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The Sikh Diaspora: The Search for Statehood - Vidhia.com

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20 THE SIKHS: SEARCH FOR STATEHOOD<br />

For students of nationalism, it is hardly surprising the <strong>com</strong>munity’s past<br />

traditions and history are being manipulated by the <strong>Sikh</strong> elite as they<br />

seek hegemony in politics and other spheres of social life. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong> elite<br />

has persistently contested the Indian govern ment’s powers to define its<br />

agenda by questioning state control over radio and television, the<br />

promotion of Hindi at the expense of Punjabi, 34 official conventions<br />

such as “Shri”, “Shrimati”, instead of <strong>com</strong>munity conventions such as<br />

“Sardar” and “Sardarni”, the subsuming of the <strong>Sikh</strong> marriage custom<br />

under the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955, and the <strong>com</strong>munity’s<br />

inheritance customs under the provision of the Hindu Code Bill. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>com</strong>munity’s alternative conventions <strong>com</strong>pete with official innovations<br />

of a “national anthem”, “greeting”, honours and patronage of arts and<br />

literature. 35 This is seen even more firmly in the sphere of “national<br />

memories”. Despite daily indoctrination through the media and through<br />

holidays, monuments and museums, all intended to create new<br />

“national heroes” to <strong>for</strong>ge an Indian identity among various<br />

nationalities, the <strong>Sikh</strong> peasantry seems to have stubbornly refused to<br />

exchange its “Punjab heroes” (Gillis 1994: 8). Thus, portraits of Punjabi<br />

heroes at the <strong>Sikh</strong> museum in Amritsar contrast sharply with “Indian<br />

nationalist” heroes <strong>com</strong>memorated in state museums. Numerous<br />

gurdwaras in the memory of <strong>Sikh</strong> martyrs act as “arresting emblems of<br />

the modern cultural nationalism” (Anderson 1983:17), while statues of<br />

Gandhi and other Indian leaders, officially patronized, pale against the<br />

immensely popular heroes such as Ranjit Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha,<br />

Bhagat Singh and others. That the minority narratives are likely to<br />

be<strong>com</strong>e mere footnotes in “national narratives” is a powerful reminder<br />

<strong>for</strong> gaining “national status”. 36 Above all, the Akal Takhat, destroyed<br />

and rebuilt, stands both as the rival centre of cultural power and a<br />

testimony to the state’s callous disregard <strong>for</strong> <strong>Sikh</strong> sentiments. <strong>The</strong><br />

<strong>com</strong>munity’s psychology and social condition in the periods be<strong>for</strong>e and<br />

after 1984 are best summed up by two poets. Be<strong>for</strong>e 1984 the mood was<br />

relaxed and the nation was “half asleep at her guru’s feet” (Mahboob<br />

1990). But the events of 1984 seared the trust that had been built <strong>for</strong><br />

centuries: 37<br />

Slowly, and surely, the wounds will heal<br />

broken hearts reconciled<br />

new agreements reached, and differences minimized<br />

But the unsaid trust that existed be<strong>for</strong>e<br />

has gone, and gone <strong>for</strong>ever.

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