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WORLD REPORT 2016<br />

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH<br />

bers without a journalist intermediary. The result has greatly enhanced civil society’s<br />

ability to be heard and, ultimately, to demand change. The impact of social<br />

media is not all positive—users include purveyors of hate as well as “trolls”<br />

funded or inspired by governments to reinforce official propaganda. Still, a public<br />

able to broadcast its concerns through social media is an important supplement<br />

to mainstream media for challenging the government line.<br />

The most dramatic manifestations of this evolution were the Arab uprisings that<br />

began in late 2010, in 2014 the Maidan revolution in Ukraine and the Occupy<br />

Central movement in Hong Kong. Each demonstrated the synergy between a restless<br />

public and civil society activists adept at using social media to mobilize<br />

people in the streets.<br />

But the combination of civil society and social media has also been felt in less<br />

spectacular ways. From China to Venezuela to Malaysia, it has forced governments<br />

that prefer to rule unconstrained from above to face pressure to be more<br />

accountable to the people below. Repression, corruption, or simple indifference<br />

are at greater risk when readily scrutinized by a more connected, better organized<br />

society.<br />

The Autocrats’ Reaction<br />

Disinclined to accept such popular limits on their rule, autocrats are fighting<br />

back, in what has emerged as an intense and self-reinforcing trend. As repressive<br />

governments learn from each other, refine their techniques, and pass on<br />

lessons learned, they have launched the broadest backlash against civil society<br />

in a generation.<br />

The most common tools these days are efforts to deprive civic groups of their<br />

right to seek funding abroad when domestic sources are unavailable and to<br />

smother civil society with vague and pliable regulations. At risk is the promise of<br />

more representative government that social media had brought to its more empowered<br />

civil society users.<br />

To note this worrisome trend is hardly to spell the demise of civil society. Just as<br />

the great potential of an empowered people has pressed terrified autocrats to try<br />

to return society to a more atomized, malleable form, so that potential enables<br />

civil society to fight back. But it is far from clear who will prevail in this duel be-<br />

tween peoples’ quest for accountable government and autocrats’ desire for unfettered<br />

rule.<br />

Key third parties in the contest are the many governments that profess belief in<br />

the principles of human rights underlying democratic rule. Their willingness to<br />

adhere to principle over the temptation to accommodate rich or powerful autocrats<br />

can be decisive in determining whether dictatorship or rights-respecting<br />

representative government prevails. But as Western powers violate rights in addressing<br />

refugees or terrorism, their ability to uphold the broader set of rights is<br />

compromised.<br />

Reasons for Covering Up<br />

When you scratch the surface, efforts to suppress civil society are often led by<br />

governments that have something to hide. For each offender, there are failures<br />

of governance that officials would prefer not be discussed, a record of misconduct<br />

they want kept in the shadows, a subject they want changed. Because restricting<br />

civil society is about avoiding accountability, the topics that<br />

governments choose to suppress are a good indicator of their deepest fears.<br />

China and Russia, perhaps the two most influential offenders, are good examples.<br />

Each government made an implicit pact with its people: in return for strict<br />

limits on political participation, they promised rapid economic growth and enhanced<br />

personal opportunity. They are now having trouble keeping their side of<br />

the bargain.<br />

In part that is because the lack of public scrutiny has led to poor economic policies.<br />

Russia’s elite milked oil and gas revenue without the diversification of its<br />

hydrocarbon-dependent economy that more critical public scrutiny might have<br />

encouraged. The economy grew more precarious in the face of plummeting oil<br />

and gas prices coupled with sanctions imposed in response to the Kremlin’s military<br />

activities in Ukraine.<br />

In China, economic growth is hobbled by the same pathologies as the political<br />

system: the impulse to whitewash seemingly controversial information, such as<br />

how to respond to the August stock market plunge; the reliance on a court system<br />

that does the Communist Party’s bidding rather than impartially adjudicat-<br />

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