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Before considering how best to prevent violence against women it is necessary<br />

to develop a shared understanding of the problem, based on the latest evidence.<br />

Element 1 defines and describes violence against women and presents an explanatory<br />

model for this violence, with an emphasis on exploring the problem at a social level<br />

and explaining its gendered dynamics and drivers.<br />

What is violence against women and their children?<br />

The framework’s definition of violence against women,<br />

shared with the National Plan to Reduce Violence against<br />

Women and their Children 2010–2022 and the United<br />

Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against<br />

Women (1993), is:<br />

any act of gender based violence that causes<br />

or could cause physical, sexual or psychological<br />

harm or suffering to women, including threats of<br />

harm or coercion, in public or in private life. 27<br />

This definition encompasses all forms of violence that<br />

women experience, including physical, sexual, emotional,<br />

cultural/spiritual violence and financial abuse, that are<br />

gender based. Gender based violence is violence specifically<br />

‘directed against a woman because she is a woman or<br />

that affects women disproportionately’. 28 It can occur in<br />

homes, in social and recreational contexts, on the street,<br />

in workplaces, schools or online, and at the hands of<br />

perpetrators either known or unknown to the victim.<br />

The framework aims to guide prevention of violence<br />

against all women, understanding that women’s and men’s<br />

identities, social positions and experiences are shaped not<br />

just by gender, but by a range of other social categories of<br />

difference, including Aboriginality, culture, race, ethnicity,<br />

faith or spirituality, socio-economic status, ability, sexuality,<br />

gender identity, education, age and immigration status.<br />

The framework’s definition includes anyone who identifies<br />

and lives as a woman. ii<br />

Many women who experience violence have children in<br />

their care. 29 Exposure to violence against their mothers or<br />

other caregivers causes profound harm to children, with<br />

potential impacts on attitudes to relationships and violence,<br />

as well as behavioural, cognitive and emotional functioning,<br />

social development, and – through a process of<br />

‘negative chain effects’ – education and later employment<br />

prospects. 30 Because violence against women has such<br />

direct and significant impacts on children, preventing it will<br />

also prevent associated harm to and consequences for<br />

children, which is why the framework title refers to violence<br />

against women and their children. 31<br />

The framework’s emphasis is on the prevention of intimate<br />

partner violence and non-partner sexual assault of women,<br />

the two most common forms of violence against women in<br />

Australia. 32 These types of violence are also the focus of the<br />

bulk of the international literature, knowledge and practice<br />

on which the framework draws. There is less research and<br />

practice on other forms of violence against women, iii but all<br />

forms of violence against women are interrelated and exist on<br />

a continuum, and the research shows they share many of the<br />

same drivers. iv For this reason, the framework is also likely to<br />

contribute to the prevention of these other forms of violence.<br />

ii<br />

The framework also acknowledges that violence is experienced by people whose experience and/or identity does not conform to binary definitions of sex and gender.<br />

While it does not include strategies specifically aimed at preventing violence against transgender, gender diverse and intersex people, to the extent that such violence<br />

shares some similar drivers to violence against women (particularly rigid, binary and hierarchical constructions of gender, sex and sexuality) its prevention is likely to be<br />

aided by the strategies outlined here.<br />

iii<br />

Such as street harassment, violence perpetrated against women by their (male and female) adult children, forced sterilisation, violence in lesbian relationships, sex<br />

trafficking and other slavery-like practices, female genital mutilation/cutting, so-called ‘honour’ crimes and forced or early marriage. There are also limitations to the<br />

literature on forms of violence which also may affect men in large numbers, such as elder abuse, or violence perpetrated by (male or female) staff against women in<br />

institutional, residential and other formal care settings particularly against women with disabilities, or in prisons or detention centres. While these types of violence<br />

have gendered dynamics, they also have significant distinct drivers and contributors. For this reason, the framework does not include strategies specifically aimed at<br />

preventing these particular forms of violence, and supports the need for specialised approaches based on an understanding of the complex drivers of and contributors<br />

to these practices, and an analysis of the specialised literature on each.<br />

iv<br />

While some drivers are distinct to particular types of violence (holding attitudes that sexually objectify women is a more significant driver of men’s non-partner sexual<br />

assault, for instance, than it is of physical or psychological partner violence), the majority of drivers are shared across all studied types of violence against women:<br />

see for example European Commission (2010) Factors at play in the perpetration of violence against women, violence against children and sexual orientation violence:<br />

A multi-level interactive model; World Health Organization (2010) Preventing intimate partner and sexual violence against women: Taking action and generating evidence.<br />

22

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