UNCONSCIOUS BIAS AND EDUCATION
unconsious-bias-and-education
unconsious-bias-and-education
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Figure 3 summarizes the core of his argument. It plots the rate of return on investment for<br />
an extra dollar spent on skills programs across the lifetime of an individual who has an initial<br />
(low) common baseline investment at all ages. Given the importance of skill acquisition<br />
early in life, it is unsurprising that the returns to investing in disadvantaged children are also<br />
much larger early in life. Early investment creates the foundation of skills that make later<br />
investment more productive (Cunha et al., 2006). Children who enter school with character<br />
and cognitive skills gain more from formal education so that early intervention makes later<br />
schooling more effective, which in turn percolates throughout the life cycle. As Carneiro<br />
and Heckman (2003) put it, “Skill and ability beget future skill and ability.” If the cognitive<br />
and non-cognitive base has been compromised by early family disadvantage, skill<br />
investments at later ages are much less productive. The longer society waits to intervene in<br />
the life of a disadvantaged child, the more costly it is to remediate and overcome academic<br />
and social disadvantage. Placing greater emphasis on parenting resources directed to the<br />
early years supplements families and makes them active participants in the process of child<br />
development, thereby acting to prevent rather than remediate problems.<br />
Figure 3: Rates of Return to Human Capital Investment<br />
Source: Figure 1A in Cunha et al. (2006)<br />
Empirical evidence from a variety of intervention studies shows that ability gaps in children<br />
from different socio-economic groups can be reduced if remediation is attempted at early<br />
ages. A well-known example is the Perry Preschool Program, which examined the lives of<br />
123 children born into poverty with below average IQ in a city near Detroit, Michigan. From<br />
1962–1967, three and four-year-olds were randomly divided into a program group that<br />
received a high-quality preschool program and a comparison group who received no<br />
preschool program. For two years, the program taught children to plan, execute and<br />
evaluate daily projects in a structured setting, while also providing weekly home visits by<br />
teachers. These children were then systematically followed through to the age of 40 with<br />
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