spesso con approssimazione (ad esempio ‘La bottega del Tessitore’ per l’Officina di Ravisio Testore) forse volutaper creare un tono trasandato e antipedantesco; sono farciti di citazioni di cui a volte è difficile vederne con precisionei contorni o addirittura indovinarne la lingua originale, rendendo talvolta molto difficile distinguere fra le vociautoriali e le citazioni: il tutto fa parte della scanzonata ‘scapigliatura’ di Doni il quale, a nostro maggiore sconcerto,cita con precisione, lasciando intravvedere che anche in questa maniera domina il capriccio… Quasi certamente labase dei Marmi è costituita da un mosaico di testi prelevati nella maggior parte da vari autori di cui normalmentesi tace l’identità; per giunta i testi sono spesso tagliati e ricuciti in modo tale che anche il più smaliziato Quellenforscheravrebbe difficoltà ad identificarli. Se liberassimo questa base dalle superfetzioni e glosse doniane, avremmouna di quelle raccolta miscellanee o ‘selve’ che furono popolarissime nel Cinquecento; ma Doni la usa come unasinopia alla quale sovrappone o intreccia commenti di dialoganti, digressioni che talvolta incorporano altre fonti,parentesi di umore a sfondo realistico, novellette, considerazioni di polemica letteraria, frecciate personali, e unaserie di vari altri elementi che occultano e alterano il mosaico di fondo, rendendo difficile riconoscere i testi primariper via di una frammentazione continua e per la farcitura di elementi che dissuonano e producono mescolanzedi linguaggi lontane dai criteri di decorum, e per via di altre tecniche che alimentano l’impressione di bizzarria ecaoticità lunatica a tutto scapito di un’orditura lineare e robusta… Il criterio della dispositio sconnessa si applicaperfettamente ai Marmi, i quali da questo punto di vista sono una selva, cioè una raccolta di materiali privi di nessifra loro. E sono materiali esteticamente fruibili perché sono per lo meno curiosi: curiose sono le storie e le favole,curiosi sono i soggetti del cibo, della chiromanzia, dei sogni, curiosi la vita di Arnaut Daniel e vari altri materialiai quali se ne mescolano altri che potrebbero sembrare uggiosi, come i precetti ‘utili all’huomo’ o alcune discussionisull’onore. Ma per poter parlare di una ‘selva’ affine a quella di [Pedro] Mexía bisogna postulare che i Marmi,come la Silva [de varia lección (1540)], siano ricavati tutti o almeno in gran parte da libri altrui, che siano frutto diuna vera ‘lectio’ o scelta attuata su opere varie. Questo… è un punto cruciale, e fino a quando non si farà un lavorosistematico sulle fonti sarà imprudente affermare senza ombra di dubbio che i Marmi siano una ‘selva’ nel sensoindicato… Ai materiali di base Doni sovrappose ciò che è tipico del suo umore – bizzarria, riboboli, sbandate fuoritema, note dissacranti e antifrastiche, curiosità, capricci e costanti scadute tonali – e lo espresse attraverso le moltevoci dei personaggi che frequentano i dialoghi dei Marmi. La combinazione creò quella dissonanza… che mortifical’erudizione, che invalida il sapere, che abbraccia un Seneca ma lo respinge poi come soporifero, che proponenorme dietetiche a crapuloni e beoni, che sciorina informazioni cabalistiche ad allocchi. Era questo il modo con cuiDoni viveva un atteggiamento culturale dei suoi tempi o almeno di quel gruppo d’avanguardia che fra gli anni ’40e ’60 voltò le spalle all’Umanesimo e prese a parodiarne l’erudizione…” (P. Cherchi, La “selva” dei ‘Marmi’ doniani,in: “Esperienze Letterarie”, XXVI, 2001, pp. 3-6, 9 e 35-36).“Anton Francesco Doni went beyond Franco, Domenichi, Lando, and Landi in his rejection of Cinquecentolearning. The others believed that learning had declined and attacked individual humanists, but Doni argued thatthe studi liberali were fundamentally inadequate to teach men virtue… His I Marmi (1552-1553), or conversationsoverheard in the evening on the marble steps of the Florentine cathedral, contains a dialogue in which he rejectsthe studi liberali. A poultry vendor, a broker, and an unidentified third person begin to discuss how to avoid viceand to foster virtue, defined the traditional terms as the love of patria, wife, and children. But the studi liberali cannot teach virtue… Grammar can teach style and poetry is important; history is ‘noble’, but knowledge of the livesand activities of the ancients has only a negative value, a warning to men to avoid their faults. With arithmetic andgeometry one can count one’s possessions, but it is of no avail if one does not divide them for charity. Neither isvirtue the result of the study of Stoic or Aristotelian philosophy. Books can not teach men virtue because men have- 38 -
to learn from their own experience…” (P. Grendler, The Rejection of Learning in Mid-Cinquecento Italy, in: “Cultureand Censorship in Late Renaissance Italy and France”, London, 1981, pp. 243-244).A noteworthy passage important for the history of the reception of the Copernican theory in the 16thcentury occurs in the first dialogue: the ‘buffo’ Carafulla defends the heliocentric system just nine years after thepublication of Copernicus’ De revolutionibus: “Il sole non già, noi giramo; la terra è quella che si volge, non sai tu cheil cielo si chiama fermamento; & quando costa vanno a torno alla terra e dicono io ho girato tutta la cosmographia”(I, p.18) (cf. M. R. Macchia, Le voci della scienza nei ‘Marmi’ di Anton Francesco Doni: la divulgazione scientifica fra oralitàe scrittura, in: “Lo scaffale della biblioteca scientifica in volgare, secoli XIII-XVI: atti del Convegno, Matera, 14-15ottobre 2004”, R. Librandi & R. Piro, eds., Florence, 2006, pp. 469-484).Anton Francesco Doni was born in Florence, the son of a scissors-maker and second hand dealer. The firstreliable information is that after 1535 he joined the religious order of the Servi di Maria in the Florentine conventof the Santissima Annunziata, taking the name of brother Valerio. In 1540 they both left Florence and the conventand moved to Genoa; the following year Doni transferred to Alessandria, where he stayed with Antonio Trotti andIsabella Guasco. In 1542 he spent shorter periods in Pavia and Milan, and then moved to Piacenza to begin studyinglaw. Very soon, however, he gave up juridical studies and followed his inclination for literature. In Piacenza Donijoined the Accademia degli Ortolani, a group of intellectuals with whom he shared a very polemical, anti-classicalattitude. Among its most prominent members were Giuseppe Betussi, Girolamo Parabosco, and Lodovico Domenichi.To Domenichi in particular Doni was bound by a very close friendship, following him to Venice, where hewas introduced to Pietro Aretino and where he published the first book of his Lettere as well as the Dialogo dellaMusica (1544). Soon afterwards Doni travelled back to Florence, where he began to take part in the meetings of theAccademia degli Umidi. In 1546 he became secretary of the Accademia Fiorentina and, with the aid of Cosimo Ide’ Medici, duke of Florence, tried to establish a printing house of his own. In 1548, after the failure of his printinghouse, Doni broke off his relations with the Florentine milieu leaving Florence once and for all and, after a violentquarrel whose reasons remain obscure, ending his personal relationship with Domenichi.Back in Venice, Doni began a close collaboration with the printer Gabriele Giolito with the publication ofthe Disegno (1549), but his most productive period coincided with the years 1551-1553, when he was a collaboratorof the printer Francesco Marcolini, who during this triennium printed many of Doni’s major works: the Seconda Libraria(1551), the Zucca (1551-52), the Moral Filosofia (1552), the Marmi (1552-53), the diptych Mondi-Inferni (1552-53),the Pistolotti amorosi (1552), a collection of letters written by various fictional lovers.In 1555 Doni suddenly left Venice and went to Urbino, where he wanted to obtain the patronage of DukeGuidobaldo II della Rovere with the aid of Pietro Aretino. Between 1557 and 1558 Doni stayed in Ancona, wherehe tried to open a new printing house, but he was soon compelled to leave because of an edict of Pope Paul IVwhich ruled that all those who had left the priesthood should return to their convents. There is no clarity regardingthe details of the following three years of Doni’s life. However, between 1562 and 1563 he was certainly in Arquà,where he planned a monument in honour of Petrarch, which was never built. In 1562 Giolito printed Il Cancellieridell’Eloquenza, Il Cancellieri della Memoria, the Dichiarazione sopra il XIII cap. dell’Apocalisse, and the second revisededition of the diptych Mondi-Inferni with the new title Mondi terrestri, celesti e infernali.In 1564, Le Pitture was published in Padua by the printer Grazioso Percaccino. In 1567 Doni and his sonSilvio moved to Monselice, near Padua. In July 1574 Doni returned to Venice, where he offered Henry III of Valoisthe precious manuscript of a poem in ottava rima, the Guerra di Cipro. This is the last known fact of Doni’s life. Hedied soon after, in September 1574 – still in Venice, according to some sources, or back in Monselice, according toother (cf. P. Pelizzari, Nota biografica, in:“ Doni, I Mondi e gli Inferni, (Torino, 1994), pp. LXIX-LXXXIV).C. Ricottini-Marsili-Libelli, Anton Francesco Doni scrittore e stampatore, Firenze, 1960, no. 40. <strong>Catalogo</strong> unico, IT\ICCU\LIAE\000558. Casali, op. cit., no. 95. R. Mortimer, Harvard College Library… Italian 16 th Century Books, CambridgeMa, 1974, no. 165. Gamba, no. 1368. Adams, D-824. € 7.800,00rare Dortmund imprint35) SCHÖPPER, Jacob (1512-1554). Iacobi Schoepperi Tremoniani Presbyteri Comoediae et Tragoediae Sacraeet Novae, accuratissime recognitae. Dortmund, Philipp Maurer, 1552.8vo; early 20 th century quarter calf, gilt spine and gilt edges, marbled endpapers; (108) ll. Light dampstain at thelower margin in the middle of the volume, but a fine copy.VERY RARE FIRST COLLECTED EDITION of Jacob Schöpper’s Biblical plays. Even though four plays are announcedat the verso of the title-page, i.e. Ectrachelistis sive Decollatus Ioannes (1 st edition: Köln, 1546), Voluptiae etvirtutis pugna (1 st edition: Köln, 1546), Monomachia Davidis et Goliae (1 st edition: Dortmund, 1550), and Tentatus Abrahamus(1 st edition: Dortmund, 1551), only the first two are present in the edition. The first drama is dedicated to theconsuls and senators of the city of Dortmund (Ex Musaeo nostro, December 12, 1544). At the end are an epigramon this new edition addressed to the reader by a certain Georgius Cleivius and an advice to the ‘pium lectorem’.The humanism was introduced into Dortmund by a pupil of Alexander Hegius and Johannes Murmellius,Petrus Nehemius from Drolshagen, and by Urbanus Hombergensis, the first rector of the local school. Afterthem the two major figures who continued on the same path were Johann Lambach, the founder of the DortmundGymnasium, and Jacob Schöpper, who started preaching in his hometown around 1544 and in that same yearcelebrated the foundation of the Gymnasium Tremonianum and congratulated with the local authorities in thededication of his first drama Decollatus Ioannes (written in 1544 and published in 1546). Schöpper’s sermons, heldfirst in the Petrikirche and later in the church of S. Marien, as well as his Institutio Christiana were gathered and- 39 -
- Page 1 and 2: Catalogue 2013Libreria Alberto Govi
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neo-Latin anthology devoted exclusi
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as De la puissance ecclésiastique
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advanced both the technical and the
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di Giorgio Zorzi, ambasciatore in O
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the Misnah100) MISNAYOT MESUDAR NAS
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the task of taking part to the nego
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Pietro Aretino125) MAZZUCHELLI, Gio
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music129) TESTORI, Carlo Giovanni (
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Vol. VIII (1773): pp. (6), 854 with
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Di Felice e Gregorio Fontana, 1905,
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Cicognara, no. 190 (“Nelle quattr
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mo: fonti, theorie, modelli, 1750-1
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commentary on the treaty on shabbat
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poet laureate of Austria, and he le
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