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anticipate future developmental trends in public opinion tactics in order to successfully confront them
in future scenarios. 112
PLA analysts are studying topics such as the similarities and differences in public opinion (media)
warfare and psychological warfare in order to uncover challenges to military propaganda and
military soft power. Wang Lin and Wang Guibin are two such analysts. Similarities they uncovered
include common strategic objectives, similar operational methods (working on people’s cognitive
systems), using the same mass media as their operational transport means, and using military power
as a shield while relying on high-tech equipment. Differences include public opinion’s non-stop
efforts (during peacetime and wartime), using the war of words and a host of variables, whereas
psychological operations are more focused on wartime; public opinion warfare’s focus on the objects
of a society and culture’s structure versus psychological operations short-term focus on a soldier’s
will using deception and disruption; and public opinion warfare primarily using the media, whereas
psychological operations use leaflets, broadcasts, and other means. The authors conclude their
analysis stating that offensive operations are more effective than defensive operations in the field of
information war. 113
As a result of such findings, public opinion warfare has also been integrated into other departments
usually associated with a specific issue. These departments include the Research Institute of
Psychological Warfare, the Research Institute of Military Intelligence, the Research Institute of
Ideology and Culture, and the Research Institute of Political and Ideological Work of the Army. The
simulation of actual combat is included in one department as a teaching method. 114 Another source
stated that “Appropriate cultural battle simulations must be developed to accumulate the necessary
information and experience to improve one’s own defensive abilities in media warfare.” 115
Conclusion
Information technology advances have forced Chinese experts to focus more intently on the
advantages and disadvantages of high-tech media devices. The results of external Arab-Spring-type
events and internal Jasmine Revolution efforts within China have accelerated the pace of the
government’s involvement and concern. This is not to suggest, however, that the concept is new to the
Chinese. They have been theorizing about the use of high-tech media for the past several years. They
believe that in peacetime and wartime, media conflict or public opinion warfare is being conducted
by nations around the globe and that China must be on guard to defend itself against them.
One analyst stated that “information technologies have equipped the side with information
advantages with the capability to promptly, accurately, and sufficiently deliver public opinion
warfare information to targeted areas and people at a desired time and place.” 116 Not only is the
government involved in such activities, the analyst adds, but so is the civilian population. They
conduct “thumb public opinion warfare” since they can manipulate their video, conversation, text,
web surfing, and picture-taking cell phones just by moving their thumbs. 117 Some Chinese experts
now consider supremacy in information control to be the core aspect of public opinion warfare under
informatized conditions. Public opinion warfare, they note, has economic, political, and cultural