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Chapter 9 The Role of Nuclear Forces in Russian Maritime Strategy | Michael Kofman

Chapter 9

The Role of Nuclear Forces in Russian Maritime Strategy

Michael Kofman

Although Russia is one of the world’s preeminent continental

powers, Russian leaders have historically rendered considerable

attention to sea power. Through sea power, Moscow could

establish Russia as a great power in international politics outside

of its own region. Sea power served to defend Russia’s expansive

borders from expeditionary naval powers like Britain or the

United States, and to support the Russian Army’s campaigns.

With the coming of the atomic age, the Soviet Navy took on new

significance, arming itself for nuclear warfighting and strategic

deterrence missions. The Soviet Union deployed a capable nuclear-armed

submarine and surface combatant force to counter

American naval dominance during the Cold War. The modern

Russian Navy retains legacy missions from the Cold War, but has

taken on new roles in line with the General Staff’s evolved thinking

on nuclear escalation, while adapting to the inexorable march of

technological change that shapes military affairs.

The Russian Navy has four principal missions: (i) defence of

Russian maritime approaches and littorals; (ii) executing longrange

precision strikes with conventional or non-strategic nuclear

weapons; (iii) nuclear deterrence by maintaining a survivable

second-strike capability at sea aboard Russian nuclear-powered

ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs); and (iv) naval diplomacy, or

what may be considered to be status projection. 1 Naval diplomacy

in particular rests with the surface combatant force, chiefly the

retinue of inherited Soviet capital ships (cruisers and destroyers),

which while ageing remain impressive in appearance. Meanwhile,

the Russian Navy, like the Soviet Navy before it, is much more

capable beneath the waves, arguably the only near-peer to the

United States in the undersea domain. 2

Regionally, Russian policy documents convey a maritime division

in terms of the near-sea zone, the far-sea zone, and the “world

ocean,” while functionally the Russian General Staff thinks in terms

of theatres of military operations. The Navy is naturally tasked

with warfighting and deterrence in the naval theatre of military

operations, defending maritime approaches, and supporting

the continental theatre. 3 Russia’s navy remains a force focused

on countering the military capabilities of the United States, and

deterring other naval powers with conventional and nuclear

weapons. Over time, it has also acquired an important role in

Russian thinking on escalation management, and the utility of

non-strategic nuclear weapons in modern conflict. 4

Continuity in Naval Strategy: The “Bastion” Concept

Endures

Russian naval strategy has proven to be evolutionary, taking its

intellectual heritage from the last decade of the Cold War. Nuclear

and non-nuclear deterrence missions are deeply rooted in concepts

and capabilities inherited from the Soviet Union; namely, the

bastion deployment concept for ballistic submarine deployment,

together with the more salient currents in Soviet military thought

derived from the late 1970s and early 1980s, being the period

of intellectual leadership under Marshal Ogarkov, Chief of Soviet

General Staff at that time.

Strategic deterrence and nuclear warfighting in theatre proved

anchoring missions for the Soviet Navy during the Cold War. In

the 1970s it had become widely accepted that the Soviet Union

adopted a “withholding strategy,” as opposed to an offensive

strategy to challenge US sea lines of communication. The Soviet

Northern and Pacific Fleets would deploy ballistic missile

submarines into launch points in the Barents Sea and the Sea of

Okhotsk, protected by attack submarines, and a surface force

geared around anti-submarine warfare (ASW). US analysts termed

these protected ballistic missile submarine operating areas “bastions,”

and the name stuck. 5

The merits of the strategy were always questionable, since the

Soviet Union was geographically short on unconstrained access

to the sea, unlike the United States, while having a plethora of

land available for land-based missiles. However, the Soviet Navy

1

Michael Kofman and Jeffrey Edmonds, “Why the Russian Navy Is a More Capable Adversary Than It Appears,” The National Interest, August 23,

2017, https://nationalinterest.org/feature/why-the-russian-navy-more-capable-adversary-it-appears-22009 and http://cimsec.org/russian-navy-strategies-missions-force-transition/20144;

see also Richard Connolly, “Towards a Dual Fleet? The Maritime Doctrine of the Russian Federation and the

Modernisation of Russian Naval Capabilities,” NATO Defense College, 2017, http://www.ndc.nato.int/news/news.php?icode=1061.

2

Eric Schmitt, “Russia Bolsters Its Submarine Fleet, and Tensions With U.S. Rise,” New York Times, April 20, 2016, https://www.nytimes.

com/2016/04/21/world/europe/russia-bolsters-submarine-fleet-and-tensions-with-us-rise.html.

3

“Указ Президента Российской Федерации от 20.07.2017 № 327 ‘Об утверждении Основ государственной политики Российской Федерации

в области военно-морской деятельности на период до 2030 года,’” Official Internet Portal of Legal Information, July 20, 2017, 14–15, http://publication.pravo.gov.ru/Document/View/0001201707200015?index=14&rangeSize=1.

4

Jay Ross, “Time to Terminate Escalate to De-escalate – It’s Escalation Control,” War on the Rocks (blog), April 24, 2018, https://warontherocks.

com/2018/04/time-to-terminate-escalate-to-de-escalateits-escalation-control/.

5

Walter M. Kreitler, “The Close Aboard Bastion: A Soviet Ballistic Missile Submarine Deployment Strategy,” (Master’s thesis, Naval Postgraduate

School, 1988), 19–20, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a201696.pdf.

32

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