rivoniaunmasked

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS BY DR. PERCY YUTAR
WHEN I delivered my opening address in the so-called Rivonia Trial, the immediate reaction was
that I had exaggerated the position and resorted to "dramatics" for some ulterior motive. Complete
sight was lost of the fact that I am not (and never have been) a politician and that, as a lawyer, I am
obliged, in terms of our law, to use the testimony to be given, both oral and documentary, as the basis
for whatever I desire to say by way of opening, and that was all I did!
As I had occasion to remark in court, I had not at any stage received any instruction whatsoever
from the Minister of Justice, or anyone else for that matter, either directly or indirectly, as to who I
should indict and on what charges: that was my responsibility, and, I may add, if I had to start that case
de novo I would do the very same again.
Quite apart from what I have read in the statements of witnesses, I myself was deeply shocked by
and could hardly believe what I read in documents which were either in the handwriting of the accused
or were found in their possession. These documents clearly revealed that the accused deliberately and
maliciously plotted and engineered the commission of acts of violence and destruction throughout the
country, directed against the homes and offices of State and municipal officials as well as against all
lines and manner of communications. The planned purpose thereof was to bring about in the Republic
of South Africa chaos, disorder and turmoil which would be aggravated, according to their plans, by
the operation of thousands of trained guerrilla warfare units deployed throughout the country at various
vantage points. These would be joined in the various areas by local inhabitants as well as by selected
men posted to such areas. The combined operations were planned to lead to confusion, violent
insurrection and rebellion followed at the appropriate juncture by an armed invasion of the country by
military units of foreign powers. In the midst of the resulting chaos, disorder and turmoil, it was
planned by the accused to set up a provisional revolutionary government to take over the
administrative control of this country. The accused admitted the authenticity of all these documents,
and also that their policy included the eventual overthrow of the Government of South Africa by
violence. It is because of this that I submitted to the Court that this was a case of high treason par
excellence, and it was on those facts found proved which constituted the crime, no matter by what
name the crime may be called, that the accused were duly found guilty.
In the main the documents provide more than adequate proof of each and every allegation
contained both in the indictment and in the opening address, including
(a) the involvement of Moscow, the Communist Parties of Algeria, China, Czecho-Slovakia, East
Germany and several other countries in respect of the provision of financial assistance, arms,
ammunition and military personnel, but, of course, this was to be kept secret for fear of international
repercussions;
(b) the fact that the African National Congress was completely dominated by the Communist Party
of South Africa, and that between them they spoke for less than I of the entire population of South
Africa. The fact of this domination was also to be kept secret from the rank and file of the African
National Congress, and
(c) the collection of large sums of money from persons and bodies of persons, in so far as the
donors were not apprised of the facts set out in (a) and (b) above, nor of the fact that the moneys were
to be used for the purpose of sabotage and revolution in this country.
So strong was the documentary proof that it was barely necessary to adduce oral testimony in
support of the various allegations made by the State, and for that reason I called as witnesses less than
one half of the number of persons from whom statements had been taken by the Police. For that very