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Who is Indigenous? 'Peoplehood' and Ethnonationalist Approaches to Rearticulating Indigenous Identity

by Jeff J. Corntassel

by Jeff J. Corntassel

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91nep04.qxd 13/08/2003 15:53 Page 87<br />

WHO IS INDIGENOUS?<br />

be l<strong>is</strong>ted first as a primary component of identity. Second, there <strong>is</strong> further<br />

clarification of ‘subs<strong>is</strong>tence production’ (C), now described as ‘economic<br />

systems primarily oriented <strong>to</strong> subs<strong>is</strong>tence production’. Such an approach<br />

most closely resembles the above-referenced indigenous definition of<br />

‘small-scale cultures’ provided by Bodley. Third, an indigenous language<br />

<strong>is</strong> now ‘different from the predominant language’ (D), versus being<br />

‘different from the national language’, perhaps indicating that language<br />

difference continues <strong>to</strong> be a key criterion for Task Managers. ourth,<br />

indigenous peoples’ claims <strong>to</strong> natural resources appear more limited in the<br />

currently proposed definition (A); indigenous peoples now have ‘close<br />

attachments <strong>to</strong> ancestral terri<strong>to</strong>ries <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> the natural resources in them’<br />

versus ‘natural resources in these areas.’ Aside from de-emphasizing<br />

cultural ties <strong>to</strong> their ancestral homel<strong>and</strong>s, which have been extensively<br />

documented in a new United Nations report on ‘<strong>Indigenous</strong> Peoples <strong>and</strong><br />

their Relationship <strong>to</strong> L<strong>and</strong>’, 59 th<strong>is</strong> new definition seems <strong>to</strong> confine any<br />

natural resource use <strong>to</strong> clearly defined terri<strong>to</strong>rial holdings, rather than<br />

natural resources claims on or near indigenous homel<strong>and</strong>s. Perhaps most<br />

strikingly absent in the newly rev<strong>is</strong>ed World Bank definition (OP 4.10) <strong>is</strong><br />

the notion of d<strong>is</strong>tinct community cultural traditions or worldviews, which<br />

were featured prominently in several of the above-referenced academic<br />

conceptualizations of indigenous.<br />

Upon further scrutiny, the most significant change proposed in the World<br />

Bank definitional attempts <strong>to</strong> qualify who <strong>is</strong> considered indigenous based<br />

on one’s place of residence in Part 6:<br />

The requirements of th<strong>is</strong> policy do not apply <strong>to</strong> groups who (a) have<br />

left their communities of origin <strong>and</strong> (b) move <strong>to</strong> urban areas <strong>and</strong>/or<br />

migrated <strong>to</strong> obtain wage labor. 60<br />

Essentially, for the sake of policymaking, the proposed World Bank<br />

definition suggests that one’s very identity as indigenous <strong>is</strong> lost upon<br />

entering an urban area. Have indigenous peoples living in cities lost their<br />

‘close attachment <strong>to</strong> ancestral terri<strong>to</strong>ries’ (A)? While th<strong>is</strong> approach may be<br />

bureaucratically efficient for identifying indigenous communities, it appears<br />

<strong>to</strong> penalize freedom of movement or even changing cultural traditions by<br />

removing them from consideration as indigenous. The realities of<br />

indigenous refugees caused by war or even state policies of resettlement<br />

belie establ<strong>is</strong>hing such a policy. Consider the case of the Chittagong Hill<br />

Tracts, which are a confederacy of 16 different indigenous nations<br />

collectively called Jumma, in Bangladesh. Since Bangladesh statehood in<br />

1971, the CHT region has been besieged by over 400,000 governmentinduced<br />

Bengali settlers who have sought <strong>to</strong> d<strong>is</strong>locate Jumma peoples from<br />

their homel<strong>and</strong>s. 61 A 1997 agreement between the government of<br />

87

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