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Bound Volume 514 - Supreme Court of the United States

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<strong>514</strong>us3$60N 06-15-98 09:38:31 PAGES OPINPGT<br />

Cite as: <strong>514</strong> U. S. 779 (1995)<br />

Thomas, J., dissenting<br />

See ante, at 804. This command meshes with one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

principal purposes <strong>of</strong> Congress’ “make or alter” power: to<br />

ensure that <strong>the</strong> <strong>States</strong> hold congressional elections in <strong>the</strong><br />

first place, so that Congress continues to exist. As one reporter<br />

summarized a speech made by John Jay at <strong>the</strong> New<br />

York ratifying convention:<br />

“[E]very government was imperfect, unless it had a<br />

power <strong>of</strong> preserving itself. Suppose that, by design or<br />

accident, <strong>the</strong> states should neglect to appoint representatives;<br />

certainly <strong>the</strong>re should be some constitutional<br />

remedy for this evil. The obvious meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> paragraph<br />

was, that, if this neglect should take place, Congress<br />

should have power, by law, to support <strong>the</strong> government,<br />

and prevent <strong>the</strong> dissolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Union. [Jay]<br />

believed this was <strong>the</strong> design <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> federal Convention.”<br />

2 Elliot 326 (emphasis in original). 10<br />

Constitutional provisions that impose affirmative duties on<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>States</strong> are hardly inconsistent with <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> reserved<br />

powers.<br />

10 Accord, e. g., 2 Elliot 24 (remarks <strong>of</strong> Caleb Strong at <strong>the</strong> Massachusetts<br />

ratifying convention) (“[I]f <strong>the</strong> legislature <strong>of</strong> a state should refuse to make<br />

such regulations, <strong>the</strong> consequence will be, that <strong>the</strong> representatives will<br />

not be chosen, and <strong>the</strong> general government will be dissolved. In such<br />

case, can gentlemen say that a power to remedy <strong>the</strong> evil is not necessary<br />

to be lodged somewhere? And where can it be lodged but in Congress?”);<br />

2 Documentary History <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ratification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution 400 (M.<br />

Jensen ed. 1976) (notes <strong>of</strong> Anthony Wayne at <strong>the</strong> Pennsylvania ratifying<br />

convention) (“4th section occasioned by an eventual invasion, insurrection,<br />

etc.”); The Federalist No. 59, at 363 (Hamilton) (observing that if not<br />

subject to any checks, <strong>the</strong> <strong>States</strong> “could at any moment annihilate [<strong>the</strong><br />

Federal Government] by neglecting to provide for <strong>the</strong> choice <strong>of</strong> persons to<br />

administer its affairs”).<br />

These statements about <strong>the</strong> Clause’s purposes also help refute <strong>the</strong><br />

majority’s claim that it was bizarre for <strong>the</strong> Framers to leave <strong>the</strong> <strong>States</strong><br />

relatively free to enact qualifications for congressional <strong>of</strong>fice while simultaneously<br />

giving Congress “make or alter” power over <strong>the</strong> <strong>States</strong>’ time,<br />

place, and manner regulations. See infra, at 896–898.<br />

863

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