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Drone fighting, like other long-range fighting, needs to take into account several<br />
ethical implications: this practice is conducive to easier kills by creating both physical and<br />
moral distance 136 when engaging opponents in conflict situations. This double-distance is<br />
translated in the so-called ‘screenfighting’ 137 and the bureaucratization of killing, 138 which<br />
implies the lack of human empathy and the removal of moral and psychological barriers to<br />
killing. While drone technology can be employed with little risks and costs, the fighting<br />
process involves worrying de-humanising practices redolent of computer war games.<br />
The use of drones may introduce cost-effective advanced technologies to warfare, but<br />
similar to other types of remote warfare, 139 they offer a military solution to more complex<br />
insecurity problems. As is was argued by American philosopher Herbert Marcuse in his book,<br />
One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (1964), the<br />
choice between a technical rather than a socio-political solution to social problems is highly<br />
significant from a normative point of view.<br />
Questions arise concerning the accuracy and reliability of such technologies to<br />
identify an appropriate target, further complicated by public trust issues in government and<br />
military officials responsible with drone strikes decisions. To address such concerns, several<br />
principles inherent to jus in bello need to be codified: 140 the principle of military necessity,<br />
the principle of distinction (between soldiers and civilians), the principle of proportionality<br />
(the use of force must be proportional to the military objectives to be achieves), and lastly<br />
and probably the most important one, the principle of humanity (the military force must avoid<br />
civilian suffering and casualties, and the destruction of propriety). The legal issues<br />
associated with drone strikes generally refer to the United Nations Security Council<br />
Resolutions 1373 and 1973, the former centred on post September 11 counter-terrorist<br />
operations, and the latter on military operations and interventions in Libya during the<br />
Gaddafi regime overthrow.<br />
The surveillance capability of unarmed and camera-equipped aerial drones allows for<br />
a wide range of both military and civilian tasks: data gathering, ‘border monitoring, assessing<br />
damage to critical infrastructure (e.g. nuclear power plants), guiding search and rescue<br />
workers at natural disaster sites, monitoring weather patterns, searching for persons missing<br />
in difficult terrain, and tracking the spread of large-scale fires.’ 141<br />
1. The EU’s Drone Policy<br />
Bridging the structural-innovation gap in defence technologies is one way forward to<br />
assure the EU’s future normative autonomy in ‘an increasingly, connected, contested and<br />
complex world.’ The recent increased emphasis on dual-use technologies goes hand in hand<br />
with the above-mentioned blurring of lines between ‘civilian versus military’ or ‘homeland<br />
136 M. Coeckelbergh, ‘Drones, information technology, and distance: mapping the moral epistemology of remote<br />
fighting,’ Ethics and Information Technology 15/ 2 (June 2013): 87-98.<br />
137 Ibidem<br />
138 P. M. Asaro, ‘The labour of surveillance and bureaucratized killing: new subjectivities of military drone<br />
operators,’ Social Semiotics Special Issue: Charting, Tracking, and Mapping 23/2 (2013): 196-224.<br />
139 E. Kersley, ‘Learning the lessons: 11 years of drones in Pakistan,’ openDemocracy (June 19, 2015).<br />
Accessed September 25, 2015. https://www.opendemocracy.net/esther-kersley/learning-lessons-11-years-ofdrones-in-pakistan<br />
140 E. Freiberger, ‘Just War Theory and the Ethics of Drone Warfare,’ E-International Relations (July 18, 2013).<br />
Accessed September 25, 2015.<br />
http://www.e-ir.info/2013/07/18/just-war-theory-and-the-ethics-of-drone-warfare/<br />
141 Ibidem, 2.<br />
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