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Literary Matters 5.3 - Association of Literary Scholars, Critics, and ...

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Despite the emphasis onweaponry that we havenoted throughout thescene, critics have beenstrangely silent on thesubject. Where did heget a weapon, though?Comments from thoseconcerned with stagingthe play are dismissive<strong>of</strong> any problem. HarleyGranville-Barker,for example, wrote in1945 “twice they havedisarmed him, but hehas kept a dagger.” 3His view reflects whathad been normal stagepractice for many years.Most strictly literary critics, however, simply ignorethe whole question, choosing to focus onthe rhetorical dimension <strong>of</strong> the speech, <strong>and</strong>on what it reveals about Othello’s character.T. S. Eliot may have been the first to do so inhis 1927 essay, in which he frames the speechas an instance <strong>of</strong> the kind <strong>of</strong> declamation employedby other Elizabethan dramatists, whowere influenced by Seneca:What Othello seems to me to be doing in makingthe speech is cheering himself up. He isendeavoring to escape reality, he has ceasedto think about Desdemona, <strong>and</strong> is thinkingabout himself….Othello succeeds in turninghimself into a pathetic figure, by adopting anaesthetic rather than a moral attitude, dramatisinghimself against his environment. Hetakes in the spectator, but the human motiveis primarily to take in himself. 4Whatever we may think <strong>of</strong> this deflationary appraisal<strong>of</strong> Othello’s motives, it struck a chordwith F. R. Leavis, who ten years later launched3 “Othello,” in Prefaces to Shakespeare, II (Princeton, NJ: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1947), 96. This section was composed in 1945.4 “Shakespeare <strong>and</strong> the Stoicism <strong>of</strong> Seneca (1927),” in Selected Essays:1917–1932, (New York: Harcourt, Brace, <strong>and</strong> Company, 1932),107–20, p.111.his own attack on what he called the “sentimentalist’sOthello,” the dominant view atthe time that had been most-fully expressedaround the turn <strong>of</strong> the century by A. C. Bradley,who, in the tradition <strong>of</strong> Coleridge, had seenOthello as the utterly noble victim <strong>of</strong> Iago’s devilishmachinations. 5 The essence <strong>of</strong> Leavis’sargument against the idea <strong>of</strong> a “noble” Othellomay be seen in his comment on the success <strong>of</strong>Iago’s insinuations about Desdemona:And it is plain that what we should see inIago’s prompt success is not so much Iago’sdiabolic intellect as Othello’s readiness to respond.Iago’s power, in fact, in the temptationscene is that he represents somethingthat is in Othello—in Othello the husb<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>Desdemona: the essential traitor is withinthe gates.…Bradley’s Othello is, rather, Othello’s;it being an essential datum regardingthe Shakespearean Othello that he has anideal conception <strong>of</strong> himself. 65 F. R. Leavis, “Diabolic Intellect <strong>and</strong> the Noble Hero: or The Sentimentalist’sOthello,” in Scrutiny, VI (1937; repr., in F. R. Leavis, TheCommon Pursuit, New York: George W. Stewart, 1952), 136–59.Leavis pays tribute to Eliot in a footnote: “There is, I find, an admirablenote on this speech in Mr. Eliot’s essay, 'Shakespeare <strong>and</strong> theStoicism <strong>of</strong> Seneca,'" p. 151.6 Leavis, 140–41.LITERARY MATTERS | VOLUME <strong>5.3</strong> | Fall/winter 2012 21

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