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concept of a “renaissance of rail stations” in western<br />

Europe (specifically Germany) was promoted in the<br />

1997 volume Renaissance der Bahnhöfe. This volume<br />

was published as a companion to the German biennial<br />

building exhibition with the same name, but<br />

none of the contributions were based upon original<br />

empirical research. Bartkowiak (2004) looked at a<br />

handful of different rail station area redevelopment<br />

projects in Germany, but the related case studies<br />

were brief, overly descriptive, and covered projects<br />

that have since been abandoned. 6 Meanwhile,<br />

Wucherpfennig (2005) used a discourse-analytical<br />

“new cultural geography” perspective to critique<br />

the rail station restructuring concepts promoted<br />

by Deutsche Bahn (German Rail) since the 1990s.<br />

There are also some selected case studies of rail station<br />

areas as part of larger studies of redevelopment<br />

mega-projects (e.g., Simons 2003; Fainstein 2001).<br />

Other singular case studies are limited to certain<br />

specific aspects of the rail station redevelopment. 7<br />

All of this contrasts with a much larger literature<br />

on waterfront and harbor redevelopment, however,<br />

where coverage through both in-depth individual<br />

case studies and internationally comparative research<br />

is much more prominent. (For a good overview see<br />

Schubert 2002; for other recent German contributions<br />

also see Schubert and Polinna 2007; Pütz and<br />

Rehner 2007; and the case studies in Dziomba 2008).<br />

Harborfront redevelopments have received more attention<br />

from urban theory scholars because they have<br />

been more prominently redeveloped as prime tourist<br />

and creative spaces that include residential uses.<br />

Rail Station Redevelopment Mega-Projects in<br />

Berlin, London, and New York<br />

Qualitative, case-oriented approaches produce findings<br />

derived from real-world settings where the “phenomenon<br />

of interest unfolds naturally” (Patton 2001,<br />

39; see also Ragin 1987). Researchers have to navigate<br />

a delicate balance between the need for a consistent<br />

research design and the need to remain sensitive to<br />

the particularities of each case. Issues of convergence<br />

and divergence, and locally and nationally divergent<br />

paths must be expected and explicitly acknowledged<br />

(Flyvbjerg <strong>2006</strong>; Pierre 2005; John 2005; Denters<br />

and Mossberger <strong>2006</strong>; Kantor and Savitch 2005).<br />

The three cases below represent one specific type<br />

of rail station area redevelopment, namely highprofile<br />

comprehensive mega-projects involving<br />

major inner-city rail stations in major metropolises.<br />

All three cases are really multi-part mega-projects<br />

consisting of a transport infrastructure component<br />

and one or more urban redevelopment components.<br />

The related planning processes are naturally<br />

extremely complex, involving many public, publicprivate,<br />

and civil society actors with both converging<br />

and diverging interests. Specifically, all three<br />

cases exhibit the following common characteristics:<br />

• The stations are located in major, leading<br />

European and North American urban<br />

regions (“world/globalizing cities”)<br />

with a multi-nodal, polycentric structure.<br />

• The rail stations are central terminals located<br />

in central urban locations in or immediately<br />

adjacent to the inner city or downtown area.<br />

• The actual stations were/are to be completely<br />

or substantially rebuilt and the<br />

<strong>Critical</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>Summer</strong> <strong>2009</strong> 167

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