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2.2 Economic aspects and effects of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 | 43

3.98% by 1878, then reduced it to 3.05% by 1883. In the same context, the

downward trend was 4.51% -3.76% -3.19% for advances and 3.93% -2.62%

-2.72% for mortgage loans.

To sum it up, the more relaxed political environment following the compromise

favoured economic life. Except for the contradiction of the agrarian

side, the political and economic elite were a supporter of free competition,

in which they enjoyed the support of the state. “Immediately after the

compromise, the state got directly involved in the construction of modern

infrastructure. The private railway companies were subsidized by the state

with a state guarantee of interest and shipping companies with an annual

subsidy.” 177 The state issued a government loan for the construction of railways

and canals (Act 13 of 1867).

According to the pre-cited writings of László Katus and John Komlós, the

foreign capital and equity ratio remained below the critical 40%, so – according

to their unified wording – we can speak of a sovereign economy. The

post-compromise Hungarian economic administration followed a strategy of

catching up with using protectionist means, with the increased involvement

of the state, large factory sizes and the early emergence of finance-capital,

and the “pulling industry” of agriculture became the processing industry. 178

Conversely, the survival of (millions of acres of) entails (on both sides of the

Lajta river) suggested feudal atavism and, in the long run, prevented the land

from becoming a capitalist property, and hog-tied the peasants who made

up the majority of society, resulting in the emigration of millions, as well as

social, and partly ethnic dissatisfaction. According to the contemporary conception,

it was the Hungarian landowner who “screwed” (also) the ethnic

peasantry, at least the main ideologists of parallel nation-building perceived

that this way, mostly as one of the reasons for separation, although there was

no ethnic (social) discrimination in dualist Hungary. 179

The phenomenon of nearly half a century of operation is characterized

by strong state influence on economic life, essentially the establishment of a

state-controlled economy. As a result of the first industrial law, “280 new factories

were created, 227 of which were agricultural distilleries. Four factories

have expanded with new branches of industry. The number of old factories

benefiting from the preferences was 195, 75 of which were agricultural distilleries.

A total of 479 factories received preferences, but 302 (63%) of them

were agricultural distilleries.” 180

As a result of the state’s industrial subsidy – more comprehensively than

previously described – “between 1867 and 1873 capital stock have been

multiplied by six […] 170 new joint stock companies and 552 financial institutions

were founded, more than 4000 kilometres of new railway line was

built, mostly from private capital, but with state aid through interest insurance”

181 . Between 1881 and 1914, 959 new factories were created with state

subsidies, including 432 agricultural distilleries, 572 other industrial plants.

The state supported the expansion of 234 factories, while 865 old factories

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