Tokyo: An Urban Portrait
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<strong>Tokyo</strong>: <strong>An</strong> <strong>Urban</strong> <strong>Portrait</strong>
<strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
Naomi C. Hanakata
<strong>An</strong><br />
<strong>Urban</strong><br />
<strong>Portrait</strong><br />
Looking at a Megacity<br />
Through Its Differences
Foreword by Yoshiharu Tsukamoto .................................................... 8<br />
Note on the Transcription of Japanese Names and Terms............. 10<br />
Prologue: My Personal Search for “<strong>Tokyo</strong>” ...................................... 11<br />
1 <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s Differentiated<br />
<strong>Urban</strong> Space ...................................................... 14<br />
2 Differences in <strong>Tokyo</strong> ............. 40<br />
3 Periodization of the<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan<br />
Complex ......................................................................... 66<br />
Defining the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex .................................... 67<br />
A Way of Reading History .................................................................. 71<br />
Formation of a Resilient <strong>Urban</strong> Structure ....................................... 77<br />
Reconvening of a Capitalist City ...................................................... 85<br />
Production of a Dominant Centrality .............................................. 92<br />
Implosion of a Region ...................................................................... 101<br />
6
4<br />
5<br />
6<br />
<strong>Urban</strong> Configurations<br />
of the <strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
Metropolitan Complex .. 112<br />
Archipelago of Centralities .............................................................. 119<br />
Shitamachi <strong>Urban</strong>ization ................................................................. 131<br />
Tôkaidô and Yamanote <strong>Urban</strong>ization ............................................. 143<br />
Pattchiwa-ku <strong>Urban</strong>ization .............................................................. 159<br />
Kôhaichi <strong>Urban</strong>ization ..................................................................... 174<br />
Old Industrial <strong>Urban</strong>ization ............................................................ 184<br />
New Industrial <strong>Urban</strong>ization ........................................................... 195<br />
Manshon <strong>Urban</strong>ization .................................................................... 203<br />
Production of<br />
Differences on the<br />
Neighborhood Scale ............ 220<br />
Differences in a Dominant Centrality: Shinjuku ......................... 235<br />
Differences and Incorporation: Shimokitazawa .......................... 261<br />
Differences in the Periphery of <strong>Tokyo</strong>: Kitamoto ........................ 289<br />
Conclusion ........................................................... 308<br />
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 321<br />
List of Figures .................................................................................... 322<br />
Bibliography ...................................................................................... 325
FOREWORD<br />
Yoshiharu Tsukamoto<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong>, April 2019<br />
It is a great pleasure to be able to introduce this book on <strong>Tokyo</strong> and with<br />
it the work of Naomi Hanakata. It is part of a body of work that is as valuable<br />
for its insights and methods of analysis as it is for its description of <strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
today, of the city's historical trajectories and everyday life.<br />
With her conviction that the urban condition is an all-encompassing,<br />
dynamic phenomenon, and that its differences provide a key to its understanding,<br />
Hanakata forms a bridge between different disciplinary angles, as<br />
well as between latest advancements in urban theory and the empirical<br />
reality of the city on the ground. As she studied, observed, and walked the<br />
city, she uncovered idiosyncratic spaces and dynamic connections between<br />
places and times, opening our minds to some remarkable understandings.<br />
Her redefinition of differences as a productive and generative dynamic<br />
opens new possibilities to discuss <strong>Tokyo</strong> as a place of “productive instabilities.”<br />
These have created various urban textures as the result of incremental<br />
and continuous dynamics rather than strategic planning visions. The city<br />
has attracted many thinkers in the past as its fluidity shows a clear contrast<br />
to the stability and authenticity of historical Western cities. Architectural<br />
typology and urban morphology that have been established through studies<br />
on the historical city in the West are therefore not always helpful or sufficient<br />
in explaining the changing nature of <strong>Tokyo</strong>.<br />
The portrait that Hanakata draws of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex,<br />
challenges conventional and selective readings of the city as a site of<br />
economic growth or struggle, of uncharted demographic territory with its<br />
aging population, as a place for cultural intensities, immersed history, or<br />
as an assemblage of small, idiosyncratic spaces. It is the encompassing of<br />
different temporalities and scales that this portrait includes, which allows<br />
one to see <strong>Tokyo</strong> in a novel light with variegated reflections on questions<br />
about the urban condition.<br />
The portrait of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex which this book<br />
presents is also an explorative space that shows relations between and implications<br />
of contradictory global trends and neighborhood transformations,<br />
inter-dependencies of changes on both the global scale and the everyday<br />
8
life in a neighborhood like Shimokitazawa or Kitamoto. Discussions of<br />
centrality, conflict, political practices, or a communal sense are part of the<br />
ingredients to the color palette that forms this portrait.<br />
In Japan, the city is created and conceived in its smallest entities:<br />
individual buildings and spaces. Rather than seeing the city as an accumulation<br />
of such instances, Hanakata’s work helps us to see these individual<br />
entities embedded in the social production of space through layers of time<br />
and to see their relationality, which make up the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex<br />
as an ever-changing place.<br />
9
1<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong>’s Differentiated<br />
<strong>Urban</strong> Space<br />
14
If our urban world has been imagined and made, then it can be reimagined<br />
and remade. (Harvey 2004, 941)1<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong> is known as one of the world’s largest concentrated urban<br />
regions. Discourses on <strong>Tokyo</strong> as a contemporary city have largely developed<br />
around certain conceptualizations of its societal structure: namely, the<br />
notion of a “homogeneous society” shifting towards a condition of “social<br />
disparity,” which is reflected in <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s urban landscape. The idea of <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s<br />
social homogeneity was consolidated in discussions of a “middle class society”<br />
in the 1970s and 1980s (ichioku sôchûryû or kyûwari chûryû shakai in<br />
Japanese),2 described as the product of prevalent communal values and the<br />
time’s booming economy, which granted relatively equal access to resources.3<br />
Since the 1990s, and with the economy’s continuing stagnation, the notion<br />
of a “middle class” society has been gradually replaced by a description of<br />
the society as “divided” (kakusa shakai in Japanese).4 Most contemporary<br />
studies of the city and region of <strong>Tokyo</strong> have tried to substantiate these<br />
claims with statistical and empirical data. The data they provide5 reveal a<br />
considerably homogeneous urban region and suggest a relatively consistent,<br />
predictable urban condition.<br />
When I experienced <strong>Tokyo</strong> on the ground, my impression was quite<br />
the opposite. I encountered a highly differentiated urban space with contrasting<br />
qualities, stitched together in a continuous and multifaceted urban<br />
layer. These urban qualities unfold in close spatial proximity, such that it is<br />
difficult for visitors to ascertain what may appear around the next corner.<br />
The question I started asking was: “How is <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s differentiated urban<br />
space produced if elements such as migration and socioeconomic inequality,<br />
common to other urban experiences, are missing?” This inquiry led me to<br />
the core of the city’s urban conditions: namely, actors and dynamics that<br />
produce such a territory and differences as a driving force in this production<br />
process. Subsequently, the question guiding this research is: “How are differences<br />
produced given <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s specific condition?” Without migration<br />
and socioeconomic inequality as significant, structuring forces, the city<br />
evades common descriptions of vibrant urban centers. Hence, I believe<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong> serves as an apt example for challenging established notions of difference,<br />
such as gender, class and race, economic conditions, and ethnicity,<br />
as the main productive agents for differences in our cities.<br />
In addressing these questions, I elaborate on how the production<br />
of differences is highly contingent on both global developments and specific<br />
places and conditions. Therefore, the investigation and analysis of an<br />
emerging global order—and its impact on the everyday—form a substantial<br />
part of this study. What these differences are and how they are being produced<br />
is the recurring thread throughout this book. By the end of this<br />
text, I arrive at a conceptual understanding of differences as productive<br />
15 <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s Differentiated <strong>Urban</strong> Space
The first group of interviews were mapping sessions, based on structured<br />
questions with narrative inquiries. I asked participants to draw the provided<br />
information on a map of the region. Participants included scholars, residents,<br />
and informed users of urban space. I approached these individuals<br />
because of their in-depth knowledge of a particular aspect of the area (e.g.,<br />
economy, planning, politics) or more general knowledge on a larger scale.<br />
The second group of interviews was related to my case studies. In<br />
most cases, these were structured guideline interviews, which I prepared<br />
and adapted to each interviewee’s location and expertise and the case study<br />
in question. I interviewed a heterogeneous sample of experts for each case<br />
study including residents, shop owners, people employed in the area, government<br />
officials, researchers, and external visitors. In the cases of Shimokitazawa<br />
and Kitamoto, the role of non-institutionalized groups, such as<br />
musicians and artists, is very important; therefore, some interviews occurred<br />
spontaneously and in informal settings, such as in a shop or bar.<br />
In both groups, interviewees were very engaged, indicating an active<br />
interest and pride in their neighborhood and community.<br />
Coding<br />
I applied coding methods for the interpretation and analysis of my<br />
transcribed interview material. I used a mix of open coding and axial coding,<br />
based on grounded theory to develop a theoretical, text-based output.<br />
The open coding procedure began with segmentation of interview transcripts<br />
into thematic sections, followed by a highlighting of key words in<br />
the transcript (in vivo codes) and annotations of these words (constructed<br />
codes) with regard to themes and concepts relevant to my research question.<br />
Finally, I organized the resulting codes from all interviews regarding<br />
subordinate themes and repeatedly reviewed them for their relevance to<br />
the production of differences. <strong>An</strong> axial coding procedure clarified relations<br />
between phenomenon, causes, and consequences obtained through the<br />
first coding process and different sets of interview data.29<br />
This coding process effectively distilled the interview information<br />
with its comparison of phenomena, situations, practices, and conditions.<br />
With this procedure, I developed an understanding that forms the basis of<br />
theoretical conceptions proposed in this book.<br />
Mapping<br />
[The] ethical dimension of the map as articulating a specific relation<br />
with the world is one of the reasons why in the field of social and<br />
cultural theory, “maps,” “mapping,” and related spatial terms like<br />
“place,” “position,” and “location” have become ubiquitous metaphors<br />
for advocating “spatial politics.” (Thouny 2011, 36)30<br />
24
Fig 1.1 Example of a map created during one of the first mapping sessions with urban scholars<br />
Mapping is not merely a practical exercise or production of an artifact;<br />
rather, it is a productive process in which a certain meaning is allocated to<br />
our surroundings and a structure applied to make them accessible. In drawing<br />
maps, we construct a visual representation of a complex reality, to which<br />
we establish links. In their significance, however, these links do not remain<br />
unilateral. As representations of a certain conception of space, they can<br />
become powerful tools for describing a territory. This is an aspect of power<br />
that must be considered in the production and reception of any kind of<br />
map relating to the ground.<br />
Mapping served as a key heuristic tool for this research. <strong>An</strong> evaluation<br />
of various maps served as an entrance point to <strong>Tokyo</strong> and provided contextual<br />
understanding of the city. In mapping sessions, maps were produced<br />
in interviews by or with the interviewee in an analog fashion [Fig 1.1]. The<br />
resulting maps were subsequently digitalized. The construction of one core<br />
map (synthesis map) in a single digital document (an Illustrator file) generated<br />
an archive and platform for all gathered geo-referenced information<br />
on the basis of a geographical drawing of the area [Fig. 1.2]. This synthesis<br />
map included hand drawings from mapping sessions, census data maps,<br />
historical maps, and personal observations from my fieldwork.<br />
In a subsequent step, I created a map of urban configurations as an<br />
interpretation of this juxtaposed information. This map is the result of the<br />
collected data and an interpretative reading of urbanization processes defining<br />
the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex at a certain point in time (2011–2015).<br />
It was updated and advanced throughout the entire period of study. The<br />
urban configurations map yields precise information concerning the territory<br />
25 <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s Differentiated <strong>Urban</strong> Space
contradictions, cultural and linguistic obstacles, or disciplinary boundaries.<br />
The reach of the urbanization processes identified and analyzed in my research<br />
is superimposed on the region’s built-up area; both establish the geographic<br />
limits of my research [Fig. 1.4]. By framing my empirical study on the <strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
Metropolitan Complex, it is also my intention to move away from a geographical<br />
and territorial entity (the twenty-three wards or the prefecture) and<br />
to think of <strong>Tokyo</strong> as a space of conceptual exploration. <strong>Tokyo</strong> then becomes<br />
more than just an after-effect of Edo, more than a city struggling with economic<br />
regression or declining birth rates, and more than a fascinating transport<br />
maze or the cradle of fascinating subcultures. For the purpose of this<br />
study, then, the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex is understood as a space of<br />
neighborly exchange, generational networks, interlinked production sites, a<br />
home and construct within which all observed processes converge and<br />
become apparent. It appears as a particularly intriguing site of study given<br />
its considerable ethnic, cultural, and socioeconomic homogeneity.<br />
Lefebvre, who has notably never traveled to Japan himself, has nevertheless<br />
alluded to <strong>Tokyo</strong> as most appropriate for an exploration of differences<br />
as a social product. He points us to Japan when he quotes an anonymous<br />
“Japanese philosopher of Buddhist background” in his Production of Space:<br />
We do not separate the ordering of space from its form, its genesis<br />
from its actuality, the abstract from the concrete, or nature from<br />
society. There is no house in Japan without a garden, no matter how<br />
tiny, as a place for contemplation and for contact with nature; even<br />
a handful of pebbles is nature for us—not just a detached symbol of<br />
it. We do not think right away of the distances that separate objects,<br />
from one another. For space is never empty: it always embodies meaning.<br />
The perception of gaps itself brings the whole body into play.<br />
Every group of places and objects has a center, and this is therefore<br />
true for the house, the city or the whole world.65<br />
Book Structure<br />
The first part this book examines the larger <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex,<br />
while the second part presents information at the level of the neighborhood.<br />
Both are preceded by a discussion of the concept of the production<br />
of differences, elaborating this study’s central question.<br />
In Chapter 2, I introduce the variegated strands of research that have<br />
revealed various aspects, implications, and manifestations of differences in<br />
the urban realm. I point to the wide scope of existing discussions—including<br />
their vagueness—that underline a demand for the investigation presented<br />
in this research. The chapter further introduces ideas and terms from the<br />
work of the French philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre and his<br />
conception of the production of space, which are of particular relevance<br />
32
Fig. 1.4 Extent of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex analyzed for this research<br />
Topography<br />
Built-up area<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex<br />
0 10 km<br />
33 <strong>Tokyo</strong>’s Differentiated <strong>Urban</strong> Space
Fig. 2.2 Demonizing the ‘Other’: A portrait of Commodore Perry after his<br />
arrival in Japan in 1853<br />
Particularly enlightening for a study of difference and <strong>Tokyo</strong> is a consideration<br />
and exploration of the concept of the “Other.” As a more provocative<br />
engagement with the concept of differences to begin with, the Other has<br />
historically served as a category to capture the unknown and possibly disruptive<br />
force in a struggle for self-determination. Susan Ruddick17 and<br />
Jacques Derrida18 look at the “dark side” of differences to understand how<br />
it “prefigures our imagination and stalks the horizons of our consciousness.”19<br />
This view has a certain tradition in Japan, where the Other was<br />
historically created as the “shadow” in a highly controlled society.20 During<br />
the time of isolation in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries,<br />
it was not only mystified but also commonly imagined as a demon.<br />
These projections took a very visual form when the first Westerners encountered<br />
were portrayed as hybrid creatures with human and dog features<br />
[Fig. 2.2]. The most prominent, recent example for this view is Godzilla<br />
(Gojira in Japanese), which was the embodiment of anxieties after the World<br />
War II and of the fear of the Other, which had begun to influence the everyday<br />
life and structure of Japanese society. The creature, Godzilla—a collateral<br />
result of nuclear testing—has come to the city with a destructive mission,<br />
reifying differences as a form of “radical alterity”21 [Fig. 2.3]. The question<br />
46
Fig. 2.3 The emblematic “Other”: Godzilla (Gojira). Behind the scenes of<br />
the Toho movie set in 1954<br />
of difference has occupied scholars studying Japanese society at length<br />
when it comes to “ex-centric” differences, meaning not an internal differentiation<br />
but the state of being different from this Other, i.e., everything<br />
“outside.” In only a relatively small number of instances, this particular<br />
ex-centric struggle for a production of or resistance to differences becomes<br />
internalized when minority groups (ethnic groups such as Chinese, Korean,<br />
or Brazilian, or social outcasts such as Hibakusha22 or Burakumin23) negotiate<br />
territory and representation in an urban context. The excentric exploration<br />
of the Other—which took shape during the increasing nationalization<br />
and nation-building efforts preceding the World War II and which, after<br />
the World War II, ultimately created an exceptionality for the case of Japanese<br />
society—is at the core of what is known as Nipponjinron (or “theory<br />
of Japanese uniqueness or cultural specificity”).24 Nipponjinron is based<br />
around certain value orientations along lines of nationality, culture, and<br />
ethnicity, and fundamentally defined as an opposing value system, originally<br />
to China and nowadays mainly toward the “West,” as described by scholars<br />
such as Maruyama,25 Dale,26 Kelly,27 Sugimoto,28 or Befu.29 Nipponjinron<br />
discusses Japanese identity, claiming it to be outside of “universal history,”<br />
as mentioned by Maruyama30 and Befu.31 The idea and importance of (social)<br />
47 Differences in <strong>Tokyo</strong>
Schmid expand to processes of differential urbanization.46 In contrast to<br />
the homogenized, abstract space as a result of standardized processes and<br />
routines in an industrialized society, it not only allows for differences but<br />
also is defined by them. This “differential space” is ultimately urban space.<br />
In a Lefebvrian framework, the city can thus be defined as a place<br />
where differences encounter, acknowledge, and explore one another, and<br />
affirm or cancel out one another. Distances in space and time are replaced<br />
with opposites, contrasts, and superimpositions, and with the coexistence<br />
of multiple realities. Lefebvre’s positive conception of the urban as differential<br />
space-time should be understood as referring to a concrete utopia.47<br />
This utopian space points towards the “real,” the continuously productive<br />
and reproductive forces of the urban. In this constellation, differences<br />
as a potential source for the urban become the active hinge by “linking<br />
that which is near and far, here and there, actual and utopian, possible and<br />
impossible.”48<br />
Struggle and Conflict<br />
Struggles and conflicts are fundamental elements in the production<br />
of differences. Both are contingent on the challenge of a dominant centrality<br />
or a hegemonic power. For Lefebvre, “struggle” is an integral part of differences:<br />
“The right to difference implies no entitlements that do not have<br />
to be bitterly fought for.”49 Conflicts arise when dominant and repressive<br />
powers over territories assert their claim. Actors in the neighborhood of<br />
Shimokitazawa, for example, see their town as an alternative space to nearby<br />
centralities of Shinjuku and Shibuya, who extended their spatial claim and<br />
territory of manipulative power from the 1970s.50 Only in the moment of<br />
encounter do differences establish a relationality and through that become<br />
actually “different.” Apart from that key role in the process of production<br />
of differences, conflicts can also produce new differences. For example, a<br />
number of music clubs relocated from Shinjuku to Shimokitazawa after<br />
they were threatened by large-scale redevelopments around Shinjuku station.<br />
The environment they created in Shimokitazawa became conducive<br />
to the establishment of bars and theaters in town. The moment of struggle<br />
can, however, also mark a loss of differences as dominant powers incorporate<br />
opposing dynamics into their own scheme of regulation.51<br />
But not every struggle manifests as a riot in public space, a revolt online,<br />
or both, as has been the case in many recent protests against despotism and<br />
exploitation by authoritative and capitalist regimes in the Arab world, or in<br />
and around global financial centers; in some cases struggle is internalized and<br />
actors remain “silent.” Lefebvre posits that the articulation of opposing opinions,<br />
at least in a bureaucratic political sense, requires certain skills. He raises<br />
this claim when he distinguishes between those susceptible to manipulation<br />
50
on the one hand and those who resist as an “enlightened elite at the margins<br />
of political life” on the other hand.52 What he does not consider with his<br />
claim is the sociocultural specificity under which struggle becomes articulated—or<br />
not, i.e., the “nature” of the silent actor. In a society that is “seen<br />
more as a body than an organization,”53 where a collective self-conception<br />
prevails and ways of indirect communication apply, the “silent” actor cannot<br />
be dismissed as passive or as a victim of manipulation, but has to be considered<br />
within its specific sociocultural condition. In a conformist society<br />
like Japan, where the nail that sticks out is pounded down, moments of<br />
struggle and conflict can become apparent in an implicit way, through subtle<br />
actions or as Stephan Kipfer describes it: in the “interstices of everyday life.”54<br />
Kay <strong>An</strong>derson describes this quality as “in -between-spaces,” borrowing from<br />
Teresa de Lauretis. These spaces provide the possibility for differences to<br />
negotiate the categorizations by which they have come to be known, as<br />
discussed by de Lauretis55 and <strong>An</strong>derson.56 In his extensive research on this<br />
subject of relations in Japan, John Clammer concludes: “Interdependency<br />
creates. For this reason, Japan has seen few true revolutionaries; reformers<br />
and critics abound, but revolutionaries are in short supply since the system<br />
does not need them, it regulates itself.57 Rather than once again taking a<br />
“Western viewfinder” and declaring the concept of struggle as nonsystemic,<br />
I suggest using another lens: looking at <strong>Tokyo</strong> and its urbanization processes,<br />
I argue that struggle and conflict can also take shape in ways hidden to<br />
conventional approaches and common tools of analysis. This lens “inherently<br />
implies the existence in the lived world of a simultaneous multiplicity of<br />
spaces: cross-cutting, intersecting, aligning with one another, or existing in<br />
relations of paradox or antagonism,” as Doreen Massey suggests.58 This lens,<br />
for example, discloses struggle manifested as collective, self-organized activities<br />
as I observed in all three of my case studies, or in pull-and-push dynamics<br />
between local groups that pass unnoticed by the undiscerning reader.<br />
Thus, we need to widen our perceptions of manifestations of internal and<br />
ex-centric struggles and expressions of conflict so we can, for example, also<br />
recognize them in clandestine, residual, seemingly harmless, types of youth<br />
culture, or innocuous forms of occupying streets and public space [Fig. 2.4].<br />
Minimal and Maximal Differences<br />
In his conceptualization of differential space, Lefebvre further establishes<br />
a distinction between minimal and maximal differences. Minimal<br />
differences are characterized by being not the same, but an “iteration” of<br />
some sort. In contrast, maximal differences are radically different. They are<br />
produced through a “rupture in a closed universe” and mean to “shatter a<br />
system.”59 The production of maximal differences is fierce and implies a<br />
“fundamental social transformation.”60 Maximal differences are produced<br />
51 Differences in <strong>Tokyo</strong>
1 Christian Schmid. “Specificity and <strong>Urban</strong>ization: A Theoretical<br />
Outlook.” In The Inevitable Specificity of Cities, 287–305.<br />
Zurich: Lars Muller, 2015, 301.<br />
2 Henri Lefebvre. The <strong>Urban</strong> Revolution. Minneapolis: University<br />
of Minnesota Press, 2003.<br />
3 Sharon Zukin. “<strong>Urban</strong> Lifestyles: Diversity and Standardisation<br />
in Spaces of Consumption.” <strong>Urban</strong> Studies 35, no. 5–6<br />
(1998): 825–839.<br />
4 Loretta Lees, Tom Slater, and Elvin Wyly. Gentrification.<br />
New York: Routledge, 2008.<br />
5 Schmid, “Specificity.”<br />
6 Doreen Massey. For Space. London and Thousand Oaks,<br />
California: Sage Publications, 2005.<br />
7 Gill Valentine. “Living With Difference: Reflections on<br />
Geographies of Encounter.” Progress in Human Geography 32<br />
(June 2008): 323–37.<br />
8 Susan Ruddick. “Domesticating Monsters: Cartographies<br />
of Difference and the Emancipatory City.” In The Emancipatory<br />
City?: Paradoxes and Possibilities, edited by Loretta Lees, 23–39.<br />
London: Sage Publications, 2004.<br />
9 Stuart Hall. “Culture, Community, Nation.” Cultural<br />
Studies no. 7, issue 3 (1993): 261.<br />
10 John R. Clammer. Japan and Its Others: Globalization,<br />
Difference and the Critique of Modernity. Vol. 4. Trans Pacific<br />
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11 John R. Clammer. Difference and Modernity: Social Theory<br />
and Contemporary Japanese Society. Vol. 72. New York: Routledge,<br />
2010, 68.<br />
12 Homi K. Bhabha. “Cultural Diversity and Cultural Differences.”<br />
In The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, edited by Bill<br />
Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, 2nd edition, 155–57.<br />
New York: Routledge, 1995, 4.<br />
13 Christian Schmid. “Henri Lefebvre, the Right to the City,<br />
and the New Metropolitan Mainstream.” In Cities for People, Not<br />
for Profit: Critical <strong>Urban</strong> Theory and the Right to the City, 42–62.<br />
New York: Routledge, 2012, 48.<br />
14 Ruth Fincher and Jane Margaret Jacobs. Cities of Difference.<br />
New York: Guilford Press, 1998.<br />
15 Henri Lefebvre. The Production of Space. Translated by<br />
Donald Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991.<br />
16 Clammer, Japan, 32.<br />
17 Ruddick, “Domesticating Monsters.”<br />
18 Jacques Derrida. “Passages—From Traumatism to Promise.”<br />
Points... Interviews 1994 (1974): 385–87; and “Some Statements<br />
and Truisms about Neologisms, Newisms, Positisms, Parasitisms,<br />
and Other Small Seismisms.” In The States of ‘Theory’: History,<br />
Art, and Critical Discourse, edited by David Carroll, 63–94. New<br />
York: Columbia University Press, 1990.<br />
19 Ruddick, “Domesticating Monsters,” 6.<br />
20 Norio Akasaka. Ijin-Ron Josetsu [<strong>An</strong> introduction to the<br />
theory of the “other”]. <strong>Tokyo</strong>: Sunagoya Shobo, 1985.<br />
21 Ruddick, “Domesticating Monsters,” 7.<br />
22 Hibakusha is the term used in Japanese for the survivors<br />
of the atomic bombings at the end of the World War II. Hibakusha<br />
are still confronted with discrimination in Japan due to a general<br />
ignorance regarding radiation sickness. See Gloria R. Montebruno<br />
Saller, “Hiroshima, Atomic Bomb Survivors (Hibakusha), and the<br />
‘2020 Vision Campaign.’ Personal Narratives as Stepping Stones<br />
to Rid the World of Nuclear Weapons by 2020.” International<br />
Journal of Arts & Sciences 7, no. 6 (2014): 577–86.<br />
23 Burakumin is an umbrella-term to describe the outcaste<br />
in the Japanese feudal system. The term is still used today for people<br />
who are descending from this cast and suffering from discrimination.<br />
See Timothy D. Amos. Embodying Difference: The Making of Burakumin<br />
in Modern Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2011.<br />
24 In scholarly literature this discourse is also known as<br />
“Nihonjinron.”<br />
25 Masao Maruyama. “Patterns of Individuation and the<br />
Case of Japan: A Conceptual Scheme.” In Changing Japanese Attitudes<br />
toward Modernization, edited by Marius B. Jansen, 489–532.<br />
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015.<br />
26 Dale, Peter N. The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness. London<br />
and Sydney: Croom Helm and Nissan Institute for Japanese Studies,<br />
1986. https://doi.org/10.1177/003231878703900213.<br />
27 William W. Kelly. “Finding a Place in Metropolitan Japan:<br />
Ideologies, Institutions, and Everyday Life.” In Postwar Japan as<br />
History, edited by <strong>An</strong>drew Gordon, 189–238. Berkeley and Los<br />
<strong>An</strong>geles: University of California Press, 1993.<br />
28 Yoshio Sugimoto. “Making Sense of Nihonjinron.” Thesis<br />
Eleven 57, no. 1 (1999): 81–96.<br />
29 Harumi Befu. Hegemony of Homogeneity: <strong>An</strong> <strong>An</strong>thropological<br />
<strong>An</strong>alysis of” Nihonjinron.” Vol. 5. Melbourne: Trans Pacific<br />
Press, 2001.<br />
30 Masao Maruyama, “Patterns of Individuation.”<br />
31 Befu, Hegemony.<br />
32 Henry Harootunian. “Shadowing History: National Narratives<br />
and the Persistence of the Everyday.” Cultural Studies 18,<br />
issue 2–3 (2004): 89.<br />
33 Clammer, Japan and Its Others, 3.<br />
34 Lukasz Stanek. Henri Lefebvre on Space: Architecture,<br />
<strong>Urban</strong> Research, and the Production of Theory. London: University<br />
of Minnesota Press, 2011.<br />
35 Loretta Lees. “The Ambivalence of Diversity and the Politics<br />
of <strong>Urban</strong> Renaissance: The Case of Youth in Downtown Portland,<br />
Maine.” International Journal of <strong>Urban</strong> and Regional Research 27,<br />
no. 3 (2003): 613.<br />
36 Masao Miyoshi and Harry D. Harootunian. Postmodernism<br />
and Japan. Post-Contemporary Interventions. Durham: Duke<br />
University Press, 1989; and Harry Harootunian. History’s Disquiet:<br />
Modernity, Cultural Practice, and the Question of Everyday Life.<br />
New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.<br />
37 Johann Pall Arnason and Yoshio Sugimoto. Japanese Encounters<br />
with Postmodernity. Japanese Studies. London: Kegan Paul<br />
International, 1995.<br />
38 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 119.<br />
39 Henri Lefebvre. Lefebvre, Henri. Critique of Everyday Life<br />
Volume 3: From Modernity to Modernism. Special edition, London<br />
and New York: Verso, 2008, 111.<br />
40 Ibid., 111.<br />
41 Gilles Deleuze. Différence et Répétition. Paris: Presses<br />
Universitaires de France, 1968.<br />
42 Gilles Deleuze. Bergsonism. Translated by Hugh Tomlinson<br />
and Barbara Habberjam. New York: Zone Books, 1990, 57.<br />
43 Todd May. 2005. Deleuze: <strong>An</strong> Introduction. Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press, 20.<br />
44 Ibid., 60.<br />
45 Lefebvre, The <strong>Urban</strong> Revolution, 118.<br />
46 Neil Brenner and Christian Schmid. “Towards a New<br />
Epistemology of the <strong>Urban</strong>?” City 19, no. 2–3 (May 4, 2015): 166.<br />
47 Christian Schmid. “Henri Lefebvre, the Right to the City,<br />
and the New Metropolitan Mainstream.” In Cities for People, Not<br />
for Profit: Critical <strong>Urban</strong> Theory and the Right to the City, 42–62.<br />
London: Routledge, 2012, 49.<br />
48 Eleonore Kofman and Elizabeth Lebas. “Lost in Translation—Time,<br />
Space and the City.” In Writings on Cities, 3–60.<br />
Oxford: Blackwell, 1996, 27.<br />
64
49 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 396.<br />
50 See Chapter 5, Shinjuku and Shimokitazawa.<br />
51 See Chapter 5, Shimokitazawa.<br />
52 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 51.<br />
53 Clammer, Difference and Modernity, 73.<br />
54 Stefan Kipfer. “How Lefebvre <strong>Urban</strong>ized Gramsci. Hegemony,<br />
Everyday Life, and Difference.” In Space, Difference, Everyday<br />
Life, edited by Kanishka Goonewardena, Stefan Kipfer, Richard<br />
Milgrom, and Christian Schmid, 193–211. New York: Routledge,<br />
2008, 203.<br />
55 Teresa de Lauretis. Technologies of Gender: Essays on Theory,<br />
Film, and Fiction. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University<br />
Press, 1987.<br />
56 Kay <strong>An</strong>derson. “Sites of Difference: Beyond a Cultural Politics<br />
of Race Polarity.” In Cities of Difference, edited by Ruth Fincher<br />
and Jane Margaret Jacobs, 201–25. New York: Guilford Press, 1998.<br />
57 Clammer, Difference and Modernity, 68.<br />
58 Doreen Massey. “Thinking Radical Democracy Spatially.”<br />
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 13 (June 1995): 3.<br />
59 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 372<br />
60 Stefan Kipfer, Christian Schmid, Kanishka Goonewardena,<br />
and Richard Milgrom. “Globalizing Lefebvre?” In Space, Difference,<br />
Everyday Life, 285–305. New York: Routledge, 2008, 292.<br />
61 Schmid, “Specificity,” 302.<br />
62 Kipfer, “How Lefebvre,” 204.<br />
63 <strong>An</strong>drew Shmuely. “Totality, Hegemony, Difference, Henri<br />
Lefebvre and Raymond Williams.” In Space, Difference, Everyday<br />
Life, edited by Stefan Kipfer, Richard Milgrom, Christian Schmid,<br />
and Kanishka Goonewardena, 212–30. New York: Routledge,<br />
2008, 203.<br />
64 Lefebvre, The <strong>Urban</strong> Revolution.<br />
65 See Chapter 4, “Archipelago of Centralities” and Chapter 5,<br />
“Shinjuku.”<br />
66 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 332.<br />
67 Georg Simmel. “Metropolis and Mental Life.” In The Sociology<br />
of Georg Simmel, translated by Kurt Wolff, 409–24. New<br />
York: Free Press, 1950, 411.<br />
68 Simmel, “Metropolis,” 420.<br />
69 Hall, “Culture,” 353.<br />
70 Raymond Williams notes, that “hegemony” has the “advantage<br />
over general notions of totality, that it at the same time<br />
emphasizes the facts of domination.” See Raymond Williams.<br />
Culture and Materialism: Selected Essays. London: Verso, 2005, 37.<br />
71 Raymond Williams. Marxism and Literature. Vol. 1. Oxford:<br />
Oxford University Press, 1977, 113.<br />
72 Shmuely, “Totality.”<br />
73 Henri Lefebvre. Toward an Architecture of Enjoyment.<br />
Edited by Łukasz Stanek. Minneapolis: University Of Minnesota<br />
Press, 2014, 111.<br />
74 <strong>An</strong>ne Vogelpohl. <strong>Urban</strong>es Alltagsleben: Zum Paradox von<br />
Differenzierung und Homogenisierung in Stadtquartieren. Berlin:<br />
Springer, 2012 translation by the author.<br />
75 Christian Schmid. Stadt, Raum und Gesellschaft: Henri<br />
Lefebvre und die Theorie der Produktion des Raumes. Vol. 1. Stuttgart:<br />
Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005, 211.<br />
76 Clammer, Japan and its Others, 7<br />
77 Simmel, “Metropolis,” 420.<br />
78 John A. Clausen, Orville G. Brim, Alex Inkeles, Ronald<br />
Lippitt, Eleanor E. Maccoby, and M. Brewster Smith. Socialization<br />
and Society. Boston: Little, Brown Boston, 1968, 5.<br />
79 Clammer, Difference and Modernity, 68.<br />
80 Eshun Hamaguchi. “Nihonrashisa” No Saihakken [Rediscovery<br />
of “Japaneseness”]. <strong>Tokyo</strong>: Kōdansha, 1991.<br />
81 Harootunian, History’s Disquiet, 5.<br />
82 Lefebvre, Toward.<br />
83 Harry Harootunian. “Time’s Envelope: City/Capital/<br />
Chronotope.” Architectural Theory Review 11, no. 2 (2006): 13.<br />
84 Lefebvre, Critique, 65.<br />
85 Harootunian, “Shadowing History.”<br />
86 Christophe Thouny. “Dwelling in Passing: A Genealogy<br />
of Kon Wajiro’s 1929 ‘New Guidebook to Greater <strong>Tokyo</strong>.’” PhD<br />
thesis, New York University, 2011.<br />
87 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 155.<br />
88 Henri Lefebvre. Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time and Everyday<br />
Life. Edited by Gerald Moore and Stuart Elden. London and New<br />
York: Continuum, 2004.<br />
89 See Chapter 5, “Shimokitazawa.”<br />
90 Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 123.<br />
91 See case study of Shimokitazawa and Kitamoto in chapter<br />
5 for a discussion of nostalgia in relation to differences.<br />
92 See Christophe Thouny’s (2011) in-depth study of Kon’s<br />
work and the question of modern housing during the Taishô Era.<br />
93 See Chapter 4, “Archipelago of centralities” and Chapter<br />
5, “Shinjuku.”<br />
94 See Chapter 4, “Shitamachi <strong>Urban</strong>ization.”<br />
95 Jordan Sand. <strong>Tokyo</strong> Vernacular: Common Spaces, Local<br />
Histories, Found Objects. Berkeley and Los <strong>An</strong>geles: University of<br />
California Press, 2013, 21.<br />
96 See Chapter 5, “Shimokitazawa.”<br />
97 Roger Diener, Christian Schmid, Marcel Meili, Jacques<br />
Herzog, and Pierre de Meuron. Switzerland: <strong>An</strong> <strong>Urban</strong> <strong>Portrait</strong>.<br />
Vol. 1–3. Basel: Birkhäuser, 2006.<br />
98 Christian Schmid. “Theory.” In Switzerland: <strong>An</strong> <strong>Urban</strong><br />
<strong>Portrait</strong>, edited by Roger Diener, Christian Schmid, Marcel Meili,<br />
Jacques Herzog, and Pierre de Meuron. Vol. 3. Basel: Birkhäuser,<br />
2006, 167.<br />
99 Diener et al., Switzerland.<br />
100 Schmid, “Specificity.”<br />
101 Schmid, Stadt, Raum, 291.<br />
102 Lefebvre, Architecture of Enjoyment.<br />
103 <strong>An</strong>anya Roy. “The 21st-Century Metropolis: New Geographies<br />
of Theory.” Regional Studies 43, (2009): 820.<br />
104 Schmid, “Specificity.”<br />
105 Ernest Watson Burgess. “The Growth of the City: <strong>An</strong><br />
Introduction to a Research Project.” In The Trend of Population,<br />
American Sociological Society, Vol. 28. American Sociological<br />
Society, 1925.<br />
106 Fincher and Jacobs, Cities of Difference, 6.<br />
65 Differences in <strong>Tokyo</strong>
Emperor<br />
Political leader<br />
Nobles and warriors<br />
Farmers and fishermen<br />
(90% of the population)<br />
Craftspeople<br />
Salespeople<br />
Outcast<br />
Fig. 3.7 Diagram of Edo’s urban layout<br />
Shogun<br />
Daimyo<br />
Samurai<br />
Ronin<br />
Peasants<br />
Artisans<br />
Merchants<br />
Burakumin<br />
(“peasants”) and chônin (“merchants”) [Fig. 3.7]. Peasants formed the majority<br />
of the population: these farmers and fishermen ensured the supply of<br />
food for the entire population and thus were highly valued within the social<br />
hierarchy. The penultimate lower class were the artisans, including traditional<br />
craftsmen such as sword-makers or dressmakers, as well as all practitioners<br />
of other fine arts and entertainment. The lowest class were merchants in<br />
charge of trade, shop keeping, and other money-related businesses. Outside<br />
this class system, people were referred to as Burakumin and Eta (“hamlet<br />
people” and “abundance of filth”). They had occupations considered inappropriate<br />
for others, such as the slaughtering of animals or craftsmanship<br />
involving the processing of leather. Growing trade business and commercialization<br />
furthered the increasing stratification of city dwellers and people<br />
living in the countryside. “[The] development of a commercial economy led<br />
to greater regional variations as rural areas near cities became more involved<br />
in the market than did remote areas such as Tôhoku in northern Honshu.<br />
Despite regional differences, by the eighteenth century village society comprised<br />
an economic, political and social pyramid with a stratum of very<br />
wealthy landowners and industrialists at the top, medium and small landholders<br />
in the middle, and landless tenant farmers, wage laborers and hereditary<br />
servants at the bottom.”26<br />
In the city of Edo, back alleys (roji in Japanese) were the heart of social<br />
life and local networks. The dominant housing typology for commoners<br />
was the rowhouse, nagaya. These buildings typically had a short front where<br />
business was carried out, followed by the areas where people lived stretching<br />
to the back. The back alleys formed by these row houses were free of through<br />
traffic and safe for children to play in [Fig. 3.8]. Household activities, as<br />
well as kitchens, were often externalized and integrated into these spaces.<br />
This made them more important spaces of daily life for both individual<br />
families and the community. The architectural historian Hidenobu Jinnai<br />
80
Fig. 3.8 Main street in Edo with nagaya houses extending to the back<br />
writes about the significance of these spaces during the Edo Period: “In<br />
Edo, it was in such micro-spaces that a certain degree of self-government<br />
took shape; it was in these same back alleys that the foundation of stable<br />
society was laid.”27 With the expansion of sanitary installations and utility<br />
supplies to individual homes at the beginning of the twentieth century, the<br />
functions and the necessity of these spaces started to change and they lost<br />
their shared function and the intimacy of a private-public space. Gradually,<br />
these alleys were not integrated into the progressive “modernization” of<br />
the city, and precautionary fire and health hazard measures led to a disappearance<br />
of this urban morphology.<br />
Transition<br />
The end of this period of Formation of a Resilient <strong>Urban</strong> Structure<br />
was triggered by the difficulty of keeping the country closed from any<br />
contact with the outside world. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century,<br />
exchange between the shogunate and delegates of the United States,<br />
England, and Holland had become more frequent, and the shogun and his<br />
army were convinced of the superiority of foreign powers.28 In 1858, the<br />
shogun finally consented to a commercial treaty with the United States in<br />
81 Periodization of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
91<br />
Fig. 3.12 View of Marunouchi in the 1960s<br />
Fig. 3.13 <strong>Tokyo</strong> Fire Department control center in the 1960s
PRODUCTION OF A DOMINANT CENTRALITY<br />
The production of a dominant centrality is characterized by growth -<br />
oriented development that strengthened the supremacy of <strong>Tokyo</strong> within the<br />
constellation of the cities of Japan. The period started with an internal focus<br />
on the recovery from war damage under the Allied occupation, which lasted<br />
until 1952. The growth-driven development soon restored global competitiveness<br />
and the industry and economy of Japan, which were centered around<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong>. With an extreme increase of capital volume and technological innovation,<br />
also referred to as the “economic miracle,” living standards rose and<br />
created a remarkable consumer culture and national confidence at the time.<br />
Conceived Space<br />
The early postwar phase was defined by the occupation of the Allied<br />
Powers under the guidance of General Douglas MacArthur, who was the<br />
Supreme Commander of Allied Powers (SCAP). With Japan’s surrender, a<br />
new constitution was drafted by the Allied Powers which gave the emperor<br />
a merely symbolic role and stated a declaration of renunciation of any act<br />
of war (Article 9). This constitution remains valid today. However, a recent<br />
reinterpretation regarding Article 9 provides Japanese Self-Defence Forces<br />
greater capacities to get involved in international combat, a political move<br />
which is in itself very contentious. By linking the Japanese yen to the U.S.<br />
dollar in 1949, the American occupation also introduced a crucial element<br />
for long-term economic stability and a successful Japanese economy.57<br />
Immediately after the war, the Allied Powers also tried to dissolve the Zaibatsu,<br />
as they were partly blamed for Japan’s pervasive imperial expansion<br />
in the years before the war. Their networks and alliances, however, proved<br />
to be resilient and many of the former Zaibatsu re-emerged as Keiretsu (or<br />
“group of enterprises”). They formed a major driving force behind the reconstruction<br />
and Japan’s locally-driven economic success: “Keiretsu fostered<br />
vertical and horizontal integration across a wide range of industries and<br />
sealed close ties through extensive cross-holdings of stocks and shares,<br />
serving to block foreign penetration of the Japanese economy.”58<br />
The decision to host the Olympic Games in <strong>Tokyo</strong> in 1964 marked<br />
the end of the postwar period and the next phase of ambitious long-term<br />
projects. <strong>Tokyo</strong> had already become a city of global relevance for export<br />
and financial investment, both domestically and abroad. At this point, <strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
became a centrality where regional and international networks started to<br />
accumulate and converge [Fig. 3.12]. This moment also marks the beginning<br />
of <strong>Tokyo</strong> becoming increasingly part of a global network, and economic<br />
and technological progress quickly changed the urban landscape in the city<br />
[Fig. 3.13]. This transformation produced an uneven terrain of development<br />
92
100<br />
Fig. 3.16 Night view from Ebiso towards Shibuya<br />
Fig. 3.17 Young woman sitting in front of a fashion department store in Harajurku with Christmas<br />
decoration and the announcement of an album release by Dreams Come True in the back
IMPLOSION OF A REGION<br />
The short-lived bubble economy at the end of the 1980s was a period of<br />
collective hysteria, a crazy time of frothy fortunes, pie-in-the-sky projects,<br />
and lavish living that suddenly evaporated. (Kingston 2012, 29)94<br />
The last and most recent period is characterized by a new growth -<br />
oriented regime and the redistribution of power to the private sector.95<br />
A prolonged economic recession, arguably lasting until the 2010s, and an<br />
increasing appreciation of urban assets and values set the frame for this<br />
period [Fig. 3.16]. With declining land prices in the inner-city area and<br />
stagnating economic growth development, dynamics shifted from the<br />
periphery to the core of the city. Various strategies and policies were<br />
implemented to revitalize the inner city. Key in this period is again a tight<br />
collaboration between state policies and private investment with deregulation<br />
that supports the rediscovery of urban space as a source of economic<br />
growth. State interventions have facilitated a recentralization process,<br />
which triggered a growing discrepancy between the central and peripheral<br />
regions of <strong>Tokyo</strong>: selected areas are boosted for international competition<br />
and the portrait of the city attuned to global comparison. <strong>An</strong> ongoing<br />
debate on the primary drivers of this shift, as well as the particularity of<br />
Japan’s neoliberal regime, has dominated political -economic discussions<br />
in Japan. Scholars such as Kuniko Fujita, for example, claim Japan is continuously<br />
“shaped by state-centered developmental capitalism and not<br />
by the new finance-centered growth regime postulated by the regulation<br />
theory.”96<br />
After decades of confidence and complacency, many companies<br />
were forced into bankruptcy and families were plunged in debt because<br />
of rising mortgage rates during the bubble. In the 1990s, newspaper headlines<br />
focused on increasing numbers of suicides. The people who committed<br />
suicide wanted their families to be able to collect some money from<br />
life insurance policies. At the same time, the “cardboard-box community”<br />
of people living on the streets was growing in size around train stations,<br />
a fact that can be seen as a testimony of individual and family hardships<br />
demanded by this transition.97 Growing calls for a more democratic society,<br />
transparent governance, public participation and oversight, and greater<br />
accountability based on the rule of law were made during this period.<br />
While the 1990s and 2000s ended with the bemoaning of yet another lost<br />
decade, the hope for the recession and general depression to be over was<br />
equally incessant. A series of dramatic atavisms in 2011—the Great Tohoku<br />
Earthquake and the ensuing tsunami and nuclear disaster—shook the<br />
country. Whether or not this triple catastrophe marks the beginning of a<br />
new period is yet to be seen.<br />
101 Periodization of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
knowledge of its history is crucial for its understanding today. <strong>An</strong>thropologist<br />
Akihiro Ogawa describes the fusion of contemporary life and historic<br />
imaginaries in his depiction of Shitamachi:<br />
When one walks into the back alleys, one often hears regular muffled<br />
industrial sounds, which come from somewhere or another. These<br />
are mainly coming from nearby family-run factories that manufacture<br />
small metal parts. These alleys used to offer splendid play areas for<br />
children, but nowadays one rarely sees youngsters here. For me, the<br />
scenery has a nostalgic feel. It is the sort of neighborhood that could<br />
have been seen in any Japanese urban area.22<br />
The very name of this configuration, thus, emphasizes a notion of<br />
backward looking. Shitamachi urbanization is substantiated by living off<br />
and indulging in the past, while transformation processes of the physical<br />
environment and people’s lives in the area continue. Despite its shifting<br />
boundaries, Shitamachi has been used to identify and demarcate people<br />
and places in the core of <strong>Tokyo</strong>.23 The term, though, was never more than<br />
an informal designation without administrative existence. Academic geographer<br />
Paul Waley, in his study of its shifting boundaries and conceptions,<br />
refers to a definition of Shitamachi as “a low-lying urban area,” in which<br />
“[u]rban districts [are] inhabited preponderantly by traders, artisans, and<br />
the like.”24 Waley specifies that “[i]n <strong>Tokyo</strong>, it refers to Taitô, Chiyoda, and<br />
Chûô ward and the areas to the east of the Sumida river”25 [Fig. 4.13]. A<br />
geographically broader term used in planning documents is Kawanote,<br />
which literally means the “hand of the river” and which geographically<br />
forms a counterpart to the “hand of the mountains” of the Yamanote.26<br />
While the term Kawanote is trying to discourage negative connotations of<br />
Shitamachi as the “low” and mundane city, it is at the same time trying to<br />
evoke the idea of a new urban living in the core of <strong>Tokyo</strong>.<br />
Pattern of Shitamachi <strong>Urban</strong>ization<br />
Shitamachi urbanization extends over an area in the northeast of the<br />
archipelago of centralities. It stretches from the Imperial Palace in the west<br />
across the riverbeds of the Sumida River to the east, from the Arakawa,<br />
Naka, and Shin-naka rivers to the Kyû Edo and Edo rivers, as well as many<br />
smaller canals in between. Only the area that was historically the heart of<br />
the Shitamachi, the part between the Imperial Palace and the Sumida River<br />
in the east, developed into a main regional centrality and the city’s central<br />
business district around Marunouchi and <strong>Tokyo</strong> Station.<br />
Shitamachi urbanization incorporates a mix of residents, functions<br />
and building typologies. Large tracts of its street layout are based on a<br />
grid, and it follows the grid structure of the early Chinese-style capitals<br />
of Nara and Kyoto, which served as a model here. The layout gave the army<br />
132
Fig. 4.12 Map of urban configuration: Shitamachi urbanization<br />
Shitamachi urbanization: Old centrality and traditional<br />
commercial and manufacturing center<br />
dominated by small-sized workshops. It is gradually<br />
transforming and the formerly distinct urban<br />
pattern is dissolving.<br />
Archipelago of main regional centralities<br />
0 10 km<br />
133 <strong>Urban</strong> Configurations of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
Fig. 4.19 Fifth station along the Tôkaidô Route, Ukiyo-e woodcut print by Utagawa Hiroshige<br />
around 1833<br />
Patterns of Tôkaidô and Yamanote <strong>Urban</strong>ization<br />
The commuter train lines serve as a structural backbone and as a<br />
supply chains for people and facilities in the area of Tôkaidô and Yamanote<br />
urbanization. Mostly laid out in the early twentieth century, these lines<br />
operated as an engine for the continually expanding area, which developed<br />
in radial patterns around stations. These stations serve as both commuter<br />
hubs and important service points for all daily needs away from the main<br />
regional centralities. Shopping centers are combined with parking lots;<br />
cram schools are conveniently placed next to train exits; and entertainment<br />
facilities are surrounded by restaurants and bars. In the case of <strong>Tokyo</strong>, this<br />
creates an evenly extending landscape, rhythmically structured by the reoccurring<br />
increase of built-up volume, density, and commercial activities<br />
around train stations and sudden decreases at the fringes, which lead into<br />
the steady flow of residential housing.<br />
The landscape of the Yamanote stands out as it is devoid of any significant<br />
centralities or major employment centers. Its built volume is formed<br />
by prototypical homes for the hardworking salarîmen ( or “salarymen”), who<br />
endure long daily commutes to have their own houses within the urban<br />
extent [Fig. 4.22, 4.23].49 The Tôkaidô area, in contrast, is tied to a linear<br />
extension of smaller regional centralities along the coast [Fig. 4.24]. A concentration<br />
of infrastructural lines defines the southern edge of the configuration<br />
where it borders with the configuration of old industrial urbanization,<br />
which contains larger centers employment. In both cases, the current demographic<br />
shift to an “aged society,” unstable economy, and the changing labor<br />
market organization challenges the male-breadwinner household model.50<br />
144
Fig. 4.20 Map of urban configuration: Tôkaidô urbanization with the archipelago of centralities<br />
Tôkaidô urbanization (laminar urbanization):<br />
Long-established urban area with a socially and<br />
morphologically homogeneous structure, oriented<br />
towards the infrastructural corridor along<br />
the coastline.<br />
Archipelago of main regional centralities<br />
0 10 km<br />
145 <strong>Urban</strong> Configurations of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
literature.138 It is also neither simply a process of filling up land with nonagricultural<br />
activities in between major cities, similar to the “edge city”;139<br />
nor an “anonymous space with no visual quality” as suggested by the Zwischenstadt.140<br />
Pattchiwa-ku urbanization is the result of various historical<br />
trajectories and a specific and complex coexistence of different logics in<br />
space and time. This multilayered condition is not a transitory phenomenon,<br />
but a lasting condition, as the past decades have shown. This condition is<br />
informed by the continuous interplay between these different layers, in<br />
various ways of dependency and confrontation, which are an integral part<br />
and a defining quality of this configuration.<br />
Lastly, a center-periphery dichotomy, which scholars such as Ralph<br />
Lützeler have explored, is slowly increasing due to the demographic shift<br />
and economic restructuring processes in Japan.141 As a consequence of<br />
increasing local autonomy, local communities are left to fend for themselves<br />
and deal with the challenges of this multilayered condition, which includes<br />
the complex superimposition of economic and demographic challenges.<br />
Viewed from the vantage point of the main regional centralities, the area<br />
is sometimes pejoratively referred to as inaka (or “countryside”), as though<br />
the very antithesis of the urban and civilized city of <strong>Tokyo</strong>. The area’s historical<br />
and continuing rural character, however, is not merely a mark of<br />
backwardness, but a point of departure for differentiation, and the basis<br />
for a specific social-territorial identity that is gaining relevance in the context<br />
of ongoing regional restructuring.<br />
172
173<br />
Fig. 4.34 Paddy fields in Ibaragi Prefecture<br />
Fig. 4.35 Satellite view of central area in Chiba Prefecture
OLD INDUSTRIAL URBANIZATION<br />
The impact of industrialization is key in the development of the city,<br />
in the dynamic of its expansion and formation. However, the number and<br />
size of areas directly impacted by industrial production is decreasing. In<br />
the case of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex, territories defined by industrial<br />
production are focused on two areas: around large parts of <strong>Tokyo</strong> Bay<br />
and in the northern periphery of the urban area. The area around the bay<br />
is the old industrial area of the region [Fig. 4.40]. It is still an active site of<br />
production, with a focus on manufacturing, but is undergoing many changes<br />
in terms of structure and landscape, as well as in its relation to the wider<br />
<strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex. The following subchapter introduces the<br />
urban configuration referred to as old industrial urbanization and looks at<br />
the pattern this configuration forms around the bay of <strong>Tokyo</strong> [Fig. 4.41].<br />
We can only understand the transformation of the territory and the<br />
everyday routines of people working and living in the area by understanding<br />
changes in industrial production. In particular, the emergence of flexible<br />
and specialized clusters and the larger-scale dynamics in the region through<br />
a revaluation of the urban core and its peripheral decline over the past<br />
decade are key for this understanding. On an even larger scale, transformation<br />
processes in these areas are tied to a global network of production<br />
chains and the globally increasing division of labor. In the Japanese context,<br />
technological innovation has been closely tied to industrial agglomeration<br />
and the concept of social network relations.157 This subchapter and the next,<br />
titled “New Industrial <strong>Urban</strong>ization,” do not aim for a detailed analysis of<br />
Japan’s industrial development. Its system of flexible production and manufacturing<br />
and innovation have been studied at length by scholars both<br />
in- and outside Japan. The concept of flexible production and its significance<br />
for Japanese economic growth, for example, has been extensively discussed<br />
in the earlier works of Kuniko Fujita and her colleague Richard Child Hill.158<br />
This part of my urban portrait of <strong>Tokyo</strong> looks at the industrial area around<br />
the bay of <strong>Tokyo</strong> and the particular dynamics of urbanization in this region.<br />
The term chosen for this configuration, old industrial urbanization, refers<br />
to the old and established structures within this configuration and at the<br />
same time alludes to a characteristic of this industrialization process since<br />
the newer developments are captured in the following subchapter.<br />
Pattern of Old Industrial <strong>Urban</strong>ization<br />
in the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex<br />
The configuration of old industrial urbanization stretches along <strong>Tokyo</strong><br />
Bay, from the northern tip of the Miura Peninsula to the western side of<br />
the Bôsô Peninsula [Fig. 4.42]. Without much variation, industrial plants<br />
184
Fig. 4.42 Map of urban configuration: old industrial urbanization<br />
Old industrial urbanization: Old industrial belt<br />
stretching along <strong>Tokyo</strong> Bay, dominated by largescale<br />
production sites; marked by relocation of<br />
manufacturing industries and redevelopment for<br />
residential use.<br />
Archipelago of main regional centralities<br />
0 10 km<br />
185 <strong>Urban</strong> Configurations of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
of a continuous economic concentration in <strong>Tokyo</strong>. In practical terms, the<br />
urban fringe remains the only area within the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex<br />
where agricultural land is still available for conversion and, therefore, able<br />
to accommodate larger industrial sites. The headquarters of Glico in eastern<br />
Japan is an example of this development [Fig. 4.52]. Originally from the<br />
Kansai region, the company opened a new manufacturing location in the<br />
city of Kitamoto in Saitama Prefecture, and its new presence in the Kanto<br />
region can be seen as the product of forces of agglomeration. Glico’s move<br />
not only situates it among related industries but also optimizes access to<br />
main centralities and places of decision-making for national economic<br />
development. This is in line with a general agglomeration trend within the<br />
capital region that started before World War II and has been extensively<br />
studied by scholars both in and outside Japan.188 This development is receiving<br />
particular support by local industrial organizations as they continue to<br />
promote the locational advantages of the metropolitan periphery.189 The<br />
local government in the city of Kitamoto hoped that the arrival of Glico<br />
would mark the first step in the development of a new industrial area.190<br />
However, a local referendum cancelled the development of a new train<br />
station that would have served this new area and so the future of industry<br />
in Kitamoto has yet to be determined. Nevertheless, it is the sites of manufacturing<br />
and production in the periphery today that provide important<br />
centers of employment and activities, and keep the area from being a mere<br />
belt of bed towns around the urban core.<br />
Second, some areas in this belt already show a high concentration of<br />
unemployment and untrained workers, and demographic projections predict<br />
a loss of more than 10 percent of the local population by 2030.191 New<br />
housing developments in the central area over the past fifteen years have<br />
created new opportunities for younger people to move to the city center<br />
and to be closer to large employment centers and amenities. This dynamic<br />
has led to increasing segregation by age; within municipalities in the peripheral<br />
area where the population aged sixty-five years and older account for<br />
more than 25 percent.192 While the configuration of old industrial urbanization<br />
is gradually being “broken up” and infused with new functions, the<br />
configuration of new industrial urbanization in the periphery is gradually<br />
being depleted and facing the downside of a contracting concentration of<br />
people and activities in the urban core.193<br />
The depreciation of the Japanese yen against the US dollar due to the<br />
Bank of Japan’s aggressive quantitative easing and Prime Minister Abe’s<br />
stimulus program in the early 2010s are only having a minor effect on these<br />
general trends. The weak yen has made production costs overseas higher<br />
than in Japan in some cases, with the result that some large Japanese manufacturers<br />
have started to move some of their production back to Japan.194<br />
200
Fig. 4.52 Honda factory outlet near Tachikawa, <strong>Tokyo</strong> Prefecture<br />
Casio, Canon, Honda Motor, and Pioneer, to name just a few, have all moved<br />
plants from different locations in Southeast Asia back to Japan.195 The most<br />
recent slow increase of the Japanese yen, however, is again reason to be<br />
cautious for cautiousness regarding this trend. The export volume of car<br />
manufacturers in Japan remains low, since production sites have been set<br />
up overseas over the past decades (with North America currently being<br />
largest production center), and, thus, currency fluctuations are not a sufficient<br />
reason for large restructurings.196 To what extent we can expect a<br />
“reshoring trend”197 of production to continue and industrial facilities to<br />
be revitalized and expanded, and with that new industrial urbanization to<br />
grow, remains to be seen.<br />
201 <strong>Urban</strong> Configurations of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex
apple How can this understanding help to address issues and developments<br />
under current conditions of urbanization?<br />
The various contexts, spaces, narratives, and biographies of my case<br />
studies provide an immediate impression of the everyday dimension of urbanization.<br />
I include perspectives of various urban actors through my heterogeneous<br />
mode of data acquisition. At the same time, by informing the concept<br />
through such an approach it will hopefully allow the concept to become<br />
operational on a wider scale and across different and specific contexts.<br />
226
227<br />
Pages 227–234 Series of photographs of Shinjuku taken by the author ↑ View from Shinjuku City<br />
Hall towards the west, 2011 ↓ Street in the residential area of Kashiwagi, just a block away from the<br />
Ome Highway, 2013
230<br />
↑ Small shopping street running parallel to MOA Street, 2014 ↓ View towards the north on the western<br />
side of Shinjuku Station, 2013.c
231 ↑ Shinjuku Odori, pedestrian area, 2010 ↓ List of establishments in a building in Kabukichô, 2013
Fig. 5.4 Landscape of Edo in the nineteenth century with a large residence in the forground<br />
surrounded by paddy fields in the back<br />
one of the five major traveling routes through the country, all of which led<br />
to Nihonbashi on the east side of the Imperial Palace. The Kôshû Kaidô<br />
went westward and ended in the mountains of Nagano. There, in Shimosuwa-shuku,<br />
it met the Nakasendô, the northern route, which continued<br />
to Kyoto. As the final post before leaving the city, and the place that marked<br />
the beginning of the city for those arriving, various amenities and services<br />
were offered in Shinjuku. It was the first and last stop to enjoy the pleasures<br />
and conveniences of the city and purchase goods that could only be found<br />
there before returning to more remote parts of the country. This marked<br />
the beginning of Shinjuku’s status as a major location for entertainment,<br />
trends, and shopping facilities, a position that continues to this day.<br />
Daimyô residences stretched out to the west, from the castle of the<br />
shogun, Japan’s supreme military ruler, into the hills, and structured the<br />
territory: they formed clusters together with commoner houses which continued<br />
along the main roads leading to the castle. The area in between was<br />
mostly filled with rice paddies and tea plantations [Fig. 5.5]. The largest<br />
residence in the area belonged to the Naitô Clan in the southeast of Shinjuku.<br />
In the area of today’s Shinjuku Station’s east exit, the Naruse Clan<br />
and the Owari Clan, a branch of the Tokugawa Family, had their residences.<br />
The residences of the Matsudaira Clan, the Akimoto Clan, the Kyôkoku<br />
Clan, and the Manabe Clan were located in the west [Fig. 5.6]. The Daimyô<br />
residences are still visible in the urban structure of Shinjuku today: the site<br />
of the Naitô Clan’s residence became Shinjuku Gyôen, a 58.3-hectare park<br />
in the heart of the city, while the former Kyôkoku Clan and Manabe Clan<br />
residences are part of today’s West Shinjuku development.<br />
236
Fig. 5.5 A map of Shinjuku in 1885 shows the Ome Kaidô running from east to northwest, the<br />
Kôshû Kaidô running from east to southwest and the first trainlines running north-south<br />
The city of <strong>Tokyo</strong> constructed one of the country’s first water purification<br />
plants in 1898 on the grounds of the former Kyôkoku Clan and Manabe<br />
Clan residences: the Yodobashi Purification Plant was a large area containing<br />
water basins, providing the grid structure for today’s urban blocks [Fig. 5.7].<br />
The first train line ran through Shinjuku in 1885, connecting Akabane in the<br />
north and Shinagawa in the south. The station grew rapidly, with numerous<br />
lines starting and ending in Shinjuku. By 1923, four lines ran through Shinjuku<br />
(Yamanote Line, Chuo Line, Keio Line, Odakyu Line), and two more<br />
had been added by the start of World War II (Seibu Lines). The lines either<br />
connected Shinjuku with other places in the central area, or with the rapidly<br />
expanding residential area in the west. Until the early nineteenth century,<br />
new buildings were developed along the arterial roads leading to the station.<br />
The western side of the train tracks of the Yamanote Loop Line, the area of<br />
the water purification plant, was still considered “outside” of the city.<br />
In 1933, the famous Isetan Department Store opened its doors on<br />
the eastern side of Shinjuku. It was located along the main street, Ôdori,<br />
in direct view of the station. Along with Takashimaya in the Ginza area,<br />
Isetan was one of the biggest department stores that stocked the largest<br />
variety of high-end products at the time. Other retail facilities soon followed<br />
along Ôdori, making the east side of Shinjuku a popular shopping destination<br />
before the war. There, the latest trends were on display and people<br />
would come to window shop, buy, and stroll along the streets [Fig. 5.8].<br />
With the rapid extension of the city after the war, Shinjuku became<br />
an increasingly important transport hub: the number of passengers taking<br />
Japan Rail (JR) trains (Chuo Line and Yamanote Line) rose from 5,000<br />
237 Production of Differences on the Neighborhood Scale
260<br />
↑ Passers-by taking pictures of a man and his cat in a café on the north side of Shimokitazawa, 2010<br />
↓ Live concert of local band Elekibass in one of Shimokitazawa’s many music clubs, 2013
DIFFERENCES AND INCORPORATION: SHIMOKITAZAWA<br />
Differences endure or arise on the margins of the homogenized realm,<br />
either in the form of resistances or in the form of externalities …<br />
Sooner or later, however, the existing centre and the forces of homogenization<br />
must seek to absorb all such differences … (Lefebvre 1991,<br />
373) apple What the center denies—that is to say, what it cannot incorporate—remains<br />
confined to the margins “outside” its purview of<br />
dominance. (Shmuely 2008, 218)25<br />
Shimokitazawa is a neighborhood in the southwest of <strong>Tokyo</strong>, located<br />
just outside the Yamanote Line, the central loop line. It is close to Shibuya,<br />
a commercial and entertainment centrality for the youth of <strong>Tokyo</strong>, and<br />
Shinjuku, a major business, commercial, and entertainment centrality and<br />
the seat of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Government. Over the past three decades,<br />
Shimokitazawa has transformed from an intimate local neighborhood,<br />
known for its music and theater scene, into a destination for people<br />
from all over the region seeking a particular urban experience.<br />
Shimokitazawa is located within the area that is described as Tôkaidô<br />
configuration map. It is part of the Setagaya Ward, the second largest of<br />
the twenty-three special wards in the prefecture of <strong>Tokyo</strong>, and has a population<br />
of approximately 17,000. Situated at the intersection of the Odakyu<br />
and Keio Inokashira Lines, Shimokitazawa is an important node of one of<br />
the many commuter belts stretching out from the central area into the<br />
surrounding region. Shimokitazawa and its environs are covered with two<br />
to three-story detached family houses, interspersed by higher built-up commercial<br />
clusters and larger housing blocks in proximity to train stations.<br />
For the purpose of this research, I looked at an area around Shimokitazawa<br />
Station with a radius of about 500 meters. First, I will look at the<br />
pathway of Shimokitazawa in order to understand the production of its<br />
urban condition. Moments in its development trajectory are to be analyzed<br />
and interpreted as decisive for the production of differences. Second, I will<br />
look at particular aspects of the production of differences and reproduction,<br />
namely, the process of incorporation of differences.<br />
Offside Dominant Centralities<br />
During the Edo Period (1603–1868), the area that is now Shimokitazawa<br />
was agricultural land under the administration of feudal lords. The<br />
gradual urbanization of the area began with the modernization of the<br />
country in the late nineteenth century. Today’s neighborhood developed<br />
from the top of the hill in the north, down to the Kitazawa River and the<br />
Shrine of Kitazawa Hachiman in the south. In 1878, the Komaba School<br />
of Agriculture was founded in the east of Shimokitazawa (today’s Komaba<br />
261 Production of Differences on the Neighborhood Scale
6<br />
Conclusion<br />
308
I trust that, despite all that has been written in the meantime, there is<br />
still something left to say. (Waley 1991, 7)1<br />
Using the case of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex, this study explores<br />
the concept of the production of differences as an approach to understanding<br />
urban space and urbanization processes within a larger region. I have recognized<br />
space as a social product and differences as key elements, driving forces,<br />
and outcomes of spatial production processes. Looking beyond labels such<br />
as “vibrant,” “diverse,” or “heterogeneous,” and instead examining an urban<br />
condition through its differences production enables us to draw a more<br />
nuanced portrait of the city. Furthermore, taking the production of differences<br />
as a line of inquiry allows to challenge established concepts of differences<br />
based on gender, class, race, economic conditions, and ethnicity as primary<br />
productive agents for distinct urban qualities. Manifested within the everyday<br />
life as much as in global ambitions, the concept of differences has also enabled<br />
me to examine an urban region from various angles which form a comprehensive<br />
reading of various, interdependent processes defining the city.<br />
In order to create this unconventional portrait of <strong>Tokyo</strong> I set out to<br />
apple Develop a general conceptual research approach using the production<br />
of differences, which surpasses established and normative definitions<br />
apple<br />
of difference<br />
Apply this concept to the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex in order to<br />
obtain a comprehensive understanding of the region and capture its<br />
specific urban condition<br />
Lefebvre's conceptualization of space and his understanding of difference<br />
is supporting the frame(work) for this portrait and conceptual<br />
approach. I identified several notable gaps within presiding discourses,<br />
namely assumptions regarding preconditions and differences, and a lack<br />
of reference to production, reproduction, and a culturally specific understanding<br />
of their manifestations (especially in Lefebvre’s work). I discussed<br />
a set of keywords that I consider vital in conceptualizing the production of<br />
differences with respect to the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex. With a periodization<br />
of the <strong>Tokyo</strong> Metropolitan Complex I identified its main periods<br />
of spatial production in a multilinear analysis to understand their relevance<br />
for and impact on the urbanization processes of the urban region today.<br />
This periodization functioned like sketch in the beginning of a portrait,<br />
determining the vanishing point of the composition.<br />
The urban configurations mapped out on top of this sketch worked<br />
like a primer in any oil painting and organized the canvas into different<br />
territorial entities. The different urbanization processes analyzed here also<br />
provided a first layer of detailed observations which are based on extensive<br />
fieldwork in <strong>Tokyo</strong> between 2011 and 2015. Shinjuku, Shimokitazawa, and<br />
Kitamoto which substantiate the narratives of differences production on the<br />
309 Conclusion
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