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Gender and Constitution Building - Women for Women International

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Implementing <strong>Gender</strong> Equality<br />

Provisions: Lessons from the Central<br />

American Peace Accords<br />

ILJA A. LUCIAK<br />

Introduction<br />

Starting a decade ago, women’s participation in<br />

armed conflict <strong>and</strong> peace negotiations, as well as their<br />

central role in the reconstruction of post-conflict societies,<br />

were starting to gain international recognition. This<br />

prompted a series of international conferences <strong>and</strong><br />

meetings that emphasized the importance of looking<br />

at these issues from a gender perspective, a lens that<br />

permits greater insight into the roles of women <strong>and</strong><br />

their potential in post-conflict societies. 1<br />

Today, gender equality is an accepted normative<br />

goal, yet we have only made limited progress in trans<strong>for</strong>ming<br />

societies toward greater gender justice. In the<br />

specific context of peace accords <strong>and</strong> subsequent constitutions<br />

containing gender equality provisions, the key<br />

issue is their substantive implementation. Peace accords<br />

<strong>and</strong> constitutions share an inherent weakness. They are<br />

often normative documents, agreed to under duress by<br />

negotiating parties with mutually exclusive views rather<br />

than specific agreements or frameworks that can be effectively<br />

executed. 2 The Central American experiences,<br />

specifically El Salvador <strong>and</strong> Guatemala, show that<br />

women’s participation in the design of peace agreements<br />

<strong>and</strong> the explicit recognition of women’s rights in the<br />

accords themselves do not guarantee that the struggle<br />

toward greater gender equality is won.<br />

Typically, as long as the attention of the world community<br />

is focused on a particular crisis, the gender content<br />

of peace accords <strong>and</strong> women’s participation in the<br />

process receive coverage. The rhetoric of officials involved<br />

in the process <strong>and</strong> the <strong>for</strong>mal provisions guaranteeing<br />

women’s rights that are included in official<br />

documents permit the key actors involved to claim success.<br />

Yet the crucial implementation phase most often<br />

occurs after the attention of the international community<br />

has moved on to the next crisis. It is this stage,<br />

however, that is the key to substantive change <strong>and</strong> requires<br />

close scrutiny <strong>and</strong> en<strong>for</strong>cement of the document’s<br />

guarantees. Thus, the <strong>for</strong>mal participation of women<br />

in peace negotiations <strong>and</strong> constitution-building <strong>and</strong> the<br />

inclusion of gender provisions in peace agreements is<br />

but a first important step toward gender equality.<br />

<strong>Women</strong>’s Participation in the Wars<br />

On January 16, 1992, the government of El Salvador<br />

<strong>and</strong> the guerrilla <strong>for</strong>ces integrated in the Farabundo<br />

Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) signed historic<br />

peace accords at Chapúltepec Castle, Mexico. This<br />

agreement ended a 12-year conflict that had traumatized<br />

a whole nation. 3<br />

On December 29, 1996, another Central American<br />

peace accord was completed. The guerrilla <strong>for</strong>ces<br />

integrated into the Guatemalan National Revolutionary<br />

Unity (URNG) <strong>and</strong> the Guatemalan government,<br />

headed by President Alvaro Arzú, signed an agreement<br />

that ended the conflict that had engulfed Guatemala<br />

<strong>for</strong> 36 years. 4<br />

El Salvador<br />

<strong>Women</strong> played an important role in the guerrilla<br />

movements of El Salvador. At the time of the 1992<br />

demobilization of the Salvadoran FMLN, female combatants<br />

represented 29 percent of the fighting <strong>for</strong>ce.<br />

In addition, women were part of the political personnel<br />

constituting close to 37 percent of the cadres. 5 Only<br />

in exceptional cases did women join the struggle in order<br />

to change prevailing gender relations. Instead, they<br />

chose to take up arms out of a sense of social justice<br />

or to survive the blanket repression unleashed by the<br />

army <strong>and</strong> police <strong>for</strong>ces. The FMLN did not explicitly<br />

address women’s rights in its early programs <strong>and</strong> announcements.<br />

FMLN comm<strong>and</strong>ers, whether male or<br />

female, did not focus their energy or thoughts on<br />

women’s rights, although women did start to organize<br />

within the FMLN in the last years of the struggle.<br />

CRITICAL HALF 15

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