfaction des revcndications
legitimcs de ces detenus relatives A leur
droit aiix soins mhiicaux, 2 I'instruction, h
1. a visitc : . dc lcurs proches et A I'informalion,
cst h I'origine de cede grkve dc la faim.
Cettc situation inhumaine est tniitkc avec
dtsin\ollure de la par-l dcs autorilts nialgrt
les nonihrcuscs et difSCrcntcs intcn'mtions
dc I'Orgiinisation des Droits de I'Homnie
auprts dcs niinistkres concernes et la ciim-
pagne d'inforni:ition et de solidarite mcn6c
a I'echelle internc et intcrnatioiiiile pour
meltre fin i cette situation.
L'OMDI I a present6 plusieurs deniandes en
vue de visiter les prisons afin de prendre
connaissance des conditions reset-des aux
dctenus en general et plus sptcialcment des
conditions de sante des grhistes de la faim.
Jusqu'h present aucune suite n'a 6te donn6e
2 scs demarches malgr6 I'insistance et les
nombreux rappels.
(24 avenue de France, A& Maroc)
.W orgat~~zucioties poprilares y 26 ir~sfin~cioncs
de aj~o? parriciparon en d Encuentro
'Fuller sobre Experiencias Barriales cn Santo
Domingo celcbrado el la ciudad de Santo
Domingo 10s &as 11-l4 de Map. Entrc Ics
objetiws dc esta actividad se plantearon (i)
abrir un espacio entre las diversas appacioties
barriules que pennita el didlogo el
intercatnbio dc cxperienciu~, (ii) identificar 10s
principaksprohletnas de 10s barrios populares
y 17iargitiados y 10s tnecanistnos it7ijilvmetitados
por las orgunizaciones dc base para
enfrenturlos y (iii) duur las e.slratesJas y
altcmativas dc acci6n de las orgaiuzaciones.
Se recogieron I9 ponencias sobre /as diversas
expericncius. Un listudo cle ellas y utias
poneticius .s'c pueden obieticr del It~sfiiiiio
dotnir~icatio de dcsarrollo iritcgral (Apdo
22282, Santo Dominp, Republicu Dortiitiicanu).
Le Cot~.scil curopken des pouvoirs mutiicipauv
et rbfioriaux (REG) ct Triolog, association
de recherche pour l'atri~?tiugetnent du
territoire dans Ie Tiers Mot~dc orgatiiset~t 6
Berlin Oucst, c71 mars 1990, un Coti~ris
international, I lahitat durable sur une
pli'inCte urhanisee? Un dt-Si pour les responsables
et Ics clicrclicurs en matitre d'anrfn-

Mexico: Nuclear debaters fired
A number of scientists in Mexico have been victimized for opposing or criticizing the
pvenitnet~t's nuclear program. The following report is reprinted from the magazine Index on
Censorship (iia Wise, World Information Service on Energy, NÂ 316). The report was based
on information received from Mauricio Schoijei, a Mexican writer and teac/zer who has been
active in the anti-nuclear campaign over the last wo decades - through his articles on the
subject have not always been welcomed by tren,ous editors in his own land.
At 10 pin on 16 November 1988. during
tests on the reactor at the nuclear plant at
1,aguna Verde in the state of Veracruz, an
accident was caused by hydraulic instability,
a result of defective dfiign. Inhabitants of
the area stated afterwards that they had
clearly 1ie:ird an explosion. The plant mana-
ger denied that anything had happened.
Several members of the plant's tecliniciil
personnel, however, confirmed th:it tlie
explosion had indeed occurred iind further-
more charged that the plant's ni;in:igenicnt
was using untr;iined personnel and had
l'iiiled to ensure in the past that the con-
trading conlpany, RBASCO. redesign laulty
syslcms. Since the explosion, the surround-
ing area h:is been occupied liy tllc iirnied
forces in a move designed to intimid:ite tlie
local population, who had intended to
withdraw their children from school as a
niiirk of prolest, and force them to keep
sending then1 (to school) as usual.
Mexico's nuclear program is over 20 yeiirs
old, :incl through that period has been tlie
focus of considerable debate. In 1006. when
planning of the 1,aguna Verde nuclear plant
began. petroleum reserves were running out.
I'lie 1;irge oil fields ol' the soull~cni st;it~">
of Ch~:ip;is and 'I'lilxisco liad not yct been
discovered and nuclear power seemed an
ntcresting ;iltern:itive. 'I'iiere w;is as yet 110
real :i\v:ircncss of Hie problems of imclrar
waste or tlie possibility of large-scale accidents.
Nor did anyone then rccogni/e the
dangers 01 the particul:ir type of reader
chosen, the M:irk I1 lioilin~~iitcr Kerictor
m;iOr hy (icncriil I~lcclric. which in 1070
was found to be dangerous by the United
States Atomic Energy Comn~ission and later
recognized as defective in internal documents
of General Electric itself.
Despite the difficulties experienced with
Mexico's first nuclcar plant, [lie Lope/
Portillo government published an Lncrgy
Program in 1981, at the height of the oil
booni. dctiiiling plans for [lie construction
of nuclear plants that would produce 20,000
MW, ie something like Mexico's toi;il
present electrical capacity, by the year 2000.
A year later, as severe economic crisis hit
Mexico as a result of the Sal1 in oil prices,
Loped 1'ortillo cancelled his nuclear dream.
After taking office in 1982, the next presi-
dent, Migucl De I,a Madrid, began dis-
mantling and selling costly government
enterprises. But completing the Laguna
Verde project nevertheless rcni.'iincd an
niportant part of the ruling PRI's (Insti-
tutional Revolutionary Party) energy policy.
Significantly, opposition to a large-scale
nuclear program has come not only from
academics and ecological groups, but Srom
within the Fcderiil Kleclricitv Commission
(Cl"l;), Hie nationiilircd elcclriciil ~itilitie~
conipiiny. itself. A former project niiiniiger
of tlic I~guna Verde plant, Mr Isidoro
IScccrril. told /'ro('cso iiiag;i/~~ic in 1081 tli;it
11 would he nresponsible to build more
nuclear plants "without having been able to
solve the failure of the first one ..." He iilso
revealed that llicre were large cavities in llie
concrete structure surroundingllie ie:iclor.
and iiccused the supervising agency (tlic

National Nuclear Security Comniission - the
equivalent ot the US Nuclear Regulatory'
Commission) of negligence.
As debate about nuclear power intensified
it was also taken up by the country's geolo-
gical community. Geologists pointed out
that the 1,aguna Verde area was very active
from both a volcanic and seismic point of
view, and thus an extrcnicly dangerous
location for a nuclear plant. Indeed, two
serious earthquakes were reported along a
nearby volcanic chain in 1912 and 1920. the
latter at Jalapa. only 50 kilometers from
I .aguna Verde.
Seismic activity in the area could also
shorten the lifetime of the plant's concrete
structures, thus endangering the contain-
ment ot radio;tctive niater~als.
It was in the midst of this deh:ite that the
Mexican Geological Society hcld a conferen-
cc in Mexico City in October 1088. The
President of the Society works for the CFE
and the event was inaugurated by the CFE
Director in a CFF- auditoriun~. At the
conference, CFK geologist Federico Mooser
presented a paper giving the official point
of view on the matter, denying that the
geological characteristics of the area repre-
sented any danger to the plant. His presen-
tation, however, was followed by a session
of incisive questioning. One of those to ask
a question and to suggest that Mooser was
in fact niistaken in his assessment of the
characteristics oi the area was Dr Victor
Garduno Monroy. Although considered one
of CFE's best scientists, he was later ac-
cused of disloyalty, and fired from the
Gcothernial Division of the CFE.
This is not the only case ol the victimiza-
tion of scientists or of scientific rcsc;irch
projects which question the government's
environmental policies. On the morning of
26 Scpteniber a fire destroyed the
Xochic.illi ecological house, owned hy Jesus
Arias Chavcz, and the laboratory and
workshop of the Xochiealli Foundation at
Ozurnba, 40 kilometers southeast of Mexico
City. The Foundation had been active for
more than 20 years in the construction of
biological waste digesters and in helping to
develop small rural industries, n~ostly in the
states of Mexico, Tlaxcala and PueMa. It
had equipment worth more than USS
1,000,000 and employed three technicians.
Mr Arias Chavez had worked as a consultant
for several Latin American and UN
agencies, helping to construct digesters in
Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala
and Peru. Although he received some
government assistance, Mr Arias Chavez
had bought most of the equipment hinisclf.
He is also an anti-nuclear activist, and two
days before the fire had taken part in a
confrontation with government officials.
Mcnibers of a police investigating team told
him that the fire had been started intentionally
liy well-trained criniinals.
[Source: Index on Censorship (UK) July/Aug
1980 (39 C Ilighbury' I'lace, London N5
IOP~ & WISE: POR 5627, 1007 AP ~nlsterdam,
The Netherlands.]
Contact: Grupo de F.studios An1hient:ilcs,
Apdo Postal 76-089, Mexico DF 04200,
Mexico.
The quality of working life and the level
of industrial democracy in I-atin America is
the thme ofa special issue of Economic and
Industrial Deinocracy (EID), an inten~ational
quarterly published by the Swedish Centre for
Working 1,ife. Otic of the major concerns of
the Centre is the enhancement of workers'
participation and control in the work process
geared to the promotion of dctnocratic and
egaiiiariat~ norms in working life. The pest
editor of the planned issue is Azril Racal,
who is calling forpapers. Further information
from Arm-Ilritt IIelltnark, EJD, Box 5606, S-
114 86, Stockholm. Sweden.

Chile:
Educacion para la democracia v el desarrollo local
Existe consenso en las dirigencias politicas
quc lii dcniocracia de mafiana va a ser
menos centralista que la de ayer, es decir,
cl podcr que antes radicaba en los Mini-
sterios de la capital se va a dcsplazar hacia
las regiones y cornunas. La descentralizacidn
del poder significard que las Municipalida-
dcs tendrdn mayores posibilidades dc acci6n
y desarrollo en sus respectivos tcrritorios.
Al Estado que hercdard cl futuro gohierno.
rncnguado en sus rccursos liunianos y
presupuesto, Ie serd diffcil rcspondcr a las
demandas que surjan desde la base social.
Por tanto, un futuro gobierno requcrirf del
concurso de la socicdad civil. Y cl primer
cspacio de participaci6n de ksta es el
dmbito vecinal y comunal.
Frente a este nuevo escenario politico que
se avecina, el centro El Canelo de Nos estd
lanzando un nucvo programs de cohertura
nacional: Educaci6n para la Detnocracia y
el Desarrollo Local. Esta iniciativa estd
dirigida a capacitar monitorcs de base para
fortaleccr el desarrollo de deniocracia desde
el nivel vccinal. Es una respuesta institucio-
nal de capacitaci611 que impulsa la par-
ticipaci6n activa y crftica de la gcnte en la
base, y que enticnde la democracia como
un proceso en cl que se hermanan lo micro
y 10 macro, lo nacional y lo local, lo global
y 10 particular.
Desde esa perspectiva, un grupo de educa-
dores de El Canelo de Nos disefi6 un
primer m6dulo de capacitacidn sobre Re@-
onalizaci6t1, Mutiicipalizaci6n y Organizacio-
nes Sociates Locales dirigido a monitores
de base.
Ademds, se encuentra en preparaci6n - en
conjunto con el institute) IDEAS - un
segundo m6dulo de capacitaci611, denomina-
do Edt1cuci6n Cfvica sobre Estado de Dere-
ciio y Constituci6n.
El Programa contempla lambifin una
Catnpuna Nacional dc Infonnaci6n sobre
10s Avarices de la Dernocratizaci6n. centrado
especialmente en cuatro ternas: justicia,
media ambiente, vida local y demandas
sociales.
Estas iniciativas son un esfuerzo de educaci-
6n cfvica que considera que. en la transici6n
a la dcn~ocracia. es fundamental infurmar.
crcar opini6n y entrcgar ;irgumentaci6n a
los distintos sectores de la potilaci6n sobre
las ventajas, contenidos y condiciones del
Lstado dc Dcrecho, dc la validez y pcr-
mancncia de la justicia, de la soberanfa
popular, de las fornias dcmocrfticas y
descentralizadas dc gobierno, dc la separaci-
6n de poderes y de los controles publicos,
dc la participacidn popular, de la elecci6n
y renovaci6n de las autoridadcs, etc.
Esta tarea surge como una continuaci6n
natural del esfuerzo de capacitacidn desplc-
gado por El Canelo de Nos y otros organis-
nios no guticrniiinentales con ocasi6n del
plesbicsito del 5 de octubre pasado, opor-
tunidad en que sc formaron mds de 50.000
apoderados de mesa y vocales.
El programa Educacih para la Detnocracia
y cl Desarrollo Ldocal busca capacitar diri-
gentes vecinalcs a nivel nacional, regional
y local, para la cual se est5n cstableciendo
convenios con instituciones, partidos politi-
cos y organizaciones sociales de todo el
pafs, interesadas en incorporar cste lema en
sus preocupaciones. Entrc estas, se cuentan
la Confederaci6n Nacional Campesina
UOC, Comisi6n Nacional de Capacitacih
dcl PPD y la Red Nacional dc Centros, que
CS una coordinaci6n de once orgunismos no
gubernamcntalcs de desarrollo local que se
distribuyen entre La Screna y Chilo6.
(A& Ponales 3020, San Kemardo, Chile)

India: Some SLARTC activities in 1988
From the 1988 Repor/ of /~c/i~Yties of tin' Socio-I,vl Aid Rt~.siwrcli & kinin"
Workshops. - Awareness building being an
niportiint activity of SI,ARTC, one day or
two days workshops on Women and Law
have been arranged in different places of
Wcst l3eng:il. Duringl9S8 in all ten such
workshops were held in the districts of
Midnapore. 1Ho'~raIi. Murishidal~ad and 24-
I'araganas (South). Total number of participants
in these workshops \v;is 1000. More
tliiin 80% pi'irlicipants were feii1;ile. All
togelher representatives of 104 social wellare/runil
development organisations participated
in the workshops.
Vuliiittur\' Organisations and the 1.a~. - Like
previous yeai-S, a three 1i;iys workshop on
Voluntary Organisations and the I.aw was
orgiiniscd in C;ilcutt;i in May 1988. There
were piii-tieip:ints representing 43 orgiinisations/institutions.
The subjects included
procedures for registration of a society/trust
and report and returns to be submitted
under the act; professional t;ix us applicable
to employees of voluntary organisations;
FCRA Act; Income .I'm Act and Rules as
applicable to voluiitn~y organisations and
trust bodies; form:ition of cooperatives;
procedures for opening of bank accounts
for voluntary organisations and also project
pbnning and evaluation mctliods.
Child Ahiise (t ATe~lect. - The problem of
child abuse and neglect is growing day by
day. Keeping this in view, SLARTC organised
a 4-days National Seminar on this
topic in Calcutta. The main theme was legal
protection :nul social security of neglected
and abandoned children. There were 51
participants from 29 organistitions/iiistitulions.
The topics discussed at different
sessions included (1) working children: (2)
sexual exploitation of cliikiren; (3) han-
dicapped and mentally retarded children;
(4) neglected children; (5) abandoned
children: (fa) juvenile delinquents: and (7)
girl child.
Street Children & Shun Children. - A workshop
on Street C/~/lc/reti and Slum Cliilclren:
lxpl Protection and Social Sceuri? wiis
organised in collaboration with the Institute
of Urban Management, CMC Calcutta. "Die
workshop tried to look at the basic needs
ol the street children iind sluni children viz..
need for nutrition programme; liealth and
sanitation programme, educational facilities
and vocational training programme; rccreatioiiiil
facilities, the program of ragpickers
and working children and voluntary efforts
for the welfare of street childrcn and slum
children. It was participated by 60 persons
representing 35 organisationslinstitutions.
Course on "Women's Development". - Our
courses on Women's I)evelopment (Women
Studies) have a great demand from the
women social workers associated with
different voluntary agencies especially
women's organisations. They come from all
over Eastern & North Eastern India as well
as liangliidesh. This is a residential course
for about 3 to 4 weeks. The course syllabus
covers existing laws in India and Bangladesh
relating to women. The other topics included
equality concept and present situation;
women in the unorganised sector;
women and the media; women and education:
women and health: women crime and
women prisoners; problems and f:icilitics
available to aged women; problen~s of rural
women; vocational training and employment
opportunities tor women; socially neglected
women dc. 50 participants from diflcrent
parts of West Bengal and also from Uiliar,

Depuis le di?hut. ft Enllaf,. nous nous som-
mes rendus compte du ksoin de crecr un
centre culture1 qui donne une reponse aux
problemes pos6s a notrc comn1unau16.
Notre travail sc base fondaiiientalemcnt sur
a culture populairc, particuli?re cl propre
Orissa and Bangladesh attended. They
reprcsented 25 organisations.
Atroci~ic.~ on Women. - On 2 October a
7on:il workshop on Atrocities on Wonicvt:
Social and I,e@ protection was organised.
SO women representing various womcn
org;ims:itions attended the workshop and
p:irticip.itcd in t11edeliher:itions. Thcdiscussions
were on: (i) the types of atrocities and
crimes suffered by women; (ii) sexual abuse
and scx~~il hai-assiiicnt to womcn and girl
cliilil: (iii) 1eg;il protection and police help
or crime ;I,' -'unsi women.
Il~~iiincinutiot~. - Our documentation scclion
has been iihle lo select news, case
studies, research papers related to tlie
women issues. children legislations, judicial
papers etc. These clippings have been serialscd
subjectwise and they are being transfcrrcd
in tlie library yeanvisc till 1988. Our
docurncntation section has also produced
two case studies; volume one during the
National Scniinar on Child Abuse & N~glect
and the otlier during the zonal workshop on
Street Children and Slum Children.
Research & case studies. - Field survey to
assrss the living and service condition of
maid servants and child servants has been
conducted during tlie year. More than 200
persons were interviewed in about 8 slums
in dillerent areas of Calcutta. Case studies
on Atrocities on Women is being compiled
at the moment.
(l'-112 1.ake Terrace, Calcutta 700 029,
India I
ft notre nation, que nous considkrons com-
me Ie moyen et I'objectif de notre affirma-
tion concrete.
SI nous avons choisi Ie non1 YEnllui; (qu~
veut dire liaison cn catalan) c'est parce que
nous croyons qu'il cxiste partout dilferents
ccntrcs de dynamismc t rt 6loign6s les uns
des autrcs. Nous croyons qu'il faut Ics rclier
et clever Icur potentiel d'action afin quc les
pays Catalans tous ensemble puissent
s'autogCrer.
Depuis son engine, cn 1973, En~llaf a centre
sa lt'iclie sur deux points:
Appuycr Ies personnes qui sont l'el6n1cnt
dynamique de leur village ou de Icur con-
tree
Appuyer les initiiilivcs aitistiques qui
naissent, par exeniple la chanson, les ma-
A partir dc 1978, nous nous somnies red

Rencontres d'dchat~ge, auxqucllcs vicnnent
dcs gens de tons les pays catalans afin
d'6cliangcr leurs expCriences et reflexions
sur un Ih6me sp6cifique ou sur une activity
interessant tous les participants. I.cs ren-
contrcs dc cettc sorte ont lieu au Centre
Permanent dc Culture Populaire (CPCP).
I.cs rencontres 1ocale.s offrcnt I'opportunilC
d'attircr toutes les personnes qui ont un
certain int6ret pour Ie theme trait6. Le fait
quc ces rencontres se realiscnt dans un
village specil'iquc pcrmct un dbbat critique
sur la situation dans laquellc se trouve
celui-ci en cc qui concerne Ie theme traitk.
Rcncotfircs it~tcrttutiot~uli's: A p:irtir d'un
tlifnie (les derniers ont 136 "L'Liurope dcs
pcuplcs et Ie volonliiriat"). nous orgiinisons
une serie dc reunions dc discussion et
d'Cc1i;ingc.
Hn 1978. nous avons lou6 un nias, Can
Rudi.'ju. dans I'Alt KmpordA oil nous avons
tcnu lcs rcnconlrcs cl'autoformation et
d'ec11;ingcs d'exp6rienccs culturellcs. Stimu-
16s par quatre annies de Sonctionncment a
Can Rodeja, quarante-cinq rencontres et
plus dv 800 personnes y ayant particip!,
nous avons pcrsfv6rk dans 1c projet de
construire 3 I'Alt Pencdes Ie Centre Per-
manent dc Culture Populaire des Pays
Catahins.
Construit par quelqucs 200 vnlontaircs au
cours dc cinq ites, Ie Centre cst actuellc-
mcnt en fonctionncnicnt. 1.c CPCP se
difinit comme centre d'accueil, dc docu-
mcntation el de travail.
Le Centre ci'acciieil cst destinc! a des person-
nes culturellen~ent actives, mcrnbrcs d'unc
societt5 culturelle, d'un groupe dc jeunes ou
bien des personnes volontaircmcnt non
associ6es et qui d&irent 6changer leurs
experiences :iu sujet du dynamisme culture1
ou d'autres niani2res de vivre.
La bihlioth&que du Cetiirc de documentation
est surlout sp4cialis6e sur I'animation et la
culture traditionnelle et populaire.
Le Centre dc travail offre des conditions
permcttant Ie developpement et la rkalisa-
lion du travail manuel et intellectuel. Le
Centre dispose d'un alclier qui permet
d'apprendrc et d3exp^rimenter des techni-
ques eomrne la confection de masques ou
'impression d'affiches, 1e maquillage,..
Nous voulons:
Etablir des bases pour un processus
kducationnel qui stimule la personne 3
progresser individuellernent et collcctive-
mcnt;
1:acilitcr l'6change d'cxp6riences entre
tous ceux qui dans chaque village ou quar-
tier rendcnt possible un dynamisme constant
autour d'eux, aussi bicn en groupe qu'indivi-
ducllcment.
Revaloriser 1e travail volontaire non
institutionnel;
Approfondir Ie concept de culture popu-
hire comnie rkponse personnelle et collcc-
live aux difticultks gkn6r6es par la reality
actuelle dc notre pays, en proposant une
culture propre et libfiratrice afin de faire
front 3 unc culture ktrangbre et aliknatrice.
Le CPCP est un lieu de recherche pour les
personncs ou associations que leur travail
volontaire soit un instrument de dynamisme
dans leur cnvironnement, centrk sur la
croissance personnelle et la cohhion avec
la communautk nationale.

Brazil: The Institute of Technology for the Citizen
The 1'1-C is a non-governnlent, non-party
and no-profit organization which aims to
channel alternative scientific and technical
know-how to meet social needs. It will bring
together scientists and technical specialists,
either individually or as representative of
institutions, in a multidisciplinary approach
with the following aims:
1. to develop, transfer and publicize proce-
dures with a scientific or technical basis
which entail decentralization, autonomy, and
low ecological and cultural impact, with
special emphasis on alternative or appropri-
ate lechiiologv;
2. to provide specializ,ed consultancy, techni-
cal findings. impact reports, monitoring,
statistics, diagnoses, assessments, studies and
strategic programs, so as to make hroader-
based information available to the general
public.
The 1TC is organized as follows: as a rule,
the technical activities - laboratory work,
research, developn~ent and studies - will be
done by the associated specialized institutions.
A permanent core of staff and equipment
at ITC headquarters will serve as an
operation centre for contacts, information
management and teleprocessing,documcntation
and information, as well as program
and project administration.
Activities planned
ITC was founded by a group of people who,
while still university students, began working
with institutions and communities com-
mitted to changing social conditions. Pre-
ferring social action to the mechanisms for
producing and transferring knowledge
favored by academic circles, they added the
dimension of interaction and participation
in social movements to their studies, re-
search, reflection and laboratory cxperi-
nients.
The creation of an institute of this kind is
an attempt to disengage from the academic
sphere, to ensure the flexibility needed for
linking up social demands with multidisciplinary
technical and scientific work, for
forming teams and arranging financing. etc,
so that, unhampered by bureaucracy, administrative
difficulties and the rules of
corporate conduct, they may generate
rcsponsive,effect ive teclinologicalopcrational
and socio-institution~il innovations.
By coordinating programmes and projects
which treat science and technology as means
to equip the public to solve its own pro-
blems - respecting ethical, cultural and
environmental values - it is hoped to create
a nucleus around which like-minded altcrna-
tive research and applied activities may
agglutinate and interact, to go beyond
traditional categories and throw into relict
a novel strategy, embodying a way of think-
ing which many sectors have yet to identify
as an option for social development.
ITC intends to achieve its objectives by
organizing services and activities, such as:
a network of contacts with science and
technology professionals and institutions;
programmes and projects for research,
development, transfer and implementation
in the field of alternative and appropriate
technology;
a citizen's scientific "counter information"
service (in form of consultancy. findings.
reports, publications, events, panel discussions,
exhibitions, workshops, etc):
a public data bank service for technical
consultancy.
Programmes and projects
A series of programmes and projects are
under way. These are some examples:

The Afcgac~n l'rogratnine: Citizenship, Techni)!op
and the Qiiulity of Urban Life groups
I variety of cxperinients in rethinking the
url\in context, to discover, test and public17c
alternatives. Today's cities are in a state
ot permanent crisis, especially the megacities
of the Third World. caught between
a tlood of migration from the countryside
and the bankruptcy of the standard remedies
diiting from the last century. The tools
of urban daily life have clearly not kept
pace with technological progress and demand
for change. From items as specific as
the elevators, through to those as general
as urhiin fiicilities and technological processes
- from water and waste treatment
plants, terms of transport. road systems,
through to rctuse collection and disposal
services - the solutions are sustained by the
inertia oftecli~~n-bureaucracies and pressure
from v:irious sectors of the economy and in-
dust~y Sanitation and transport contractors'
lobbies, for example, ensure inflated costs,
inelficiency, waste, unnecessary environmcn-
t:il disruption and extreme centraliz,ation.
mc;~nv.hilc reinforcing the citizens' depen-
di~ice.
As our major cities set the cultural pattern
for the rest of the country, it is hoped that
solutions encountered there will spread and
he adopted to local situations in smaller
cities. A number of projects, either pliinncd
or under way. aim to reinvent these tools
of urban life, with particular reference to
Rio dc Janeiro and S20 Paulo. Specific
projects in this programme are: urban
transport and the quality of life: basic
sanitation; selective refuse collection and
refusecornposting; environmental education:
leisure, ecology and citi~cnship.
In order to make more information available
to the public, a number ol schemes are
I'ieing run to monitor and produce expert
findings on urban conditions. These include:
n~onitoring sea water pollution levels on
Rio's he~iehcs: veterinary epidemiological
vigilance and n~onitoring of animal slaughte-
ring in Rio de Janeiro; booklet on informa-
tion systems for social movements: electron-
ic media for social movement; booklet on
agricultural pesticides.
ITC and public opinion
How to get ITC's product across to the
public via major media, which do so much
to shape public opinion, is a strategic issue.
The traditional approach introduces sys-
tematic distortion into news of scientific and
technical progress. The academic world
exchanges and publishes its know-how in the
form of papers and congresses for consunip-
lion exclusively by the so-called scientific
community. I-ay audiences are usually
addressed by "science programmes" which
have no ongoing role as responses to social
needs. On the other hand, when the scien-
tific and technical institutions of the govern-
ment and private enterprise decide to
address the general public they do so
through what have come to be known as
"public relations" channels.
It is ITC policy not to broadcast informa-
tion to the general public in the same way
as the scientific media and public relations
department. Space must be found in the
major press, independently of the traditional
science-oriented lobbies.
With these aims in mind. a permanent press
office is being set up, so as to channel
'
strategic information systematically to
journalists of the major press whose professional
ethic includes social responsibility.
For Bra~il, this is certainly breaking new
ground, since the intentions are not scientific
and technical propaganda, but to
provide the mass of information necessary
to the exercise of contemporary citizenship.
(Ricardo NeveslEtnitio Eigenheer, Itis~ituio
de
Tecnologia para o Cidadao ITC, CP 68569,
2194.5 Rio & Janeiro IV, Brazil)

India: Equations, Equitable Tourism Options
Third IVarlii tourism. - Tourism in the Third
World is being increasingly recognised as a
innjor global challenge, linked with issues of
transnational capital, North-South relations,
n1ilit;irisni and neo-colonialisni. Global trade
in tourism is over USS 100.000 million.
milking it tlie largest industry in the world.
Of tins, the share of the South is about
1 S',.?
Third World tourism is virtually a one-way
sired, where affluent holiday seekers from
the West visit "exotic" destinations in rela-
tively poorer countries. Such tourism often
causes considerable damage to the ecology,
lifestyle and economies of the hosts.
At the Workshop on Alternative Tourism
with a FOCLIC in Asia. Cliiang Mai, 1984,
sponsored by the Ecunieniciil Co- '1 1' ition on
Third World Tourism, the seed was sown
for [lie development of a wider movement
for tn~iisforniiiipexisting patters of mass
tourism, as well as the evolution of new
forms - "alternative tourism". Equitable
'rourism Options (Iiquations), was established
in March 1985 to bring this movement
into focus in India and South hia.
Equations believes that people are primary
to any social process, and tourism develop-
ment must consider tlie interests and rights
of those living in tourist areas as at least
iniport;int to those of the visitors. It is
essential that tourism should develop in
ways consistent with civil rights, as well as
promote justice in the distribution of wealth
;ind resources. Its benefit should be assessed
by the extent to which it contributes in
building t\ just, participatory and sustainable
society.
Purposes:
To support people's struggles for self-
dcterniination in relation to tourism by
building public opinion and supporting
direct action.
To facilitate a greater awareness of the
socio-economic effects of tourism on host
communities.
To provide a forum for people ;iffected
by tourism to express their views.
To encourage cross-cultural relationships
tlirough travel and the promotion of tour-
ism structures based on justice and mutual
respect.
Activities:
Building networks of individuals and
groups for promoting concerted action on
tourism concerns and issues. nationally and
internationally.
Documenting and disseminating inforiiiiilion
and niater~als tor research and action.
Promoting altern.itive tourism through
local people-based groups.
* Publishing the quarterly Alternative Nel-
work Letter and occasional monogniphs on
specific situations.
Supporting action-research on the effects
of tourism on hosts iind their environment.
Enlisting support and interest of the mass
media for a wider understanding of these
issues.
Producing audio-visuals and publications
for use in programmes designed to create
awareness and build solidarity.
(96 II Colony, /tdtrutiasfir Staff:
I, Rangalore
5M 0.78, India)

South West Asian Ocean: a Directory of activists
Cedrcfi (Centre de documentation, de
rccherches et dc formation indianoccani-
ques*) has just published a directory of
institutions/organisations and individuals in
the islands of the South West Indian Ocean
- Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Reunion
and Seychelles - concerned with the issues
of region;il cooperation, geopolitics and
development & environment.
The directory was produced in the context
of the Issue-Based Indian Ocean Network
(IBION) which aims to develop policy-
oriented research and ensure information
sharing. It is the first of its type in the
region and gives an ide;i of the potential
partners and their actixities.
114 institutionslassociations and individuals
have been listed. Over and above the
information available on the objectives and
adi.iresscs of these institutions. the entries
contain various useful information on past
:ind present activities, future projects,
pedagogical materials and resources avail-
able ctc. Each country is the subject of a
cartographic, historical, polilicai and ccono-
niic presentation. Two indexes, one alphahe-
tical and one sulijectwisc, have been com-
piled to Sacilitate the use of the directory.
Cedrefi
Founded in July 1981, Cedrefi is registered
with the Registrar of Associations as a nonprofit
making NGO working in the fields of
docun~entation, rescarch and training with
special focus on the islands and archipclagos
of the South West Indian Ocean.
This focus on the Indian Ocean region
results 1'i'oni a recognition ol' our common
history and a firm belief that the various
countries of the South West Indian Ocean
* See Ii'DA Dossier 62, p78
cannot develop unless they work in close
association with one another.
Aims and objectives
1. Documentation. - Collect or locate existing
information relevant to the region.
2. Research. - Undertake research on socioeconomic
and socio-cultural issues pcrtaining
to the islands of the region.
3. Training. - Provide guidance to potential
action-research workers by involving them
in Cedrefi's projects.
4. Sen'ice. - To initiatelsupport dcvelopmcnt
projects in collaboration withlfor grassroots
groups.
Issue-Rased Indian Ocean Network
(IBION)
'I'liis is a network of institutions and in-
dividuals concerned with the current and
emerging geopolitical, development and
environment issues in the Indian Ocean
region. Its purposes is to advance knowledge
and action around those issues through
poliq-orientedresearchjnformation-sharing
and consciousness-raising activities. To faci-
litate the promotion and coordination of the
network's activities, the Indian Ocean
Region has been sub-divided into six sub-
regions and Cedrefi is the focal point for
the Western Indian Ocean (Islands) sub-
region.
Activities
Completed projects. - Feasibility study on
economic activities for women in the Iow-
income groups (1983); Preliminary survey
on the factors affecting the potential of
small sugar-cane planters in the process of
agricultural diversification (1985); Evalua-
tion of research potential and strategy in
Mauritius (1986).
(Cedrefi, POB 91, Rose //ill, Mauritius)

Women's Exchange Programme International
The Wonien's bxctii'inge Programme Inter-
national (WEP International) was set up in
1983 following the first women's studies
project in the Mediterranean region at the
Dutch Festi\:il in Athens. Greece.
Ever since. WF.1' Inlcrniitional has func-
tioned as an international women's support
network for the organization of numerous
local. national, regional and international
exchange programmes and has developed
from an international network for receiving
and disseminating information hetween
women in the Netherlands and abroad into
a foundation with a well established in-
frastructure and regional and international
channels of coniniunictttion.
WIx1' 1iiternation;il's objectives are:
Stimulating women's groups and organiza-
tions that ar involved in similar research,
action andlor field activities in exchanging
information and experience through local,
national. regional and international network-
ing.
Broadening the scope ot local and nation-
ill women's groups and orgaiii/;itions by
extending it to the regional and internation-
al spaces and "bringing the global home".
Implementing international cross-cultural
exchange programmes containing a series of
emancipation workshops in which expertise,
skills and knowledge can be linked and
multi-disciplinary networks ban be formed.
Providing women's groups and organiza-
tions wit11 the knowledge and tools needed
to secure funds, donors and sponsors for
international networking and participating
in internatioii:il cross-cultural exchange pro-
grammes.
Persuading politicians and poliqniakers
lo go beyond the prevailing vision and
redefine bilateral and multilateral treaties
from a female perspective.
Wt-.P International acts as an intermediary
and offers:
Consultation of our computerized data-
base concerning experts, groups, organiza-
tions, networks, companies, private funds
and governmental bodies that deal with
fields of concern for women.
Maintenance of our international financial
assistance database and archives in order to
provide fund-raising activities and develop
resource guides for proposal writing and
financial technical assistance.
Provision of advice and support to re-
quests for assistance of regional and sub-
ject-specific efforts of women's groups and
organimtions, networks, companies and
govcrnnient:il bodies to create regional and
intcrnational women's networks, especially
in the European and Mediterranean region.
Offer of advice, fund-raising, training
and/or organization for international cross-
cultural exchange programmes, like semi-
nars, conferences and symposia in order to
stirnulateandsupport international network-
ing.
Distribution of information through a bi-
annual ncwsbullctin, special rnailings and
publications on specific programmes and
projects, information packets and resource
listings. The newshulletin gives a survey of
international exchange between women's
groups, organizations and networks in the
Netherlands and abroad.
v01) 25096, 3001 JIB Rotterdam, The
Netherlands)

Bernard Ud6a Ouedraogo laurkat du prix Leader-
ship Afrique 1989
1.c I'rojci Fui~ri n dccerne Ie prix Leadership
jlir~quc 1989 5 Bernard Ikdh Ouedraogo
et 5 Qi~ett K.J. Masirc.
Quctt K.J. Masire. President du Botswana.
a ohtcnu 1c prix pour 1';idroite gestion des
ressourccs de son pays pendant la sccliercssc
qui a sevi dc 1981 a 1087 en Afriquc -
la pire qu'ait connue 1c Botswana dans
toutc son liistoirc. Pendant la s6chcrcsse.
alom que plusicurs pays souffriiieiit dc
famine, personne au 13olsw;ina n'cst niort
dc him. 1.e programme dc secours contrc
1:1 s&'licresse du Botswana ainsi qu'unc
surveillance de la nutrition cl un syst21nc
d'alarnic immcdiat ass~ir?rciit que d'adCquatcs
provisions alimcntairc soiciit distrihutes
dans tout 1c pays. 1.c Botswana s'cst en fait
rctrouv6 avec n~oins de probli'nies de
n~alnulrition. Avant la s~chcrcsse, un enfant
stir qualrc etait sous-alin~cntt; cn 1987,
cette proportion chit dc un sur six.
Bernard LLdCa Ouedraogo a rep 1c prix
pour I'audacc et la vision qu'il a nlontr6es
dans l'organisation de centaines de niillicrs
d'agriculteurs pour qu'ils pi-enncnt euxnl&ncs
cn main leur dCveloppenicnt cl, cc
faisnnt, meltre un tcrnle a l:) fiiim. 1.e~ deux
org;inisiitions dirigtcs par licrniird UdCa
0~1cdrnogo - Nuurri et Sc Scn'ir elf lu Soison
SCche rii Savant ci an Salicl (Siv-.S)* groupent
aujourd'hui plus d'un dcm-nlillion dc
pcrsonnes dans ncul pays difftrents, et en
touchcnt des niillions d':iutres.
La philosophic dc Bernard Lkdea
Oucdniogo est de "JCveloppcr sans ab2ncr";
(c-a-d. cn rcspectant les traditions paysan-
nes). Faisant reiiiiitre l'orgaiiisation tradi-
tionnelle dcs villages, les vil1:igeois 1r:ivail-
lent enscnible. Chaque groupe \tiiirn est
men6 par des agriculleurs qui batissent sur
CS connais&anccs des villageois. Icurs be-
soins et Icurs desirs.
1'As.sociation Intcrn~itionalc Si-v-S a mis au
point une mode dc financenicnt original qui
permet aux organisations paysannes de
d6cider ellcs-memes commcnt dCpcnser Ics
fonds reps. l .CS groupcnients villagcois
s'adonncnt 5 dc nombreux types d'activit6s
dont: la culture niar;ikh?re. I'apprcntissagc
de nouvellcs techniques ;igricoles. l':ilpIi;i-
b6tis;ition dc base, la luttc contrc I'krosion.
I reforestation, la construction dc routes.
'iini6lioi-iition des services dc same.
13.1.. Oucdraogo a dit:
Les hommes nicurent deux fois iians Icur
vie ... ils mcurent quand leur enthousias-
rnc nieurt et quand Icur corps meurt. Ix
danger pour heaucoup d'Africains cst
que I'6rosion de nos coulun~es par des
coutunics Clrangt;rcs. de nos proprcs
valeurs px des valeurs 6trangeres. de-
truira notre scns dc la responsal-iil~tC'
pourrtsoudre nos probl?mcs comniuni~u-
taires. Ccst la premiere et la sculc
niportantc morl qui soit. C'csl une des
raisons pour laq~ielle Ics Nuatn dc vil-
lages doivent s'organiser et travailler
pendant deux. trois et parl'ois jusqu'5 dix
ans avani dc recevoir unc aide extcricure
quelle qu'clle soit. Parce que I'aide ne
sen que si la volont6 cst la.

tfda dossier 74 . novcmbcr/deccmbcr 1989 letters/cartas/lettres
From Bauchi, Nigeria
Kindly permit me 10 utili~e this opportunity to express niy sincere gratitude to you for
keeping me and my students informed of trends in international development. especially
as pertaining to the Third World, through the regular delivery of IFDA Dossier to us.
Thanks inimcnsly for a marvellous job! May we continue to look forward to a regular flow
of vital information affecting our lives. Needless to stress the fact that severe economic
squeeze and ;issoeiatcd deep cuts in university subvention for the purchase of books and
journals are factors which militate against the pursuit of academic endeavours in our
university, as elsevihere in Nigeria. We shall. therefore, continue to rely on your
organization for the necessary alleviation of the hardships created by the dearth of financial
resources for subscribing to relevant literature on Third World development.
From Iiuenos Aires, Argentina
We arc a consulting group on environmental problems. On our daily job (consulting.
conferences, academics, institutes and university) we carry practical problems from our
activity to people who wish to solve the environnicnt problems. Your Dossier is very
precious', ven rich for us. Is 11 possible th;it you send us the Dossier regularly? Since it
is very difficult to pay in foreign currency. would it he possible t1i;it you send the Dossier
tree of charge'! (Publi'ilicr'.~ tune: Yes, of course.)
Carlos A. Qiievedo, Argcntuguas srl
From Coimhatore, India
I am receiving IFD4 Dossier for quite some years now. This has helped me to Hunk more
in niy quest to understand to visualise values for "developnicnt". Issues raised in lFUA,
one hopes, could enrich dialogue at grassroots. I am glad to say that the emerging crisis
at grassroots has in recent times led ordinary people especially the oppressed to associate
existing political and developmental structures with the oppressive and ecologically unsound
dominant developnicnt models and the search is on for alternative development through
alternative political process at the grassroots especially among udivasis ('trihals'). I am
associated with an informal solidarity group in support of this process amongst various
adivusi organisations in South India as well as with an informal group "Crea Collective"
which attempts to network peoplefgroups with similar thinking on issues as well ;is with
providing informations. Any relevant ni;iterials that you have may kindly be sent. Being a
voluntary' work, working mostly in the individual space, financial constraints exist and our
efforts are our main asset.
C.R. Bijoj, Rur.11 Health Centrc
De Itagiii, Colombia
l leiiios recil-iido su IFIIA Dossier 72 (juliolagosto 1989). l,os diversos tenias tratados en
esta puhlicaci6n tan especial, son fucnte constante de consulla per personas dedicadas a

diferenles actividaiics. Agradecen~os SLI continuo y frccuente envio. la informaci6n y el
mpulso para continuar en esta lucha por una niejor calidad de vida. I.es dcscanios niucho
exit(> y larga vida.
I,uz Miirinii Miirtine~ Hernandc~. Grupo Rcologico Itag~if
From Makeni, Sierra Ikone
I have received IFDA Dossier every other month for over a year and I would like to thank
you. I would like to congratulate the editorial staff of IFDA for the Dossier's valuable
infomiation on development throughout the world. 1 have been assigned to lecture
Community Development Studies (CDS) in the Makeni Teachers College and all ihc
students in n~y classes are using the Dossier as an important reference book. Once again,
I would like to t:ike this opportunity to thank you for this important task of helping us in
the Third World with such resource material in a situation where it is getting more and
more expensive to huy ;I text book. Please keep it up!
Millon A. Koroniii
Je vous rcniercic pour vos bulletins IFDA Dossier envoyes rCguli?remmt. ils sont tr5s utiles
6galc111cnt :iux ~in:ilyses de notre propre situation. II est tr?s 6lonn.int que Ics prohlfin~es
souleves dans de nonihreux articles de votre bulletin, leurs contenus et methodologies sotit
2 l'ordinait-c coTncidcnts avec les problenies qui surgisscnt en Pologne pendant que la
v:iguc dcs n~cnaccs gr;indit et les transforn~ations ont lieu. Cependant - il ne taut pas
ouhlicr cela - Ics solutions propices et positives doivent surtout prendre en consideration
1.1 sptcificitk culturclle de l;i nation, sa position gco-politique et son orientation historique.
Je voudrais encore dire que dans Ie numero 72. je trouve fascinant I'article d3Antonio
Colomer Vi;idd qui reltve 1e paradigme pour Ie modiMe sociologiquc ou directement un
nouveau sens du travail qui permet de construire un autre dcveloppement dans les
dimensions de 1.1 convergence universelle de la "socitte con~~nuniciitionnelle" hasee sur la
communication integratrice et participative.
J6mf Gala~ka
From Yola, Nigeria
I wish to use this medium to express my profound ;ippreciations for having received copies
of the IFDA Dossier free of charge. The few copies I have read has convinced me that
1FDA is prepared to take development to the grassroot and in its real terms. Issues
discussed in this magazine liave served as an eye-opener to me ie. issues relating to
environmental protection and destruction, world economic systems. the native scientific
development and related topics.
Moses Cnoli-ltiing. I'ed (iovt (iirls' College

ifda dossier 74 november/december 1989 sources/fuentes
N.B. Publications mentioned in the following section are not available from IFDA but,
depending on the case, from bookshops or publishers whose addresses are indicated
at the end of this section.
Local space
Amartya Sen et al, The Standard of
Living (Cambridge University Press, 1987)
125pp. For academics, and ministers of
finance, the IMF and the World Bank, "the
standard of living" is an economic pheno-
menon. They believe that they determine
such standards through various policy
manipulations. Policiesdo influencelabour
productivity, and consequently standards
of living. However, irrespective of govern-
ment interventions, and blissfully imper-
vious of "markets", ordinary men and
women determine their own standards
through "self-provisioning". Keith Hart's
thoughtful essay in this stimulating volume
is particularly productive for those working
at the grassroots. In almost every essay
here, philosophy is interwoven with econo-
mics. This volume questions the relevan-
ce of the concept of the standard of living
as an economic phenomenon. There is
more to it than command over goods and
services. A higher standard of living is as-
sociated with increased opportunities, as
well as, or even more than, a bundle of
commodities. A functioning democratic
structure - not that which passes for
democracy in many Third World countries
- can be a direct contribution to a higher
standard of living. The "canonization" of
the market and the consequent premium
attached to diverse speculations, in con-
trast to the neglect of the solid achieve-
ments, for example of Nobel Prize win-
ners, affects adversely the quality of life.
This volume takes a step forward in
arguing for a standard of living, which
incorporates within it a measure of the
intangible - that of human happiness. (LS)
Stephanie Urdang, And Still they Dance:
Women, War and the Struggle for Change
in Mozambique (London: Earthscan, 1989)
256pp. Since the overthrow of Portuguese
rule in 1975, Mozambique and its Frelimo
government have been constantly under
threat. Western attention and aid have
focussed upon drought and famine: but
systematic attacks from the Renamo
'rebels", backed by the South African
government, have exploited these dis-
asters and inflicted much greater suffering.
Throughout the fourteen years of civil war,
women have been fighting, both politically
and socially, for their independence in an
independent state, Stephanie Urdang
documents the lives of women in factories
and fields, village cooperatives and state
farms. And Still They Dance testifies to the
enormous hardships that many have
endured: but also to their unquenchable
determination.
Jan Hoeksema, Women and Social
Forestry (Wageningen: BOS, 1989) 38pp.
Lilia Labidi, Cabra Hachma: Sexualite et
tradition (Tunis: Annawras, 1989) 423pp.
La parole des femmes, insidieuse, orageu-
se, comment en parler? Comment en
rendre compte autrement que ne Ie font
generalement les hommes? L'enjeu de ce
nouveau livre de Lilia Labidi reside dans
cette volonte de se demarquer du dis-
cours dominant, rnettre des mots la ou Ie
silence avait longtemps prfs refuge et
denoncer les limites d'un champ de savoir
qui excluait cette parole. Aussi sa reflexion
s'articule-t-elle autour de trois axes: deve-
nir fernme dans une societe arabo-musul-
mane, feminite et tradition et, enfin, dis-

cours medical et corps des femmes -
reflexion portee par Ie vecu des femmes
et interrogeant la traditions arabo-musul-
mane dans sa confrontation avec une
certaine ideologie de la modernite oc-
cidentale
Ximena Valdes et al, Sinopsis de una
Realidad Ocultada (Las Trabajadores del
Campo) 104pp. A mod0 de sucesion de
ensayos y notas hemos querido, en el
presente volumen, reunir dos cosas: una
manera de conocer la historia y el presen-
te de las mujeres del agro y las interven-
clones concretas que el equipo realiza
para incidir en la condicibn de las asala-
riadas agricolas, las campesinas y ar-
tesanas que pueblan, en lo fundamental.
la Region Central de Chile. Entre tantas,
es la forma que hemos elegido para
propiciar carnbios en la condition femeni-
na, visto que las mujeres en nuestra
sociedad - independientemente de la
clase social a la cual pertenezca - viven
de modo diverso une subordination de
genero que cristaliza en distintas formas
de presi6n que se manifiestan en las
variadas esferas de la vida social. Notas
sobre una IntervenciOn Educativa (Escuela
de Mujeres Rurales y Almacen Campesi-
no) 146pp. La Escuela de Mujeres apunta
a desencadenar la toma de conciencia de
10s mecanismos de subordinaci6n/domina-
cion que operan en distintas esferas de
la vida. AGn cuando estos mecanismos
conciernen al conjunto de las mujeres,
nos parece que asi como las culturas
subalternas desarrollan distintasformas de
resistencia a la domination, tambien las
mujeres elaboran mecanismos de resisten-
cia que es precise descubrir, para poten-
cia la fuerza que ellas tienen y desarrol-
lan en ciertos ambitos de la vida social.
La posicion de la mujer en la hacienda,
136pp. El material autobiografico de este
libro nos entrega una vision del mundo
hacendal entre 10s afios 1930 y 1960; 10s
itineraries liberales de las mujeres, enmar-
cados en un proceso gradual de transfor-
maciones en el sistema de trabajo y en
las relaciones laborables de la hacienda.
(Santiago: CEM).
Carmen Meza Ingar, Trabajo y Dere-
cho: Casos de discrimination mediante
el derecho (Lima: Apostolado, 1988) 48pp
Rachel Kamel, This Is How It Starts:
Women Maquila Workers in Mexico (Phila-
delphia: Listen Real Loud, 1989) 26pp.
Reprinted from the "Ferninizing Unions"
issue of Labor Research Review 11, this
article documents the experience of the
American Friends Service Committee in
working with women employees of ma-
quiladoras, the US-owned assembly plants
that line the Mexico-US border. As more
and more industries leave the US, more
and more attention has been paid to
maquiladoras by labor groups and com-
munities affected by plant closings. Such
discussions must also focus on under-
standing the experience of Mexican work-
ers, the majority of whom are women, in
order to place responsibility where it lies -
within the policies and practices of these
transnational corporations which deny
accountability to people in Mexico and the
United States.
Saiful Islam, Culture in a Complex
World: Modern Technology and the Cul-
tural Identity of Traditional Societies
(Munich: Forschungsstelle Gottstein, 1989)
50pp. If a society is considered as a self-
organizing system, some of the reasons
of technological development can be
appreciated. It is argued that (i) science
can be implemented in any sedentary
society irrespective of the worldview
predominant in thatsociety, (ii) technologi-
cal development and consequent cultural
change is unavoidable for any society in
an interacting world, and (iii) the best
strategy for development without drastical-
ly losing cultural identity is to make formal
education and training available to every-
one in the society. DM 5.30. This book

will be supplied free of cost to scientists
and civil servants in the Third World.
IWGIA, Indigenous Self-development in
the Americas, Proceedings of the IWGIA
Symposium at the Congress of American-
ists, Amsterdam 1988 (Copenhagen, 1989)
175pp.
Rucio Flores M,, Julian Amaro M. y
Juan Podesta A., Uybirmallco, Cerros que
nos dan la vida: Tradition Oral Aymara
(Iquique: CREAR, 1989) 186pp. El texto
que presentamos ha sido el resultado de
un largo trabajo de rescate y recuperation
del saber etnico aymara, En esta ocasion
presentamos 51 narraciones andinas,
todas recopilades en comunidades altoan-
dinas y precordilleranas del norte grande
de Chile. Esta muestra de texlos literarios
nos seriala que en nuestro espacio regio-
nal existe un tiempo y un espacio cultural-
mente distinto al que conocemos en la
ciudad; la tradicion oral aymara nos
refiere a un espacio en que el conocimi-
ento se articula en otra logica, poseedora
de un raciocinio con otros referentes,
otras motivaciones, y otros arquetipos. A
traves de estas narraciones veremos que
son poseedora de un tiempo distinto, en
que la historia no es el mero recuento
anecdotic0 ni cronologico de 10s hechos
acaecidos; en estos textos se nos muestra
que el tiempo es funcional a la ensehanza
y la formacion, en que no soio se da
cuenta de lo que hay que hacer, sino
tambien educa para ese hacer. Los
cuentos, leyendas, fabulas e historias que
aqui se expresan son parte de la tradicion
oral de este pueblo. En ellos se expresa
la memoria historica del pueblo andino,
y en ella se almacena sa sabiduria, sa-
piencia y conocimiento.
Charles Downs, Revolution at the
Grassroots: Community Organizations in
the Portuguese Revolution (New York:
State University of New York Press, 1989).
The book outlines the history of the revol-
utionary process in the national space and
as it was experienced in one major Por-
tuguese city. While generally little known,
the achievements of grassroots organiza-
tions in Portugal far exceeded those of
other industrialized countries, and their
examination provides insights, poses
important questions and suggests unex-
pected answers relevant far beyond Por-
tugal. The Portuguese revolution provides
a unique window through which to ex-
amine, not only the role of community
organizations in a time of revolutionary
change, but also the dynamics, potential,
and limitations of majority participation.
Over a period of nineteen months - begin-
ning with a military coup which ended the
longest lasting European dictatorship and
ending with another military coup - the
Portuguese society and political debate
were significantly transformed, largely by
the unanticipated development of mass
movements advocating direct democracy
and social, economic and political change.
The author marries empirical observation
and theoretical analysis to transcend the
limitations of most prior work on this topic.
He shows a great deal of sensitivity to the
complexity of the events he examines and
(unlike many) is not blinded by theoretical
presuppositions or slavish empiricism.
- P.T. Kuriakose, In Quest of Devel-
opment: Role of Non-Governmental Or-
ganisations (New Delhi: Vishwa Yuvak
Kendra, 1989) 28pp.
Three reports from ANGOC: In Search
of Social Relevance: Philippine Rural Youth
in Perspective, 27pp; A Perspective on the
State of NGOs in Rural Development:
Indonesia, 18pp; id: Sri Lanka, 26pp.
0 Fernand Vincent et Piers Campbell,
Renforcer I'aufonomie financiers des
associations et ONG de developpement
du Tiers Monde (Geneve: IRED, 1989)
300pp. La plupart des associations de

developpement du Tiers Monde vivent
dans une contradiction: elles veulent
promouvoir I'auto-developpement et sent
en meme temps dependantes de I'aide
financiere internationale. Comment chemi-
ner vers une plus grande autonomiefinan-
ciere? Comment construire pour son
association une plus grande securite
financiere? Pour atteindre ces objectifs, les
dirigeants d'associations doivent mieux
gerer les ressources dont ils disposent. 11s
doivent egalement gknerer des revenus
nouveaux par la vente de leurs services
ou de produits de petites entreprises
qu'ils creeront. Enfin, ils doivent constituer
des fonds de reserves et un capital qui
assureront a moyen et long termes leur
independancefinanciere. Celasuppose un
changement d'attitude important: les
associations doivent s'auto-gerer comme
des entreprises de d6veloppement et les
agences de I'aide internationale doivent
accepter de ne plus financer leurs projets,
mais promouvoir de nouvelles faqons
d'aider. US$ 25.-
Else Skjonsberg, Change in an African
Village: Kefa Speaks (West Hartford:
Kumarian Press, 1989) 271 pp. Three
comments: "... a down-to-earth and pene-
trating revelation of the business of life
and living in a typical matrilineal society.
It brings to the surface the silent, yet
salient realities of traditional rural life. It is
highly readable ... bringing together as it
does realities of the past, the exigencies
of the present and the uncertainties of the
future in a society at a crossroad of social
values" (Naboth Mark John Ngulube); "For
once, rural life is depicted from the per-
spective of ordinary villagers. The result
is a fascinating insight into how male and
female villagers manage t'ieir lives and
how they manage aid. -!he amazingly
detailed time allocation study adds to the
richness of the descriptions of everyday
rural life and to the understanding of time
as a most scarce resource, at least for
women. In addition, the book is outright
enjoyable to read ... "(Mette Jorstad); '...a
unique study of everyday life in a com-
munity in Zambia ... To the outsider the
book opens up a new world ..." (Marja
Liisa Swantz).
Lapika Dimomfu (dir), Problemes fon-
ciers et politiques agricoles en Afrique
Centrale, Actes de la rencontre internatio-
nale des sociologues et anthropologues
de I'Afrique Centrale, Kinshasa, janvier
7988 (Kinshasa: CERDAS, 1988) 223pp.
Gerry Rodgers (ed), Population Growth
and Poverty in Rural South Asia (London:
Sage Publ, 1989) 249pp. The pressure of
a growing population on resources is
often considered to be one of the major
causes of continuing poverty in the count-
ries of South Asia. However, a closer look
at the subject suggests that we do not
fully understand the manner in which
demographic patterns and poverty affect
each other, the types of interactions which
are important, and the ways in which they
can influence the success or failure of
various policy interventions. The detailed
studies of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and
Nepal which comprise this volume set out
to examine these crucial relationships. A
major feature of this volume is its broad
approach to an understanding of the
linkages between population growth and
poverty and its stress on the economic
and social dimensions of these linkages.
As such, this book is in striking contrast
to the 'denominator approach' which
regards the primary effect of population
growth to be an increase in the number
of individuals placing demands on limited
resources.
Per Lindskog & Jan Lundqvist, Why
Poor Children Stay Sick: The Human
Ecology of Child Health and Welfare in
Rural Malawi (Uppsala: SIAS, 1989)
11 1 pp.
Maria de Bruyn, De Algunas Personas
Dicen que Tienen Buenas Manos: Ac-

titudes de 10s Pacientes Populares Frente
a la Satud (Iquique: CREAR, 1988) 84pp.
Strategies for Children in the 1990s
(New York: UNICEF, 1989) 48pp.
Ligue nationale pour la Liberte des
Vaccinations, Dangers insoupqonnes des
vaccinations, 27pp',Pouvoirmedical, choix
de societe, 23pp.
The Battle for Sarawak's Forests
(Penang: Sahabat Alam Malaysia, 1989)
190pp. "Without the forests, we are dead",
said a native in the rainforests of Sarawak.
Malaysia. He is speaking for the hundreds
of thousands of natives who depend on
the forests for food, shelter and their very
survival. Between 1963 and 1985, 2.8
million hectares or 30% of Sarawak's total
forest area were logged. In 1984, another
60% (5.8 million hectares) were licensed
out for logging. Many timber licences
issued by the Sarawak Government cover
customary land of the natives. And since
early 1987 the natives have been putting
up hlocades across timber roads in a
desperate attempt to stop logging ac-
tivities. This book is the first comprehen-
sive collection of documents and articles
closely related to the plight of the natives
in Sarawak, and their courageous fight to
save the forests.
Luis Oporto P,, Museos, Parques
Naturales y Educacion en Bolivia (La Paz:
CENDES, 1989) 134pp.
Javier Diaz Albertini, La promocion ur-
bana: balance y desafios (Lima: DESCO,
1989) 153pp. A casi tres decadas de
iniciados 10s proyectos de prornocion al
desarrollo en el Peru, quienes se encuent-
ran comprometidos con ellos cotidiana-
mente, sienten la urgencia de reflexionar
y cuestionar 10s avances logrados y 10s
lirnites de su propia practica. La experien-
cia que no se sistematiza es dificilmente
acumulahle y reacia a ser transmitida. Por
ello, entre otros factores, no se cuenta
sun con escuelas o entidades que se
dediquen a la formacion de promotores.
Las multiples personas que realizan
trabajo de promocibn en nuestro pais son
en su rnayoria autodidactas en esta rnate-
rta.
Ladislau Dowbor, Introduc?~~ ao Planejamento
Municipal (SA0 Paulo: Editoria
Brasiliense SA, 1987) 127pp. Les personnes
intkressees par ce livre pourront
s'adresser a I'kditeur ou a son auteur
(Prefeitura do Municipio de S5o Paulo,
Pav. Pe. Manoel da Nobrega, 04098 Pq.
Ibirapuera)
Hari Mohan Mathur, Improving Agricul-
tural Administration: Elements of an FAO
Training Plan (New Delhi: Oxford & IBH
Publ, 1989) 121 pp.
Wilma Arende, Koen den Braber et al.
Pesticides: Composition, utilisation et
risques; P. Branjes, P. van Dongen et A.
van der Veer, Engrais vert et autres for-
mes d'amelioration du sol dans les pays
tropicaux (Wageningen: Agromisa, 1989)
Ronald E. Ostman (ed), Communication
and Indian Agriculture (London: SAGE,
1989) 319pp. Twenty-two essays which
provide up-to-date discussions of the
current state of knowledge on the subject.
They demonstrate how research and
theory can advance understanding of the
dynamics involved in communication
research, permitting practical interventions
in order to create positive social change.
The first section is devoted to providing
an overview of the role of communication
research in Indian development as also a
critique of existing theories and models.
Current examples of agricultural com-
munication in India are presented in the
next section. Specific chapters address
education and training for development,
new directions in theory and methods.
and problems in leadership with a strate-
gy for improvement.
Claudio Duran, Fernando Reyes Matta
& Carlos Ruiz (eds), La Prensa: Del
autoritarismo a la libertad (Santiago: ILET,

1989) 208pp. Una contribucion a la dis-
cusion sobre el papel de la prensa en el
future proceso de redemocratizacion en
Chile. Proceso que necesariarnente re-
quiere romper con las concepciones
autoritarias de la prensa y con ciertas
practicas periodisticas mecanicasy autom-
atizadas que se han transformado en
habito. Proceso que es necesariamente un
desafio ya que no es una mera vuelta al
pasado. Las nuevas tecnologias de la
comunicacion. ciertarnente hacen posibles
nuevas practicas periodisticas. Pero,
irnplicara un nuevo proceso de imagina-
cion que esas practicas correspondan a
las nuevas realidades sociales y politicas.
Luciano Alvarez, Logica de una comunicacihn
democratica (Buenos Aires:
Editorial Humanitas-CLAEH, 1989) 123pp.
Por mas el Uruguay parece querer olvidarlo
con terquedad, la comunicacion
es una cuestion vital para la convivencia
democratica y el desarrollo: LEn qu6
medida la aceptacion del juego democratico
impone obligaciones en materia de
cornunicaci6n? 6Hasta qu6 punto una
prictica democratica de la comunicacion
no es condition sine qua non para la
democracia rnisma? 6Cuales son, a su
vez, las condiciones exigibles a una
comunicacion en democracia? LCuales
son 10s principios que deben guiar las
politicas culturales y las politicas de
comunicaci~n? LY, al mismo tiempo, Lqu6
debemos entender por "Cultura" o "Politicas
Culturales"? 6Como deben articularse
hoy Cultura-Educacion-Comunicacion?
LQu6 debe exigir un pays democratico, en
procura del desarrollo, a la television?
Estas son algunas de las cuestiones que
se formulan en este libro a y las cuales
el autor responde, procurando destrivializar
un terna de decisiva importancia en el
desarrollo de la sociedad uruguaya,
National space
Adarn Keller, Terrible Days: Social
division and political paradoxes in Israel
(Amstelveen: Cypres, 1987) 200pp. This
is a book which must be read by all those
interested by the question of Palestine,
and especially by those who are preoc-
cupied by the fate of the Jewish people.
The author, who is the editor of The Other
Israel magazine, is a 34-year old Israeli
peace activist, served a prison term for
refusing to perform military service in
Lebanon and is one of those Israeli who
participated in the 1986 meeting with PLO
representatives in Rumania, Combining
participation, observation and classical
research methods, he offers a sober
critical examination of the contemporary
Israeli society, its determinants, its perver-
sions and its predicament. He describes
and analyses the role of the Histadrut,
from the dream of "Jewish socialism" to
the exploitation of Arabs; the two sides of
the Kibbutz experience; the ethnic and
social divisions between Sephardis and
Ashkenazis; the civil rights situation; the
apartheid against the Arabs; the "great
Israel" phantasm; the threat of Gush
Emunim; the resistible rise of the Likud -
and the activities and prospects of the
peace movement. "Peace, concludes
Keller, "is neither a dream nor a utopia.
Peace is a practical possibility - indeed
the only practical possibility for Israel's
long-term survival". (Adam Keller, The
0tl1er Israel, FOB 956, Tel-Aviv 61008,
Israel).
A. Mahmud Abdulaziz, Allah Ghazzawi,
Alain Joxe, Camille Mansour et Elias
Sanbar, Palestine: Memoire et territoires
(Paris: Cirpes, 1989) 134pp. On lira avec
un interet particulier les contributions de
Mahmud Abdulaziz ("Resistance culturelle
dans les territoires occupes"), Albert
Ghazzawi ("La memoirs des villages avani
1948 et apres 1948") et Elias Sanbar,
redacteur en chef de la Revue d'Etude
Palestiniennes ("L'lntifada: quelques pro-
positions de lecture du soulevement
populaire palestinien").

Max Liniger-Goumaz, Comment on
s'empare d'un pays: La Guinea Equato-
riale (La Chaux: Editions du Temps, 1989)
368pp. Un nouveau livre du specialiste de
la Guinke Equatoriale. Depuis des siecles,
Etats, marchands, banquiers et autres
stratbges du Nord lorgnent I'Afrique et ses
ressources, et la rnanipulent au gre de
leurs inter&. Les droits de I'hornrne ont
beau 6tre proclames a I'ONU et a I'OUA,
puissances capitalistes et staliniennes ne
visent que les richesses d'une Afrique
qu'elles "protegent" par d'arnicales bases
militaires et cooperations bilaterales. Leurs
vassaux, civils ou militaires, violent les
principes dbrnocratiques, aident au pillage
des revenus africains et au transfer! de
'inflation des nantis, tout en multipliant
coups d'Etat et etats d'exception. Un
accent particulier est rnis sur les visees
espagnoles et franqaises. Realit6 d'hier,
comrne d'aujourd'hui, historiens et geogra-
phes ont tendance a la taire, prudemment.
Elling NjSI Tjonneland, Pax Pretoriana,
The Fall of Aparfl~eid and the Politics of
Regional Destabilisation, (Uppsala: SIAS,
1989) 31 pp.
Kumar Rupesinghe (ed), Conflict Resol-
ution in Uganda (London: Jarnes Currey,
1989) 308pp. Edited by the Sri Lanki
fellow of the Oslo International Peace
Research Institute, this book offers a
selection of papers prepared by a host of
Makerere University scholars for an inter-
national seminar held in 1987 in Kampala
which brought together 260 participants
from 20 countries, Uganda has been in
trouble for more than 20 years. The gene-
ral consensus was well expressed by
Uganda's President, Yoweri K. Museveni
when he said: "In order for the conflict to
be effectively resolved, apart from adopt-
ing a democratic style of government
which accommodates everybody who has
got any legitimate political interest, we
must try to expand the base of the econo-
my so that it is able to satisfy the interests
of different social groups and therefore
maintain harmony". The book is a wealth
of information and analyses and it is
bound to become a classic for those
trying to understand the situation and,
above all, to work out methods of conflict
resolution - and contribute to a people
oriented development in Uganda.
Our friend Marcos Arruda (cf Dossier
21, 26 & 30), has been back in Brazil for
quite a few years and is now working on
Alternative policies for the South Cone of
Latin America (PACS-PRIESICS). Among
a host of papers he shared with IFDA are:
- Qui detient Ie pouvoir dans Ie sysfeme
bresilien, 25pp.
- Achieving Democracy by Creating New
Relations Between Work and Education,
1 4 ~ ~ .
- The Foreign Debt and Labor in Brazil,
1 OPP.
- An Approach to an Alternative Policy to
Deal With the Debt Crisis, 12pp.
Gonzalo Mariner (coord), Chile hacia
el 2000: Desafios y opciones (Caracas:
Nueva Sociedad, 1988) Torno I 266pp,
Torno II 270pp. Con ensayos por Sergio
Bitar, Guillerrno Campero, Ernesto
Edwards, Jairne Estevez, Ricardo Ffrench-
Davies, Manuel Garreton, Flavier Levine,
Luis Maira, Herald0 Mutioz, Carlos
Orninami y Juan Somavia. Este libro da
una interpretacion global tanto de la
situation inicial, el primer lustro de 10s
ochenta, como de 10s desafios y opciones
que se Ie presentan a1 pais para el proxi-
mo milenio. Los afios que faltan para
llegar a1 siglo XXI seran cruciales puesto
que las decisiones que se tornen en ese
lapso determinaran lo que comenzara a
cristalizar en las decadas siguientes. La
crisis que vive Chile significa grandes
peligros per0 tambien abre grandes
oportunidades; existen lirnitaciones, per0
tambien hay aperturas; se despiettan
grandes preoccupaciones, per0 tambien

hay esperanzas. De ahi que uno de 10s
desafios intelectuales de mayor enver-
gadura que surge en el dramatic0 presen-
te sea el de repensar el future.
Ernesto Tironi, Es posible reducir la
probreza en Chile (Santiago: Zig-Zag,
1989) 190pp y Eugenio Ortega R. y
Ernesto Tironi B., Pobreza en Chile
(Santiago: Ced, 1989) 208pp. LCuantos
son 10s pobres en Chile? LCuintos 10s in-
digentes? LEs posible mejorar su situa-
cion? LCuanto tiempo se necesita para
ello? LComo puede hacerse? LLograremos
compatibilizar la libertad y el progreso
econ6mico con la justicia social?
Adrian Carrasco, Maria A. Vintimilla y
Cecilia Suarez, Estado, Nacion y Cultura:
10s proyectos historicos en el Ecuador
(Cuenca: IDIS, 1988) 375pp.
James Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc:
Haiti and the Duvaliers (Oxford: Basil
Blackwell, 1988) 204pp. This book ex-
plains the reality of Haiti under the
Duvaliers and the causes of the regime's
violent disintegration. Tracing major pat-
terns and forces within Haiti's turbulent
history, James Ferguson examines the
nature of 'Duvalierism', its historic roots
and the conflicts which toppled it. Using
eyewitness reports and first-hand recollec-
tions, the author reconstructs the events
surrounding Baby Doc's fall and the
subsequent power struggle within 'liberat-
ed Haiti', ending in a new dictatorship.
Human rights in Indonesia and East
Timor (New York: Human Rights Watch,
1988) 27Opp. The Indonesian government
systematically violates political and civil
liberties. Freedom of speech is severely
restricted, and government critics, from
army generals to Muslim student leaders,
face arrest and imprisonment. Political
trials are unfair. Torture in police or milita-
ry custody is widespread, occasionally
resulting in death. And all forms of politi-
cal activity are subject to sweeping re-
straints. From one end of the vast ar-
chipelago to the other, a military apparat-
us enforces an extensive web of restraints
down to the village level.
Frances F. Korten & Robert Y. Siy
(eds), Transforming a Bureaucracy: The
Experience of the Philippine National
Irrigation Administration (West Hartford:
Kumarian Press, 1988) 175pp. In the
words of Soedjatmoko, former Rector of
the United Nations University and member
of the IFDA Council, "Recent experience
has show that there is a point beyond
which government bureaucracies become
an obstacle to rather than an instrument
for development, that is when those
bureaucracies begin to supplant rather
than support people's own development
efforts ... This account of the successful
transformation of the Philippine National
Irrigation Administration provides an
inspiring example of how emphasis on
people'sparticipationandself-organization
can lead to a viable but leaner, more cost-
effective organization in which the bureau-
cracy stimulates people's own efforts and
becomes more accountable to its clients".
A Third World Resources Guide to
Organizations and their Print and Audiovi-
sual Resources on the Philippines
(Oakland: Third World Resources, 1989)
A 16-page annotated guide to organiza-
tions and their print and audiovisual
resources on the struggle for justice and
peace in the Philippines. The guide con-
tains five sections: organizations, books,
periodicals, pamphlets and audio-visual
resources. Each section contains about
fifteen selected entries
John J. Vincent. Britain in the 90's
(Peterborough: Methodist Publishing
House, 1989) 66pp. This volume is a
provoker, designed to help debate really
happen. Britain in the 90's is the main
theme for the Presidential Year of Or John
Vincent, as President of the Methodist
Conference, June 1989-June 1990. During
that year, consultation on the theme are

eing held in many cities up and down
Britain, involving politicians, community
leaders, public figures as well as leaders
and people of all the Christian churches
and many organisations outside them.
Britain is being invited to join the great
debate on the 'high ground' of our nation-
al life. What kind of Britain do we want to
see in the Nineties? What great principles
are worth fighting for to inspire the future?
Claude-Marie Vadrot, Les nouveaux
russes (Paris: Seuil, 1989) 340pp. Perestroika
et glasnost ont une importance qui
depasse de loin I'URSS et les pays du
pacte de Varsovie. II est essentiel done
d'essayer de comprendre la revolution
non violente en cours en Union sovietique.
Apres Ie remarquable ouvrage recent
de Jacques Baynac, La revolution gorbachevienne
(Paris: Gallimard, 1988) [cf.
IFDA Dossier 72, ~831, louri Afanassiev et
al, La seule issue (Paris: Flarnmarion,
1989) [cf. IFDA Dossier 73 p841 et, un
peu plus ancien, Moshe Lewin, The Gorbachev
phenomenon, a historical interpretation
(Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1987) [cf. IFDA Dossier 68, ~601,
voici la fascinante perception d'un temoin
de la vie quotidienne, journaliste franqais
familier de I'URSS depuis 1980. Irresumable
-mais a lire pour se faire une idee de
I'extraordinaire effervescence" de la
societe civile au pays des Soviets renaissants.
Pour ceux qui voudraient suivre ce
'prodigieux bouillonnement", une autre
lecture est essentielle, celle de I'hebdomadaire
Les Nouvelles de Moscou (1 612 rue
Gorky, Moscou).
Michael Renner, National Security: The
Economic and Environmental Dimensions
(Washington: Worldwatch Institute, 1989)
7 8 ~ ~ .
Regional space
The indefatigable Karl Sauvant con-
tinues, at Oceana Publications the publica-
tion of The Third World without Super-
powers: first series, The Collected Docu-
ments of the Non-Aligned Countries and
second series, The Collected Documents
of The Group of 77. Vol X of the former,
compiled with Odette Jankowitsch, con-
tinues the coverage of the Havana Summit
(1979-1982) and starts that of the New
Delhi Summit (1983). Vol VII of the latter
(whose initial stages were part of an IFDA
project) covers the period from the Bue-
nos Aires Ministerial Meeting through
UNCTAD V1 (Belgrade 1983). It's worth
repeating that no practioner of Third
World collective self-reliance and no
scholar interested in this historical effort
can ignore this magnum opus.
Conditions de vie dans les pays en
developpement au milieu des annees 80:
Supplement au Rapport sur la situation
sociale dans Ie monde, 1985 (New York:
Nations Unies, NZ de vente F.85.lV.3)
7 5 ~ ~ .
Resumenes de las ponencias a1 Tercer
Conqreso Centroamericano y del Caribe
de Historia de la Ciencia y la Tecnologia
(San Jose: Asociacion Costarricense de
Historia y filosofia de la Ciencia, 1989)
8 5 ~ ~ .
Cafalogo de publicaciones de organis-
mos de integracion y desarrollo de Ameri-
ca Latins y El Caribe (Lima: Junta del
Acuerdo de Cartagena, 1988) 275pp.
Lapika Dimomfu (dir) et al, Repertoire
des institutions africanistes situees hors
de I'Afrique Sub-Saharienne (Kinshasa:
CERDAS, 1989) 109pp.
Bade Onirnode (ed), The IMF, The
World Bank and the African Debt (London'
Zed Books, 1989). Vol 1 : The Economic
Impact, 244pp, Vol 2: The Socio-Political
Impact, 208pp. As a follow-up to IFAA's
recent publication of Bade Onirnode's A
Political Economy of the African Crisis

which analysed the disintegrating condi-
tion of the economy of almost every
African country, IFAA, in collaboration with
Zed Books, presents two volumes of
essays examining the role and contribu-
tion of international financial institutions to
the starkest statistical evidence of that
crisis - the debt burden. Debt now poses
the gravest threat to the incomes and
general welfare of the countless people
throughout the Third World. To date, most
regional analyses have concentrated on
Latin America, with little attention paid to
Africa. These two volumes redress the
balance. They originate from IFAA's 1987
conference on the African debt, where
African scholars confronted IMF and World
Bank officials with the grim evidence of
their failed programmes. Collectively, the
volumes represent an African challenge to
the assumptions and theories of the
international monetary system upon which
IMF and World Bank policies are based.
Through sectoral studies, and case studies
drawn from both Anglo- and Francophone
Africa, they expose the brutally devastat-
ing effects of these policies on the lives
of African children, workers, women and
peasants. They present radical alternative
proposals including collective repudiation
of foreign debts, the formation of an
African debtors' cartel under the OAU, and
the democratisation of the IMF and World
Bank. The contributors include: Caleb
Fundanga, Haroub Othman, Cheryl Payer,
Reg Green, Fantu Cheru, Lawrence Harris,
Yusuf Bangura, Abdoulaye Bathily, Vali
Jama, Bonnie Campbell, Dianne Elson.
Hugues de Jouvenel, Europe's Ageing
Population: Trends and Challenges to
2025 (Guildford: Butterworth Scientific Ltd,
1989) 54pp.
CEDRI, Le GAL ou Ie terrorisme d8Etat
dans /'Europe des dernocraties (Bale,
1989) 168pp. Annee apres annee, les
pratiques des institutions espagnoles -
police, justice, arm& - ont ete etudiees
dans Ie cadre socio-politique de I'epoque.
Le Comite a deliberement choisi de ne
decrire en detail que les activites criminel-
les des "antiterroristes"; aussi ne trouvera-
t-on pas ici d'etude des activites de I'ETA.
Encore une fois, il ne s'agit pas de recon-
naTtre une quelconque legitimite a la
violence armee. Mais lorsque I'Etat espag-
no1 derape dans la criminalite, ce sent
non seulement tous les citoyens espag-
nols qui sont concernes, mais aussi leurs
voisins europeens. Vivons-nous dans des
Etats de droit? Que nous prepare I'inte-
gration europeenne? Ce sont ces simples
questions qui motivent la creation et les
actions du Comite d'Enqu6te sur les
Violations des Droits de I'Homme en
Europe
Global space
Louis Emmerij (ed), One World or
Several? (Paris: OECD, 1989) 318pp. As
regional economic blocs evolve, the
world's economies are increasingly diverg-
ing, widening the rift between rapidly
growing economies and those that are
stagnant or declining. On the occasion of
the 25th anniversary of the OECD Devel-
opment Centre, leaders from various fields
assessed the likely future of world devel-
opment in a two track and multipolar, yet
interdependent global environment. This
report brings together their reflections and
presents policy options for the 1990s
based on growth, sustainability and soli-
darity. The fundamental issue addressed
at the Conference was the dual-track
world economy and the fate of the poor
countries, especially those of Africa, within
it. Throughout the conference, it was
repeatedly stressed that a global vision of
development was required which would
include Third World countries from all
parts of the world, though the discussion
of the dual-track issue emphasized Africa.
Among the newly industrialising econo-
mies. Latin America debt and East Asian

trade and macroeconomic issues were
seen more in the context of multipolarity
in their connection with major issues
affecting North America, Europe and
Japan than as development issues. Spe-
cially worth noting is Louis Emery's "In-
troductory Statement" and "Policy Con-
clusion".
0 Karl Wohlmuth (ed), Structural Adjust-
ment in the World Economy and East-
West-South Economic Cooperation (Bre-
men: Institute for World Economies and
International Management, 1989) 546pp.
This book is the result of a cooperative
effort based on an International Seminar
which took place in Dubrovnik at the Inter-
University Centre in 1985. This Internation-
al Seminar resembled economists from
Eastern, Western and Southern countries
to discuss a main theme: how to improve
the conditions for global structural adjust-
ments by East-West-South economic
cooperation and how to improve the
conditions for international economic
cooperation by policy reforms in the East,
the West and the South.
Istvan Dobozi (ed), End-Century Chan-
ges in Development Paradigm and Strate-
gies (Budapest: Institute for World Econo-
mics, 1989) 179pp. With contributions by
Jozsef Bognar, Louis Emmerij, Yves
Bertholot, Mihaly Simai, Emmanuel de
Kadt and Leongard Goncharov.
Joan M. Nelson et al, Fragile Coali-
tions: The Politics of Economic Adjustment
(New Brunswick: Transaction Books for
the US Overseas Development Council,
1989) 159pp.
Marty Strange et al, The Great Trade
Debate (Watthill- Center for Rural Affairs,
1989) 48pp. What IS the role of the US
farmer in a global food system? Do US
farmers play the part of the hero? or the
villain? What kind of trade policy would
promote environmentally and economical-
ly sustainable rural communities at home
and around the world? This 45-page
report provides an overview of the causes,
consequences and alternatives to agricul-
tural trade conflicts in the industrial world.
Tourism Alternatives Exchange: Ladakh
- A Changing Scene" (an occasional
document from Equations [cf. p.871).
Jussi Raumolin & Lauri Siitonen (eds),
Problems Related to Transfer of Technol-
ogy and Mineral-Based Industrialization,
with Special Reference to Finland and
Africa (Helsinki: Institute of Development
Studies, 1988) 122pp.
Elizabeth Morrison and Randall B.
Purcell (eds), Players & Issues in US
Foreign Aid: Essential Information for
Educators (West Hartford: Kumarian Press,
1988) 117pp. Chapter One describes the
US bilateral foreign aid program and
compares it with the efforts of other do-
nors. The financial operations of the
International Monetary Fund are surveyed
in Chapter Two and Chapter three ex-
plores the roles of the multilateral devel-
opment banks. Finally, part One con-
cludes with a brief account of those
United Nations agencies involved in
development and the current UN funding
controversy. Among the authors are Peggy
Antrobus, Anne Gordon Drabek and
Chandra Hardy.
SIPRI Yearbook 1989: World Armaments
and Disarmament (Stockholm, 1989)
538pp. What were the important develop-
ments in the military sector in 1988, and
what effect did they have on peace and
security? What progress was made in the
attempts to control military activity and to
reduce tension and the chances of war?
This 20th edition of the SIPRI Yearbook
presents detailed information on arms and
arms control issues in a format that is
both concise and standardized for ease of
use. The 1989 Yearbook continues SIPRI's

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, Institute for World Economics and International Management, POB 33 04 40, 2800
Bremen 33, FRG
IRED, Case 11 6, 121 1 Geneve 20. Suisse
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. SIAS, PO0 1703, 751 47 Uppsala, Sweden
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Periodicals
(The addresses of the 88 periodicals mentioned below appear in alphabetical order at
the end of this section).
Humanrights: The challenge of "collective
rights" at the UN and in Canada' is the
theme of Interculture (Vol XXII, N02, which
features a paper by Rodolfo Stavenhagen,
'Human rights and peoples' rights - The
question of minorities.' Egalernent dis-
ponible en franqais. Human Rights Irtternet
Reporter (Vol 13, N'"1) offers its usual and
indeed unique wealth of news, cornrnen-
taries, bibliographies, notes on meetings,
etc. from all over the world. The Supple-
ment to Vol 13 is a 107-page masterlist of
human rights organizations & serial publications.
In Breakthrough (Vol 10, Nc'2-3),
which is entirely devoted to human rights,
'A comparative table of rights and freedom~'
shows which countries have ratified
which UN and regional conventions - and
suggests how much remains to be done.
Human Rights Education: The Fourth R
(Vol 1, N02) discusses the draft UN Convention
on the rights of the child. The

Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
(Vol 7, N'2) focusses on 'Human rights in
Africa' and discusses among others the
OAU Refugee Convention in theory and
practice.
Cultures: 'Histor~ca violation de derechos
humanos del pueblo Rapa Nui' en la
Revista chilena de derechos humanos
(N 9). 'El pensamiento pedagogic0 de
Nele Kantule', el dirigente indigeno de
Panama en 10s primeros atios del siglo
XX, en Sign (NOS). Dans Ie Bulletin de
I'Arci (N"9), Guy Poitevin discute Variations
indiennes sur les dynamiques
culturelles'. Peuples et liberations (N.111)
propose une mbthodologie pour la conscientisation
des volontaires au racisme.
Soviet Union: The big problems of small
ethnic groups' in IWGIA Newsletter (Nr57).
Migrants: 'Diasporas et developpement'
dans Histoires de developpenlent (N-6).
'Les migrations du Sud vers I'Europe: une
realite a assumer, une chance a saisir'
dans Cimade Information (N"7/8/89).
Change: A radically thought-provoking
essay by Ashis Nandy, 'Shamans, savages
and the wilderness: On the audibility of
dissent and the future of civilizazions' in
Alternatives (Vol XIV, N-'3). Centrepoint
magazine (NC'35) focuses on love and
creation, and also offer an essay on the
New Age movement. The New Paradigms
Newsletter published by Alan James
Mayne since 1986 discusses in its NO7
the nature of physical reality' and 'the
nature of healing'. Jack Fobes has sent us
a few copies of Green Line, 'an indepen-
dant, solution-oriented project in jour-
nalism promoting thoughtful approaches
to social change in Western New Caro-
lina'. They are evidence that grassroots
efforts to find and apply alternatives exist
in the USA. In Futures (Vol 21, NU3),
'Surveying the social implications of
information technology' by Howard Rush
and lan Miles. Vol 11. N'8 of Michael
Marien's Future Survey provides sources
on 'general societal directions' and 'meth-
ods to shape the future'. 'Postmodernism
and beyond ...' in the Utne Reader (N034).
'La Mediterranee face a ses futurs' par
Serge Antoine dans Futuribles (N0134).
Alternatives non violentes (N071) est
consacre a I'Autre Sommet economique
de juillet dernier avec, notamment, un
entretien avec Ignacy Sachs, 'Instaurer un
dialogue avec la societe civile' et une
traduction de I'article de Udo Simonis
Ecologie et politiques economiques' paru
dans I'IFDA Dossier 70. Dans Foi et
developpement (NO1 75/6), Rene Lenoir
met en cause 'la notion de developppe-
ment'.
Needs: 'Children: An endangered species?'
in Health for the millions (Vol XV,
N"3). 'The alcohol addiction' in Multinational
Monitor (Vol 10, N"6). Traditionelle
Heiler und westliche Medizin' by
Gerrit Huizer in PeMherie (NC'Â¥32) The
special theme of The Ahfad Journal (Vol
5, N"2) is 'women and nutrition'. Dans
Vers I'education not~velle (N"434),
'Rythmes de vie, rythmes biologiques,
pratiques educatives'
Communication: 'Democracia y comunica-
cion' con 'Nuevos paradigmas' por Ar-
mand y Michele Mattelart en Opciones
(N,,15). The Philippine Press Freedom
Advocate' (N022) focuses on the rights of
media workers. Rudoc News (Vol 3. N4)
tells the story of Mooban [village] Newsp-
aper, an experience of grassroots com-
munication in Thailand.
Autogestibn: La Revista Iberoamericana de
Autogestion y Accion comunal (Nc'l 6) es
un homenaje a Gaston Leval (1895-1 978),
En estos tiempos de radical revision de
las ideologias socialistas, el mensaje del
pensador libertario trances adquiere una
nueva importancia. 'Origen y evolucion de
las cooperativas en la economia social
portuguesa' en 10s Cuadernos de Econo-
mia Social (Vol X, N030).

Paysans: 'Revolution franqaise et struc-
tures agraires: les limites des grands
principes' dans La Lettre de Solagral
(Nc83), Reforms Agraria, la revue de
'Association bresilienne de reforme ag-
raire rend hommage (Ano 18, N'3) a
Lorena, grand agronome bresilien, et a
son oeuvre (en portugais). In Panoscope
(N31 3), 'the other economy'.
Environment 'Recovering our kinship with
the earth' in IDOC (8914). 'Capitalism and
the environment' by the editors of Monthly
Review (Vol 41, N02). 'The damming of
Indonesia' in Environesia (Vol 3, N02).
'Development: The cost to our environ-
ment' in Asia Link (Vol XI, N03). 'Towards
a green glasnost' by Mikhail Lemechev in
New Economics (Nc'lO). 'Environmental
auditing' in UNEP's Industry and environ-
ment (Vol 11, N"4). Tecnologia y riesgo
ambiental' por Vicente Sanchez in Medio
anibiente y urbanization (N 26). 'Mercado
[ecologico] de campesinos' en Cozac
Boletin (A60 6, NG18/19).
Mujeres * Women * Femmes: "... !Por que
la tierra es mujer" en Winay Marka (Nog/-
10) con papeles sobre mujeres indigenas
en Mexico y Peru. 'El feminism0 ecuatoria-
no en 1930' en La Mujer (N018). 'Femmes
et travail: Ie mouvement cooperatif des
zonas verdes de Maputo' (en italien) dans
Africa (Anno XLIV, Nol). 'Traditions that
oppress women in Eritrea' in Voice of
Eritrean Women (Spring 1989). 'Long
distance love affair', CAFRA News, Newsl-
etter of the Caribbean Association for
feminist research and action (Vol 3, N'2)
reviews Simone Schwarz-Bart's Ton beau
capitaine and ADAIFW from Jamaica's
Association of development agencies (Vol
3, Nc'7) recommends Women in the Rebel
Tradition: The English speaking Carib-
beans. 'The women's groups are opposing
the sex tours' in Japan's Peace Studies
Newsletter (N718). 'Empowering women:
organizational models' by the Society for
Participatory Research in Asia in Women
in Action (2189). Convergence (Vol XXI,
Nc4) offers a paper by Nighat Said Khan
and Kamla Bhasin, 'Educating each other
on women's development'. 'Indian women:
Tensions and conflicts' in Social Change
(Vol 18, N03), The Tribune (N042) makes
connections: 'Economics and women's
lives'. 'Les reseaux pour les femmes dans
Ie developpement' dans Instraw Nouvelles
(N"l1). 'Le deboisement et les femmes'
dans Source de TA (Vol 17, NJ1).
Third system: 'What does the peace
movement do when states disarm' in
Peace News, Nonviolence in action (N023-
12). Opening with a paper by Harsh Sethi
('Redefinitions: Groups in a new politics
of transformation'), Asian Exchange (Vol
6, Nn2/3) is devoted to voluntary associa-
tions in Asia. Kasarinlan (Vol 4, N"2)
discusses 'the EEC-Ngo experience. Don
Mills examines 'Direct funding implications
for Caribbean Ngos' in SID's Develop-
ment (1988:4). 'INGO approaches to
global environmental problems' in Trans-
national Associations Transnationales
(1 989:3) whilst the WFUNA Bulletin (N048)
discusses 'Ngos in the UN system'. In The
Network (Vol II, Nol), Michael Barrat
Brown asks 'What is networking?'. 'Las
organizacionesno gubernamentales y el
desarrollo urbano' en el Boletin de desar-
rollo social (N'61) .
Governance: 'Progress of knowledge and
right-left dichotomy: Are existing ideologi-
es adequate?' in Man & Development (Vol
XI, N01). 'Federalism' in Seminar 357.
'Analisis y alternativas para la democratiz-
aci6n de la sociedad panamenas en
Tareas (No70/71). 'Movimientos sociales y
politica ' (NT8) y 'Terceras vias en Colom-
bia' (N"9) en la Revista Foro.
Economics: 'Human development in the
80s and beyond', an issue of the UN
Journal of Development Planning (NO1 9)
guest-edited by Keith Griffin and John
Knight, with papers by, among others,

Amartya Sen, Dharam Ghai and Richard
Jolly. 'Privatization' is the theme of World
Development (Vol 17, NÂ¥5) 'The Soviet
Union in the GATT? A plea for Reform' in
The /riternationalSpectator (Vol XXIV, Nc2),
'International trade in services and the
Third World' in News from IRENE (Nc9/1 0).
Nuevos procesos de integracion economica'
en Pensamienfo Iberoamericano
(N 15), 'A new dynamic multilateralism' by
Muchkund Dubey in Mainstream (Vol
XXVII, N-4).
Sotith-Soutfi: 'Some new approaches to
South-South Cooperation' by Surendra
Patel and 'South-South Cooperation: The
logic of experience' by Rehman Sobhan
in Development & South-South Coopera-
tion (Vol V, N 8). 'Non-alignment and
development' in Razvoj Development
International (Vol IV, Na2) including con-
tributions by Manmohan Singh, Jan
Tinbergen, Celso Furtado, Abdus Salam,
Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, Carlos Fortin,
Sukhamoy Chakravarty, Rehman Sobhan
and Tamas Szentes. 'Growth and trade
links: An application to Islamic Countries'
in the Journal of Economic Cooperation
among Islamic countries (Vol 9, NC'3/4).
Una nueva solidaridad international -
Elementos para una iniciativa de la Com-
ision del Sur' por Aldo Ferrer en Comercio
Exterior (Vol 39, N 5)
Places: 'Geopolitique mondiale et unite
africaine' par Edem Kodjo dans Le Cahier
de I'IPRI ((N 6) With 'An alternative to the
New Economic Policy', Chandra Muzaffar
calls for a fundamental transformation of
Malaysia's economy in Aliran (Vol 9, NL5).
A special report on Pakistan by Paula
Newberg in World Policy Journal(Vo1 VI,
N"3). Palestine: The intjfadah continues'
by Yezid Say ig h in Third World Quarterly
(Vol 11, N33). Tres papeles sobre Paragu-
ay en Nueva Sociedad (N"1 02).
New periodicals: CEDEP, Centro de
educacion popular de Quito, Ecuador,
emprendio la publicacion de Bemba
Colora', boletin mensual de comunicacion
popular - 'el humor moviliza, el aburrimie-
nto paraliza' (Sub: US$14). Moneta est Ie
journal de I'Association pour une banque
alternative en Suisse; son premier numero
offre une longue interview de I'architecte
Mario Botta. The Delhi-based Centre for
Science, Technology and Environmental
Policy Studies (STEPS) has started the
publication of the STEPS Quarterly; its first
issue features Third World science and
environment perspectives'. Conflicto - Vida
y Derecho e una rweva revista juridica
editada por el Centro El Canelo de Nos
en Chile; en el primer numero, 'Desafio
nacional y tareas ciudadanas: Chile en
camino a la democracia' y 'Sociedad
chilena y pueblos indigenas: Una historia
de imposiciones y exterminio'. Voices from
Africa is a new publication from the UN
Non-governmental Liaison Service (NGLS)
in Geneva; the first issue focuses on
women with papers on their role in the
crisis, afforestation in Kenya, health and
nutrition in Zaire as well as 'Women and
Food Security' by Eugenie Aw.
. ADAIM, 14 South Avenue, Kingston 10, Jamaica
Africa, Via Aldrovandi 16, 00197 Roma, Italy
. Aliran, POB 1049, 10830 Pulau Pinang, Malaysia
Ahfad Journal, Ahfad University for Women, POB 167, Omdurman, Sudan
. Alternatives, WOMP, 777 UN Plaza, New York, NY 10017, USA
. Alternatives non violenles, 16 rue Paul-Apell, 42000 Saint-Etienne, France

. Asia Link, CPP, 48 Pr Margaret Rd, Hornantin, Kowloon, Hong Kong
. Asian Exchange, Arena, Gav. POB 96205, Hong Kong
, Bemba Colora, CEDEP, Casilla 1171. Quito, Ecuador
. Boletin de Desarrollo Social, GADIS, Paraguay 1233, 1057 Buenos Aires, Argentina
. Breakthrough, GEA, Suite 456, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, NY 101 15, USA
, Bulletin de /'Arc;, 1 rue du 11 Novernbre, 92120 Montrouge, France
. CAFRA News, PO6 442, Tunapuna Post Office, Tunapuna, Trinidad & Tobago
. Le Cahier de I'IPRI, Case postale 459, 1215 Geneve 14, Suisse
. Centrepoint Magazine, PO6 35, Albany, Auckland, New Zealand
, Cimade Information, 176 rue de Grenelle, 75007 Paris, France
. Comercio Exterior, C. de Malintzin 28, Col. Carmen, Coyoacan, 04100 Mexico DF,
Mexico
. Conflicto - Vida y Derecho, Ctro El Canelo de Nos, Casilla 2-D, San Bernardo, Chile
, Convergence, 720 Bathurst St, Suite 500, Toronto, Ontario M5S 2R4, Canada
, Cozac Boletin, POB 11899, 1001 GW Amsterdam, The Netherlands
, Cuadernos de Economia Social, Moreno 1729, 1093 Buenos Aires, Argentina
, Development, SID, Palazzo Civilta del Lavoro, EUR, 00144 Roma, Italy
. Development & South->outh Cooperation, PO6 97, 61 109 Ljubljana, Yugoslavia
, Environesia, Jalan Penjernihan 1, Kornpleks Keuangan 15, Pejompongan, Jakarta
1021 0, Indonesia
. Foi et developpement, Centre Lebret, 39 bd St-Gerrnain, 75005 Paris, France
. Future Survey, 4916 St. EImo Avenue, Bethesda, MD 20814-5089, USA
. Futuribles, 55 rue de Varenne, 75341 Paris Cedex 07, France
. Futures, Butterworth Scientific Ltd, POB 63, Guildford GU2 5BH. UK
. Green Line. FOB 144, Asheville, NC 28802, USA
. Health for the Millions, UHA, 40 Institutional Area, New Delhi 110 016, India
. Histoires de developpement, 30 rue Sainte Heiene, 69002 Lyon, France
. Human Rights Education: The Fourth R, 1603 Honeysuckle, Jonesboro, AR 72401,
USA
. Human Rights Internet Reporter, Haward Law School, Pound Hall, Rrn 401,
Cambridge, MA 021 38, USA
. IDOC, Via S. Maria dell'Anima, 00186 Rome, Italy
, Industry and Environment, UNEP, Tour Mirabeau, 39-43 quai Andre-Citroen, 75739
Paris Cedex 15, France
. Interculture, Centre Monchanin, 4917 rue St Urbain, Montreal, Q H2T 2W1, Canada
. INSTRAW Nouvelles, BP 21747 Saint-Domingue, Rep dominicaine
. International Spectator, Viale Mazzini 88, 00195 Rome, Italy
. IWGIA Newsletter, Fiolstraede 10, 1171 Copenhagen K, Denmark
Journal of Development Planning, United Nations, New York, USA
, Journal of Economic Cooperation among Islamic Countries, Attar Sokak, N"4, GOP,
06700 Ankara, Turkey
. Kasarinlan, PO6 210, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines
, La lettre de Solagral, 13 Bd St Martin, 75003 Paris, France
. Mainstream, F-24 Bhagat Singh Market, New Delhi 110 001, India
. Man & Development, 2-A Sector 19-A, Madhya Marg. Chandigarh 160 019, India
. Media Ambiente y Urbanization, Corrientes 2835, 6' "B", 1193 Buenos Aires,
Argentina
Moneta, ABS, Baslerstrasse 106, 8048 Zurich, Suisse
. Monthly Review, 122 West 27th Street, New York, NY 10001, USA

La Mujer, Casilla 821, Suc. 12 de Octubre, Quito, Ecuador
Multinational Monitor, FOB 19405, Washington, DC 20036, USA
. Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights, Boothstraat 6, 3512 BW Utrecht, The
Netherlands
. The Network, TWIN, 345 Goswell Road, London EC1V 7JT, UK
. New Economics, 88/94 Wentworth Street, London E1 7SE, UK
New Paradigms Newsletter, 29 Fairford Crescent, Downhead Park, Milton Keynes
MK15 9AF, UK
News from IRENE, Korvelseweg 127, 5025 JC Tilburg, The Netherlands
Nueva Sociedad, Apdo 61.712, Caracas 1060-A, Venezuela
Opciones, Academia de Humanism0 Cristiano, Catedral 1063, Of 60, Santiago, Chile
Panoscope, 8 Alfred Place, London WC1 7EB, UK
Peace News, 8 Elm Avenue, Nottingham NG3 4GF, UK
Peace Studies Newsletter, POB 5187, Tokyo International, Japan
, Pensamiento Iberoamericano, ICI, Reyes Catolicos 4, 28 040 Madrid, Espafia
Peripherie, Postfach 8426, 4400 Munster, FRG
. Peuples & Liberations, ITECO, 31 rue du Boulet, 1000 Bruxelles, Belgique
. Philippine Press Freedom Advocate, PMPF, Rm 307, Vicar BIdg, Denver St. Cubao,
Quezon City, Philippines
. Razvoj Development International, FOB 303, 41 000 Zagreb. Yugoslavia
Reforms Agraria, CP 1.396, 13070 Campinas SP, Brasil
, Revisia Chilena de Derechos Humanos, Catedral 1063, Ypiso, Santiago, Chile
. Revista Foro, AA 10141, Bogota, Colombia
. Revista Iberoamericana de Autogestion y Accion comunal, c/o Antonio Colomer Viadel,
Faculdad de Derecho, UAM, Cantoblanco, 28049 Madrid, Espaiia
Rudoc News, THIRD, 230152 Soi the Univ of the Thai Chamber of Commerce,
Wipawadi Rungsit Rd, Bangkok 10400, Thailand
Seminar, POB 338, New Delhi 1, India
Sigu, Movimiento de la Juventud Kuna, Apdo 536, Panama 1, Panama
, Social Change, 53 Lodi Estate, New Delhi 110 003, India
. Source de TA, BP 41, 6700 AA Wageningen, Pays-Bas
STEPS Quarterly, C-5 Jangpura Extension, New Delhi 110 014, India
. Tareas, Apdo 6-3093, El Dorado, Panama, Panama
. Third World Quarterly, New Zealand House, 8 Hayrnarket, London SW1Y 4TS, UK
. Transnational Associations, UAI, Rue Washington 40, 1050 Bruxelles, Belgium
. The Tribune, IWTC, 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017, USA
. Utne Reader, Fawkes BIdg, 1624 Harmon Place, Minneapolis, MN 55403, USA
, Vers I'educaiion nouvelle, CEMEA, 76 Bd de la Villette, 75940 Paris Cedex 19, France
Voices from Africa, NGLS, Palais des Nations, 121 1 Geneva 10. Switzerland
. Voice of Eritrean Women, NUEWmn, FOB 631, New York, NY 10025, USA
WFUNA Bulletin, Palais des Nations, 121 1 Geneva 10, Switzerland
. Winay Marka, Calle S Vicenq 3, pral 2', 08001 Barcelona, Espaha
Women in Action, ISIS, Via San Saba 5, 00153 Rome, ItalyiCasilla 2067, Correo
Central, Santiago, Chile
World Development, Suite 501, 1717 Mass. Ave NW, Washington, DC 20036, USA
. World Policy Journal. 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017, USA

ifda dossier 74 materials received for publication
N.B. Listing a paper below does not imply that it will be published. Decisions in this
respect are based on the need for balance between themes, actors, regions and
languages. The editors regret that time makes it impossible to engage in direct
correspondence with authors about papers. Papers may be obtained directly from the
author.
Local space
The Manila Declaration on People's Participation and Sustainable Development
(ANGOC, POB 870 MCPO, Makati, Metro Manila 31 17, Philippines) 5pp.
All Abdalla Ali, How to Reach the Small Farmer in LDCs? An Islamic Formulae that
Solves the Problem (Sudanese Business, FOB 321 9, Khartoum, Sudan) 12pp.
Guy Beney, La citoyennete au risque de I'ecologie globale (16 rue du Somrnerard,
75005 Paris, France) 12pp.
Rodrigo Egaha B., Dcsafios para las orqanizaciones de cooperacian internaciorial
y 10s ONG chilenos (Casilla 53078, Correo Central, Santiago, Chile) 26pp.
Joseph Ogaba Egwurube, Local Government at the Cross Roads in Nigeria (1989)
(Dept of Local Government Studies, Institute of Administration, Ahmadu Bello University,
Zaria, Nigeria) 18pp.
FACMUM, Encuentro sobre Movimientos Sociales Urbanos en America Latina y
Espafia (Calle S. Vicente Ferrer, 61 Madrid, Espana) 8pp.
Eliphas G. Mukonoweshuro, The Political Economy of Rural Differentiation in an
African State: Sierra Leone (Dept of Pot & Adm Stud, Univ of Zimbabwe, POB MP 167,
Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe) 12pp.
Aurelio A. Ferrero, Vivienda Popular en Argentina y America Latjiia: Actores y Roles
(Asoc Vivienda Economica, Igualdad 3600, Villa Siburu, Estafeta 14, 5000 Cordoba,
Argentina) 4pp.
The Human Development Centre (3757115 Sukhumvit Soi 40, Bangkok 101 10,
Thailand).
National space
Archie J. Bahm, Chinese Pragmatism (University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM
871 31, USA) 19pp.
Horacio Berretta, Buscando Reorientar el Camino de la Civ//izacion TMca (Asoc
Vivienda Economica) 6pp.
Enwere Dike, Rice Production in Nigeria (Dept of Economics, Ahmadu Bello
University, Zaria, Nigeria) 6pp.
Hafizullah Emadi, Political Developments in Afghanistan and Ismailis Policy of Peace
and Neutrality (1550 Wilder Ave A 905, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822) 9pp.
Hazel Henderson, Moving Beyond "Economism": New Indicators for Culturally
Specific, Sustainable Development (FOB 5190, St Augustine, FL 32085, USA) 7pp
Rashpal Malhotra, Nation B~~iidir~g Development Process and Communication: Some
Basic Issues (Centre for Research in Rural & Industrial Development. 2-A Sector 19-
A, Madhya Marg, Chandigarh 160 019. India) 11 pp.
(continues on page 37)

ifda dossier 74
Espace local
Lemons d'une animation au Senegal (Emmanuel Seyni Ndione) 3
"Aun es tiempo de vivir": La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 15
Regional space
The South Commission: New horizons or the same old song?
(Loh Wei Leng) 25
A Third World perspective on interdependence, integration
and collective self-reliance (Mohamed Sid-Ahmed) 35
Global space
The new detente: Some reflections from the South (Rajni Kothari) 39
Is global civilization coming? (Marc Nerfin) 63
Index Dossier 63 - 74 51
News from the third system
Citizens' associations support NAM initiative for a UN Decade
International Law
Israel: A new law threatens the Palestinian right to organise
Maroc: Mettre fin 3 la detention politique
Mexico: Nuclear debaters fired
Chile: Educaci6n para la democracia y el desarrollo local
India: Some SLARTC activities in 1988
Catalogne: Enllam
Brazil: The Institute of Technology for the Citizen
India: Equations, Equitable Tourism options
South West Asian Ocean: a Directory of activists
Women's Exchange Programme International
Letters/lettres/cartas
Sources/fuentes
Materials received for publication
This issue has been printed in 23,000 copies ISSN 0254-3036