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The 508(c)(1)(a) Initiative Workshop

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connections gleaned from working inside the legislative process", and lawmakers find a<br />

"ready pool of experienced talent." <strong>The</strong>re is movement in the other direction as well: one<br />

report found that 605 former lobbyists had taken jobs working for lawmakers over a tenyear<br />

period. A study by the London School of Economics found 1,113 lobbyists who had<br />

formerly worked in lawmakers' offices. <strong>The</strong> lobbying option is a way for staffers and<br />

lawmakers to "cash in on their experience", according to one view. Before the 1980s,<br />

staffers and aides worked many years for congresspersons, sometimes decades, and<br />

tended to stay in their jobs; now, with the lure of higher-paying lobbying jobs, many<br />

would quit their posts after a few years at most to "go downtown."<br />

And it is not just staffers, but lawmakers as well, including high-profile ones such as<br />

congressperson Richard Gephardt. He represented a "working-class" district in<br />

Missouri for many years but after leaving Congress, he became a lobbyist. In<br />

2007, he began his own lobbying firm called "Gephardt Government Affairs<br />

Group" and in 2010 it was earning close to $7 million in revenues with clients<br />

including Goldman Sachs, Boeing, Visa Inc., Ameren Corporation, and Waste<br />

Management Inc.<br />

Senators Robert Bennett and Byron Dorgan became lobbyists too. Mississippi governor<br />

Haley Barbour became a lobbyist. In 2010, former representative Billy Tauzin earned<br />

$11 million running the drug industry's lobbying organization. called the Pharmaceutical<br />

Research and Manufacturers of America. Many former representatives earned over $1<br />

million in one year, including James Greenwood and Daniel Glickman.<br />

Insider's game<br />

A similar concern voiced by critics of lobbying is that Washington politics has become<br />

dominated by elites, and that it is an "insider's game" excluding regular citizens and<br />

which favors entrenched firms. Individuals generally can not afford to lobby, and critics<br />

question whether corporations with "deeper pockets" should have greater power than<br />

regular persons. In this view, the system favors the rich, such that the "rich have gotten<br />

richer, the weak weaker", admits lobbyist Gerald Cassidy. <strong>The</strong>re is concern that those<br />

having more money and better political connections can exert more influence than<br />

others. However, analyst Barry Hessenius made a case that the excessive for-profit<br />

lobbying could be counteracted if there were more efforts to increase nonprofit lobbying<br />

and boost their effectiveness. <strong>The</strong>re is so much money that it has been described as a<br />

"flood" that has a "corrupting influence", so that the United States appears to be<br />

"awash" in interest groups. If coalitions of different forces battle in the political arena for<br />

favorable treatment and better rules and tax breaks, it can be seen as fair if both sides<br />

have equal resources and try to fight for their interests as best they can. Gerald Cassidy<br />

said:<br />

In a lot of areas, the stakes are between big companies, and it's hard to argue that one solution<br />

is better than another solution with regard to the consumer's interest ... <strong>The</strong> issue ... is whether<br />

Company A's solution, or Company B's solution, based on their technology or their footprint, is<br />

the right one.<br />

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