JK PANORAMA VOL 4 ISSUE 5 MAY

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Although he was a lifelong RSS member, Modi explicitly refrained from running on a Hindutva platform, using the slogan “Toilets, not temples” to emphasize his commitment to an earnest, technocratic, getting-things-done attitude. But getting things done requires … getting things done. Modi has instituted some economic reforms, but after an initial spurt, the economy's growth rate has slowed. New investments have fallen since Modi took office, and his promise of extensive job creation remains largely unfulfilled. His signature demonetization effort (taking the vast majority of banknotes out of circulation) made many families' life savings valueless and caused hardship to almost everyone. To compensate, Modi and his followers ramped up the Hindutva pitch. First came the “love jihad”—false accusations that Muslim men were wooing and impregnating Hindu women to change India's demographic balance (Muslims make up about 14 percent of the population, Hindus about 80 percent). Next came the “cow protection” lynchings in BJPcontrolled states such as Uttar Pradesh (UP): Gangs of Hindu men killed Muslims whom they falsely accused of eating beef. Cow slaughter has been banned in several Indian states by non-BJP governments, but it had never led to widespread attacks egged on by government officials. Perhaps most ominously, in 2017 Modi appointed the radical priest Yogi Adityanath as chief minister of UP, India's largest state. Adityanath's militancy makes Modi seem almost moderate—and Adityanath openly covets his patron's office. To top it all off, over the past half year, Modi has engaged in the most serious armed combat with Muslimmajority Pakistan in two decades. Pakistan prompted the action, but Modi's changing his Twitter handle to Chowkidar(“Watchman”), and encouraging his supporters to do likewise, was purely his own choice. This is Hindutva. But it is not Hinduism. The stakes here are not faith or practice—nobody is threatening to stop Varanasi's pandits from making their Ganga Aarti. Instead, the issues are those of identity: We're being outbred by minorities. We're being laughed at by the world. We're overrun with immigrants—and you know what kind. We're second-class citizens in our own nation. Make India Great Again. From the distance of Delhi, it can look as if Hindutva was the determining factor in this election—and perhaps the driving force in India's political future. But so many things in India resemble Schrödinger's cat: They simultaneously are and are not. Yes, Hindutva dominated the national debate. Yes, Modi ran on Hindutva themes. And, yes, voters responded to them in a way that strengthens the power of Hindutva as a political and social creed. But to a large degree, the success of Hindutva today lies less in its ideology than in its rebranding of prosaic, everyday concerns as matters of personal identity: When Modi speaks, many voters feel, he's speaking for me. In more than a dozen interviews on polling day, not one voter in Varanasi raised issues such as the “love jihad” or the cow slaughter as a reason for either supporting Modi or opposing him. The rationales that both his fans (the large majority here) and his foes (a not-insignificant minority) gave were remarkably similar: He had, or had not, gotten things done. None of them knew whether the GDP per capita had gone up or down, and none of them cared. Modi's most ardent admirers spoke of vikas (“development”) and swasti (“success”). Said a shop assistant named Yogis Dubey outside the polling station at Gurudham Chauraha: “Kashi ko saaf benaiya!” (“He made Varanasi clean!”). The streets of India's holiest city are, in fact, still thick with the excrement of goats, sheep, dogs, pigs, water buffalo, and herds of auspicious cattle. But that's not really the point: Hindutva is not about what your eyes tell you; it's about what your heart tells you. It's not about what you see; it's about how you see yourself. How you see your identity, your brand, your place in the world. Understand this, and you can better understand the changes under way in India. ( The Atlantic ) 10 May 2019
Pak downplays Imran Khan not being invited for Modi's inauguration Pakistan has tried to downplay India's decision not to invite Imran Khan for Narendra Modi's swearing-in, claiming that the Indian Prime Minister's “internal politics” do not permit him to extend an invitation to his Pakistani counterpart. The government announced in New Delhi that it has invited leaders from BIMSTEC countries to Prime Minister Modi's inauguration, leaving out Pakistan, which is not a part of the seven member regional grouping. The BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) comprises Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Bhutan and Nepal. Reacting to reports that India has not invited Prime Minister Khan to Prime Minister Modi's inauguration, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi said a meeting for the sake of dialogue to find a solution to the Kashmir issue, as well as Siachen and Sir Creek disputes, would have been a significant measure instead of attending the swearing-in ceremony. “His (Prime Minister Modi's) entire focus (during the election campaign) was on Pakistan-bashing. It was unwise to expect that he can get rid of this narrative (soon),” Qureshi was quoted as saying by Dawn news. “India's internal politics did not permit him to extend an invitation,” he said. Modi and Khan are scheduled to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Kyrgyzstan next month. In 2014, then Pakistan premier Nawaz Sharif had attended Prime Minister Modi's swearing-in held on May 26 in New Delhi when the leaders of SAARC countries were invited. Speaking to Geo News on Monday, Qureshi said Modi had congratulated Khan after he won the general election last year and wrote a letter as well. Prime Minister Khan, breaking the ice in bilateral ties, spoke to his Indian counterpart Modi on Sunday and expressed his desire to work together for the betterment of their peoples. “Relations between the countries were based on reciprocity and PM Khan had congratulated Mr Modi as a goodwill gesture,” the Pakistani foreign minister said. “Finding a new way (to resume dialogue) is also essential for them (India). If he (Modi) wants development of this region… the only way is to sit with Pakistan to find a solution. “It is in the interest of Pakistan to defuse tensions… Pakistan did not create tension,” Qureshi said. Prime Minister Modi on Thursday led his Bharatiya Janata Party to a landmark victory for a second five-year term in office, winning 303 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha. Tensions flared up between India and Pakistan after a suicide bomber of Pakistan-based Jaish-e- Muhammed (JeM) killed over 40 CRPF personnel in Kashmir's Pulwama district on February 14. Amid mounting outrage, the Indian Air Force (IAF) carried out a strike on what it termed as the JeM training camp in Balakot on February 26. The next day, Pakistan Air Force retaliated and downed a MiG-21 in an aerial combat and captured an IAF pilot, who was handed over to India. 11 May 2019
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Page 17 and 18: Why Rahul Gandhi Failed? By : VINOD
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JK PANORAMA VOL 4 ISSUE 5 MAY

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