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Csaba Lentner - East of Europe, west of Asia

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2.2 Economic aspects and effects of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 | 31

if the exchange of notes is three times unsuccessful, hold a joint meeting for

voting; to deputations, this institution, more acceptable politically rather

than legally, has not been extended. It is undeniable that the procedure is

thus cumbersome, but at least is not publicly objectionable.” 97

Section 18 of Act XII of 1867 stipulated that the proportion by which the

countries of the Hungarian Crown provide the cover of joint tasks on the

basis of sanctio pragmatica should be determined by mutual agreement. The

same law also outlined the way in which the Hungarian Crown and the rest

of the countries of the emperor would choose similar number of delegates

to conduct the negotiations. These two delegations developed their proposal

with the involvement of the ministries, which were then submitted to the

relevant parliaments, which, after negotiations, presented the agreement in

the form of a law to the emperor for enactment. The (rate of) contribution

to the common issues was basically adjusted to the tax burden of the countries.

“However, the question of determining the ratio is so vital that we

cannot be surprised that this principle is often confining in the delegations’

negotiations” 98 – writes Zergényi. An objective definition of the ratio was

proposed on the Austrian side, which was rejected by the Hungarian party,

but the issue has kept on coming about. In contrast to the otherwise logical

Austrian position, the Hungarian delegation repeatedly argued that “Section

22 of Act XII of 1867 states explicitly that the agreement to be made on

the ratio may only last for a definite period of time, after which the place of

a new agreement shall be made in the same way. So the ratio is always the

subject of a free bargain, limiting its freedom is forbidden in any form. The

legal nature of the relationship between the two states would not either allow

binding the freedom of ratio determination. Hence financial independence

is the strongest support for legal independence, and the weakening of one

also affects the other.” 99

Zergényi also describes if there would be no agreement, then it is outlined

in Austrian law that the “intervening” sovereign’s coercive measure can only

last for one year, and can only apply to the Austrian Hereditary Lands. However,

this provision was not included in the Hungarian law. The Hungarian

estates were of the opinion that this law of the sovereign, even in this limited

form, was a matter of concern for parliamentarism, as the budgetary law of

the two states would suffer. Some mitigating circumstance was that the sovereign’s

possible interference could be easily avoided by the two assemblies

if the sovereign would temporally “motu proprio” retain the previously held

rate. The sovereign did not exercise this right until 1877, the public law explanation

of which was that the sovereign for the Hereditary Lands was the

Austrian Emperor, while it was the King of Hungary in St Stephen’s empire,

and the two offices were the same, but legally embodied in one sovereign.

According to Zergényi 100 interventions in this budget reconciliation process

“would not otherwise allow such far-reaching consequences”. At the time of

the Compromise, many of the anomalies resulting from the negotiation pro-

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