Christianity, Pluralism, and Public Life

Recommendations

Info

This polarization is reflected at the grassroots level as well. The ideological distance between self-identified Republicans andDemocrats is widening and is greatest among those who are most politically active. Researchers disagree about the nature ofthis growing distance—some say that the masses are moving more to the ideological extremes like the elites, others say that,given increasing party cohesiveness, voters’ views are not changing as much as they are sorting more clearly into the twoparties. 23Although party and ideology are of course connected, ties to party are often stronger than ideology. When a party shiftsits focus on some issues, as the Republican party has done under Donald Trump on issues like free trade, strong partisanscontinue to support the party and switch policy positions to maintain alignment.EFFECTS OF POLARIZATION AND SORTINGIdeological distance between the two parties has some benefits. Increasing party cohesiveness creates stronger nationalparties that offer well-defined policy alternatives. More clearly defined parties also simplify vote choices.When polarization becomes severe, however, negative effects emerge. One result has been growing affective polarization,the tendency for people to distrust and dislike those with opposite political views. Researchers note that Americans areincreasingly viewing political parties as part of their social identity, and such group consciousness leads to increased crosspartyconflict.A wide range of studies show rising partisan animosity. In a recent Pew Research Center survey, for example, 91 percent ofRepublicans had unfavorable views of Democrats, and 86 percent of Democrats had unfavorable views of Republicans. Morethan two of five Democrats (41 percent) and Republicans (45 percent) said the other party’s policies “threaten the nation’swell-being.” In a 2017 study, almost half of all partisanssaid they “hate” the other party. 24In a recent Pew Research Center survey,for example, 91 percent of Republicanshad unfavorable views of Democrats,and 86 percent of Democrats hadunfavorable views of Republicans. Morethan two of five Democrats (41 percent)and Republicans (45 percent) saidthe other party’s policies “threaten thenation’s well-being.” In a 2017 study,almost half of all partisans said they“hate” the other party.The lack of social sanction likely reinforces affectivepartisanship. Whereas social norms strongly discouragedisparaging others based on race, ethnicity, or gender,the current political culture condones or even encouragescontempt for those who disagree politically. Researchersexamining the role of implicit bias against groups notonly found strong anti-partisan sentiments, they foundthat “the level of partisan animus in the American publicexceeds racial animosity.” 2523For a good overview of the polarization thesis, see Alan I. Abramowitz, The Great Alignment: Race, Party Transformation, and the Riseof Donald Trump, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 2018. Print. The party sorting thesis is best demonstrated in the work of MorrisFiorina. See, for example, Morris Fiorina, Unstable Majorities: Polarization, Party Sorting, and Political Stalemate, Hoover Institution Press,Stanford, CA, 2017. Print.24“Partisanship and Political Animosity in 2016,” Pew Research Center, June 22, 2016, Accessed September 10, 2019. Available at: https://www.people-press.org/2016/06/22/partisanship-and-political-animosity-in-2016/.25Shanto Iyengar and Sean J. Westwood, “Fear and Loathing across Party Lines: New Evidence on Group Polarization,” American Journal ofPolitical Science, Vol. 59. No. 3, July 2015, Pp. 690-707. Print.14 | Christianity, Pluralism, and Public Life in the United States
As enmity for the other party grows, elites are less willing to work with members across the aisle, leading to gridlock.Partisans at the elite and grassroots levels adopt more divisive rhetoric, which feeds cross-partisan distrust and scorn.These patterns have spillover effects in churches and other religious organizations. Although ideological views andtheological views need not overlap, many theological conservatives are also politically conservative, even as those with moremodernist or liberal theological views tend toward more progressive politics. Some of the negative effects of party polarizationseem to be reflected across theological divides—in some circles, theological conservatives and liberals mistrust or even havecontempt for one another.AN INCREASINGLY POLARIZED CULTUREAs American politics have grown increasingly polarized, the public is growing divided in other ways. 26One growing trend is that liberals and conservatives increasingly live in different places. Neighborhoods, cities, and evenentire states are growing more and more ideologically distinct in what journalist Bill Bishop describes as “the big sort.” 27Many people have choices about where to live, and, if so, they opt to reside in states, cities, and even neighborhoods thatreflect their values. People are also more and more unlikely to marry someone who aligns with a different party. The result isthat increasing numbers of Americans are surrounded only by people who share their ideological views.Studies also demonstrate the prevalence of “confirmation bias.” People naturally seek out and interpret things in ways thatconfirm what they already believe, and they naturally look for exceptions and problems with arguments they don’t like.Voters are increasingly willing to overlook facts that go against their predispositions, even as they are very alert to even minordiscrepancies in the views of their opponents. In an age of polarized media, voters can choose from a wide range of sourcesfor political information, self-selecting only those outlets that reinforce their ideological and partisan views.These trends also affect American Christians. Liberal and conservative Christians likely apply different moral lenses as theydiscern the proper relationship between faith and politics and which issues to prioritize. Although some congregations arepolitically diverse, many Christians choose to worship in churches that seem to align with their political views. In many ways,Christianity has become polarized and sorted like political elites and voters.DECLINING PUBLIC TRUST AND CONFIDENCEThe changing political climate also appears to be affecting public trust. Recent survey data suggest that levels of public trustand confidence are reaching historic lows.The Pew Research Center compiled data on political trust from several polling organizations over many decades. In 2019, only17 percent of respondents said they “trust the government in Washington” always (3 percent) or most of the time (14 percent).In the 1980s, trust levels hovered between 40 percent and 44 percent. In the 1990s, trust levels declined somewhat, but by theearly 2000s, about a third of Americans again had high levels of trust in government. In the mid-2000s, trust numbers beganto dip again, reaching a record low in 2019. 2826See, for example, Jonathan Haidt, The Righteous Mind: Why Good People are Divided By Politics and Religion, Vintage, New York, NY, 2012.Print.27Bill Bishop, The Big Sort, Houghton Mifflin, New York, NY, 2008. Print.28“Trust and Distrust in America,” Pew Research Center, July 22, 2019, Accessed September 11, 2019. Available at: https://www.people-press.org/2019/07/22/trust-and-distrust-in-america/.Christianity, Pluralism, and Public Life in the United States | 15
Page 1 and 2: Christianity, Pluralism, andPublic
Page 3 and 4: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSABOUT THE AUTHORSWe
Page 5 and 6: PrefaceReady or not, here it comes:
Page 7 and 8: Third, and finally, we hope this re
Page 9 and 10: RELIGIOUS IDENTITYAlthough many sur
Page 11 and 12: RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND BEHAVIOREven t
Page 13 and 14: Opposition remains strongest among
Page 15: To say that questions involving plu
Page 19 and 20: PART IIHow Christian Leaders Are Th
Page 21 and 22: they view as essential to it—as e
Page 23 and 24: us and about our Judeo-Christian tr
Page 25 and 26: INSIGHTS INTO THE BRIDGE-BUILDING P
Page 27 and 28: BRIDGING ACROSS POLITICAL, RELIGIOU
Page 29 and 30: DIVIDES WITHIN CHRISTIANITY THAT CH
Page 31 and 32: Some of our respondents raised conc
Page 33 and 34: There are three ways to look at thi
Page 35 and 36: particular, don’t have a politica
Page 37 and 38: Politics and Christian CommunityPol
Page 39 and 40: POLITICS AND THE LAITYWe were also
Page 41 and 42: OPENLY DISCUSS THEIR OWN FAITH AND
Page 43 and 44: literate in the very basic sense th
Page 45 and 46: PART IIIA Way Forward: Recommendati
Page 47 and 48: DISCIPLESHIP AND CATECHISMMany Chri
Page 49 and 50: Encouraging Positive Christian Cont
Page 51 and 52: Recommendations for Political and O
Page 53 and 54: precisely because every man is made

Christianity, Pluralism, and Public Life

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?