Sweet Tooth for Empire: Sugar and the British Atlantic World

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the 1660s and resulted in the eventual loss of the original charter in 1685. 35 A group of colonists used the example of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 to justify the overthrow of Edmond Andros, the first royal governor of the New England Dominion in 1689. 36 Toulouse also maintains that reactions to the Glorious Revolution influenced the new Massachusetts charter, negotiated by Increase Mather with King William. 37 King William’s and Queen Anne’s War, which Toulouse identifies as the third and fourth events, instigated boundary and trade wars in New England that involved continually changing Indian allies. 38 A dramatic increase in the number of captives taken in New England occurred as a result of these wars; Toulouse cites a study which estimates that up to seven hundred New Englanders experienced captivity between 1675 and 1713. 39 The close connection between government and religion in New England resulted in a religious context surrounding the political changes that Toulouse identifies. The association of religious affiliations with national identity characterized King William’s War and Queen Anne’s War, and while France identified with Catholicism, the English became identified as overwhelmingly Protestant. 40 Prominent Puritan ministers including Increase and Cotton Mather supported William after the Glorious Revolution. 41 Toulouse, however, argues that these religious elites supported a Whig policy of political rights and religious toleration to protect “certain traditional New England charter and church privileges which deny rights and toleration to those who dissent from them politically or religiously.” 42 The publication of Puritan female 35 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 2. 36 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 37 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 38 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 39 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 40 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 41 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 42 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3.
captivity narratives coincided with these religious and political threats; the publication of Mary White Rowlandson’s narrative in 1682 occurred during a time of renewed charter threats. 43 The majority of captivity experience during the colonial period came from women; the Native Americans considered women to be ideal captives, 44 and women’s narratives served as a useful tool for promoting Puritan theology. Toulouse identifies three explanations for the use of female captivity narratives to promote Puritan theology and address threats to the community. 45 Women comprised the majority of New England captives and therefore held the largest base of experience with captivity. In addition, many captives, including Mary White Rowlandson, Hannah Dustan and the Williams family, had personal connections to either Increase or Cotton Mather. Toulouse also asserts that ministers promoted stories of women surviving captivity and returning to the Protestant community to counter tales of women converting to Catholicism or entering into French or Indian marriages in Canada. 46 While several female captives including Mary White Rowlandson and Elizabeth Hanson recorded, or allegedly recorded, their own experiences, many female captives, including Hannah Dustan and Mary Jemison dictated their stories to a male editor. Each captive experienced captivity uniquely, and their narratives create a complex picture of intercultural relations and tensions. Mary White Rowlandson’s narrative provides a clear example of the paradoxical roles of a captivity saga. Rowlandson wrote her own narrative but did not publish it until 1682, probably with encouragement and possibly assistance from Increase Mather. 47 Rowlandson wrote her narrative with a two-fold message; while she testifies that all must repent or face severe 43 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 3. 44 Derounian-Stodola, Women’s Indian Captivity Narratives, xvii. 45 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 7. 46 Toulouse, The Captive’s Position, 7. 47 Mulford, “Mary White Rowlandson,” 306.
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Sweet Tooth for Empire: Sugar and the British Atlantic World

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