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Coastal Warfare, 1965–1966<br />

his end-of-tour report, “but I am sure that the increased advisory effort plus the commitment<br />

of U.S. manned units within the zone will improve Vietnamese performance.” Mosher believed<br />

that the only way for advisors to be effective was to suffer the same hardships and danger as the<br />

Vietnamese. “Undoubtedly, some will be lost, others will be heroes, a few will have their health<br />

impaired as a result of this duty but it must be accepted if we hope to win the war by influencing<br />

the Vietnamese.” 29<br />

Others were less optimistic. According to junk force advisor Robert K. Reilly, “The junkman,<br />

contrary to popular opinion, is not a good sailor. He does not like to go to sea and in order<br />

to avoid extended periods at sea (over one day) will resort to lies regarding sickness, approaching<br />

storms, the sea state, lack of food, water, fuel, and the material condition of the junk. Junkmen<br />

have been known to purposefully cripple their boats in order to return to the beach.” 30 A February<br />

1965 Naval Advisory Group staff study concluded that the “deficiencies in anti-infiltration<br />

naval patrols by the Vietnamese Navy have been many.” It listed the major shortcomings as<br />

lack of aggressiveness, lack of coordination with other forces, and poor leadership. 31 Even Rear<br />

Admiral Chung Tan Cang, the VNN CNO, admitted that the Coastal Force was in a state of<br />

crisis during this time: “The junk force itself had many problems.” 32 General Westmoreland<br />

concurred: “The Coastal Force is considered the weakest link in the patrol effort.” 33<br />

The general political turmoil in South Vietnam was one of the root causes of the VNN’s<br />

malaise. The position of nearly every senior officer in the VNN was directly tied to the political<br />

fortunes of their patrons. As governments changed so too did the leaders of major VNN<br />

commands. This frequent turnover of top level personnel undermined morale further down<br />

the chain of command and compelled junior officers to pay close attention to shifting political<br />

alliances. The situation was made worse by various other rivalries within VNN, including<br />

those between officers born in North Vietnam and South Vietnam, between Christians and<br />

Buddhists, and the various VNN force components. After the death of Quyen in 1964, northerners<br />

in particular lost much of their status within the VNN. Rear Admiral Cang, a southerner<br />

with strong ties to Prime Minister Nguyen Khanh, tended to favor southerners when it came<br />

to personnel assignments and promotions. According to Do Kiem, southerners were “getting<br />

chief of staff positions, while the Navy’s northern officers found themselves stuck on semi-permanent<br />

sea duty.” 34 Cang also undermined the authority of the various force commanders.<br />

Before the Diem coup, force commanders acted as separate “mandarins” with considerable<br />

control of their ships, personnel, and budgets. Although as the former River Force commander<br />

Cang had benefited from the old system, once in power as CNO, he attempted to concentrate<br />

power within his office and establish a system of personal loyalty among the officer corps to<br />

him alone. The situation came to a head in April 1965, shortly after Cang’s patron, Khanh, was<br />

deposed by General Nguyen Van Thieu, General Nguyen Van Cao, and Air Marshal Nguyen<br />

Cao Ky on 21 February 1965. 35<br />

Led by the operating force commanders and with the support of Air Marshal Ky, a handful<br />

of young officers, mostly from the North, barred the entrance to the Saigon naval headquarters<br />

51

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