The Trumpet Newspaper Issue 621 (April 17 - 30 2024)

TheTrumpet 

Africans now have a voice... Founded in 1995 

V O L 30 N O 621 A P R I L 17 - 30 2024 

Jailed for 

attempted 

rape and false 

imprisonment 

Gisozi Rwanda genocide memorial statue (Photo - Jim Joel CCA-SA 4.0 Intenational) b 

30 years after genocide: 

Rwanda’s older 

generations 

fear a return of 

ethnic tensions, 

but youth feel more united 

By Jonathan Beloff, King's College London 

Continued on Page 2> 

Tyrone Allert 

A37-year-old man - Tyrone 

Allert, has appeared at 

Snaresbrook Crown Court 

and been sentenced to 12 years 

imprisonment followed by five years 

on extended licence for the false 

imprisonment and attempted rape of a 

woman in N17. 

He was previously convicted 

following trial last November, when 

he had pleaded guilty to assault 

[ABH], racially aggravated 

harassment, assault on an emergency 

worker, possession of an offensive 

weapon and dangerous driving. 

Detective Constable Iain 

McDonald, investigating, said: “The 

victim-survivor in this case has been 

incredibly brave. Realising the 

danger she was in she fought 

tirelessly to escape Tyrone Allert who 

is a violent predator.” 

Police had been called at around 

11:40hrs on Sunday, 24 July 2022 to 

reports of a man standing at the back 

of a white van in Marsh Lane, N17, 

with his jeans pulled down and 

sounds of a woman from inside the 

van shouting ‘help me’. 

Another call to police reported 

that the same van, driven by Allert, 

had collided with six vehicles at 

Warwick Road, N11 and had been 

driven at a man who narrowly 

escaped injury. 

Multiple police units were 

notified and an ANPR [Automatic 

Number Plate Recognition] tracker 

was placed on the vehicle. 

Following fast time police 

enquiries the victim was located at an 

east London hospital where she was 

supported by specialist officers. She 

had suffered multiple injuries 

consistent with beating. Thankfully, 

her injuries were not life threatening. 

The suspect, Tyrone Allert was 

arrested at his home address that 

same day on suspicion of kidnap and 

assault. He was taken into custody 

and on 26 July 2023 was charged 

with attempted GBH with intent, 

assault ABH, attempted rape, rape, 

Continued on Page 4

Page2 TheTrumpet APRIL 17 - 30 2024 

News 


Rwanda’s older generations fear a 

return of ethnic tensions, 

but youth feel more united 

Continued from Page 1< 

It’s 30 years since a genocide ripped 

through Rwandan society, leaving up 

to a million Tutsi and non-extremist 

Hutu dead. 

Every year in early April, the country 

enters a 100-day period of 

commemoration during which Rwandans 

are asked to remember and reflect on 

historical divisions between the country’s 

main ethnic groups: Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. 

This is done under the banner of Ndi 

Umunyarwanda, loosely translated as “I 

am Rwandan.” 

This post-genocide unified ideology 

follows the governing Rwandan Patriotic 

Front’s interpretation of the country’s 

history. It views Tutsi, Hutu and Twa as a 

form of socio-economic division rather 

than being rooted in ethnic differences. 

Some Western scholars, such as Filip 

Reyntjens, Alison Des Forges and 

Catharine Newbury, dismiss this 

interpretation of history. They argue that 

ethnicity was always an important aspect 

of Rwandan society and not a colonial 

construct. 

In my view, based on 16 years of 

The Nyamata Genocide Memorial Church where the remains of 50,000 people are buried (Photo -Dave 

Proffer - CC BY 2.0) 

Genocide Victims - Genocide Memorial Center Kigali (Photo - Adam Jones PhD, CC SA 3.0 Unported) 

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research on Rwanda and its public 

policies post-genocide, they miss an 

essential aspect of why Ndi 

Umunyarwanda exists. It was designed as 

a mechanism for the country to move on 

from its past divisions and prevent a 

repeat of the genocide. 

During recent fieldwork in Rwanda 

(December 2022 to March 2023 and 

August to September 2023), I paid 

particular attention to whether Ndi 

Umunyarwanda had taken hold in the 

new generation of Kigali’s residents. I 

attended multiple social gatherings with 

Kigali’s growing middle class of 

Rwandans between the ages of 24 and 35. 

During conversations with 50 

millennials and Gen Zs, it appeared that 

the government’s wish for the youth to 

accept Ndi Umunyarwanda had been 

effective. Attendees had little desire to 

bring up what they classified as their 

parents’ divisions and instead saw each 

other as fellow Rwandans. 

In my view these conversations 

illustrate the success of Ndi 

Umunyarwanda and, more broadly, the 

Rwandan government’s desire for postgenocide 

social reconstruction. 

But among Rwanda’s older 

generation, the fear of a resurgence of 

ethnic tensions remains alive. Many 

within the Rwandan government are 

concerned that not enough time has 

passed to foster a unified identity that can 

fully expel an ideology that wrought so 

much carnage. 

In particular, the government is 

acutely sensitive to the activities of the 

militia group, the Democratic Forces for 

the Liberation of Rwanda, based in 

neighbouring Democratic Republic of 

Congo (DRC). The 2,000-strong armed 

force includes people known to have 

been perpetrators in the genocide. 

The war on the border 

In Kigali, there’s been growing 

nervousness about the wave of violence 

in eastern DRC. The Congolese army has 

been accused of cooperating with the 

Democratic Forces for the Liberation of 

Rwanda, which is made up of remnants 

of Rwanda’s past genocide forces. 

This has driven Rwandan concerns 

about increased military supplies to the 

group, and it being given political 

legitimacy. However, the threat it poses 

doesn’t stem from its military capability – 

the group has little strategic, operational 

or tactical capabilities to defeat the 

Rwandan army and seize control from 

Paul Kagame’s government. Rather, its 

perceived threat stems from the views 

held by the people who make up the 

Continued on Page 3

News 


APRIL 17 - 30 2024 


Page3 

Rwanda’s older generations fear a return of 

ethnic tensions, but youth feel more united 


force. 

These fears have been further stoked 

by the actions and language being used 

by officials in Felix Tshisekedi’s 

government against the Banyamulenge 

population. This group historically 

originated from Rwanda but has lived in 

the DRC for generations. 

Over the past two years, violence 

against them – often from the DRC’s 

army and the Democratic Forces for the 

Liberation of Rwanda – has escalated. 

The language coming from the 

Congolese government is worrying 

Rwandan policymakers. Congolese 

Minister of Higher Education - Muhindo 

Nzangi and government spokesman - 

Patrick Katembwe, for instance, have 

openly called for the persecution of the 

Banyamulenge. Rwandan Foreign 

Minister - Vincent Biruta has said the 

language of ethnic hatred against the 

Banyamulenge that’s coming from 

Congolese officials reminds him of the 

language used by perpetrators just before 

the 1994 genocide. 

The language coming from the DRC 

is worrisome for Rwandan policymakers 

as it not only threatens the 

Banyamulenge, but also follows patterns 

that afflicted Rwandan society. But how 

serious is the threat to Rwanda’s postgenocide 

social reconstruction of Ndi 

Umunyarwanda? 

Continued on Page 4

Page4 


TheTrumpet Group 

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TheTrumpetTeam 

PUBLISHER / EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: 

’Femi Okutubo 


News 


Rwanda’s older 

generations fear a return 

of ethnic tensions, but 

youth feel more united 

CONTRIBUTORS: 

Moji Idowu, Ayo Odumade, 

Steve Mulindwa 

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Rwandans hold confidence in their 

government and military to protect them 

from security threats, including from the 


Rwanda. Nevertheless, the ideology these 

threats contain is seen as the primary risk 

of returning Rwanda to its past divisions. 

In my view, this risk is rather low. But 

concern still remains within the 

government, as well as among those who 

experienced the genocide. Their 

memories of divisionism and ethnicbased 

hatred still influence their concerns 

of Rwandan security and its future. 

Deep-rooted scars 

Many within the Rwandan 

government, especially in the inner 

circles of power, either fought to end the 

genocide or were victims of it. The deeprooted 

scars of their experience influence 

their desire for national social reengineering. 

Many are still nervous that the past 

Hutu extremist ideology that promoted 

divisions and hatred, which the 

Some skulls at the 

Nyamata Memorial Site 

(Photo - Inisheer - CCA- 

SA 3.0 Unported) 


Rwanda promotes, could override the 

progress made by Ndi Umunyarwanda. 

The comfort of scape-goating others for 

one’s problems is often tempting. 

With the 30th commemoration, 

Rwandan Embassies and High 

Commissions will engage with the 

Rwandan Diaspora. There will be 

national events in Kigali, but most will be 

held in local villages and towns to 

remember the past and help foster a 

united future. 

They need not look far to see the 

warning signs of how society can slip 

into scape-goating and how this can lead 

to violence. The increased violence and 

ethnic-based language in eastern DRC 

are a steadfast reminder. 

While the physical threats from across 

the border cannot be dismissed, internally 

Rwanda is closer to Ndi Umunyarwanda 

unity than genocide divisions. 

Jonathan Beloff is a Postdoctoral 

Research Associate at King’s College 

London. 

This article is republished from The 

Conversation under a Creative Commons 

license. Read the original article. 

Jailed for attempted rape 

and false imprisonment 

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kidnap, racially aggravated harassment, 

assault of an emergency worker, 

possession of an offensive weapon 

[knife] and dangerous driving. 

The court heard how on 24 July 2022, 

the 28-year-old female victim had been 

drinking with friends and at some point 

had been picked up by Allert, who, seeing 

that she was intoxicated, had given her 

more alcohol and driven around with her 

in the back of his van. He repeatedly 

pulled over trying to have sex with the 

victim, attempting to beat her into 

submission. 

When he was taken into custody, 

Allert racially abused an officer before 

eventually assaulting him, causing 

injuries that required hospital treatment. 

The officer has since made a full 

recovery. 

In interview, he claimed that the 

victim had consented to getting into the 

van and to having sex with him – 

however, when his mobile phone was 

examined he had captured footage clips 

of himself verbally abusing and 

assaulting the victim. 

The victim, in the footage, was clearly 

heard to say that she didn’t want to have 

sex and at one point she said ‘this is 

rape’. The footage also showed her 

attempting to escape from the van, but 

Allert continually pushed her back inside. 

DC McDonald added: “We are 

dedicated to protecting women and girls, 

eradicating sexual violence caused 

largely at the hands of predatory men 

such as Allert, and to supporting those 

who are impacted by sexual assault 

and/or rape.” 

“The effects of sexual offences can be 

long lasting, but I sincerely hope that the 

victim can move forward with her life 

leaving Allert and his despicable actions 

behind her.”

News 


Government urges public to 

Stop! Think Fraud 


Page5 

Against the backdrop of data which 

shows that: fraud accounts for 

approximately 38% of all crime in 

England and Wales, the UK Government has 

launched ‘Stop! Think Fraud’ - a new national 

campaign against fraud which urges everyone 

to stop and think about whether something 

could be fraud before taking action. An 

estimated 1 in 17 adults were victims of fraud 

in the year ending September 2023. 

Supported by renowned financial advisor, 

media personality and author - Emmanuel 

Asuquo, the Stop! Think Fraud campaign 

coincides with the release of new data which 

reveals the hidden cost of fraud, as victims 

report serious mental health struggles after 

being targeted by criminals. 

More than 2,000 UK fraud victims were 

interviewed in the survey, which showed that 

over half (56%) of Black victims had struggled 

with their mental health in the months that 

followed their experience of fraud. Many 

Black fraud victims, (59%), reported increased 

anxiety and 48% experienced low-selfconfidence 

and self-esteem. Furthermore, 39% 

said they had experienced feelings of 

depression. 

Experiencing fraud also impacted the sleep 

of most Black fraud victims (75%), with close 

to a third (31%) saying it had a significant 

impact. Whilst victims of fraud should never 

feel at fault, the data showed that 64% of Black 

fraud victims attributed this lack of sleep to 

blaming themselves for the incident. 

As fraud continues to become more 

sophisticated and harder to spot, the Stop! 

Think Fraud campaign seeks to provide 

consistent and clear anti-fraud advice to the 

public. The campaign’s new online fraud hub 

draws on the expertise of leading counterfraud 

experts and provides concise, simple 

advice on how to spot fraud, stay safe and 

what to do if targeted – whether that is online, 

on the phone or in-person. It reassures people 

that falling victim should never have shame, 

stigma or fault attached to it, and signposts 

victims to organisations for further advice and 

support. 

Jennie was targeted by fraudsters last year. 

She received a WhatsApp message from 

someone claiming to be her brother, requesting 

that £600 was transferred to them as a matter 

Emmanuel Asuquo 

of urgency. Jennie replied to the message to 

say that she didn’t have that amount in her 

account, but that she could check with her 

husband in their joint account. The responding 

message stated that £400 would be sufficient. 

Jennie 

She tried calling her brother on his usual 

number as this request for money was unusual, 

but the call was cancelled. Since she was 

unable to get hold of her brother, she didn’t 

transfer any funds. 

Talking about her experience, Jennie 

says: “What this experience has taught me is 

that fraud can happen to anyone and that’s 

why, now, I’ll always take a moment to stop 

and check. Everything is immediate these days 

and we do so much on our phones, so my 

advice is to slow down, take your time and 

verify the situation before acting. For example, 

always check it’s the actual person or company 

contacting you. It’s better to be safe than 

sorry.” 

Financial adviser, media personality 

and author Emmanuel Asuquo, who is 

supporting the campaign, said: “The sad 

reality is that fraudsters constantly bombard 

people with fake texts, calls and scam content 

online. Since anyone can be a victim, I’d urge 

everyone to check out the new campaign 

website to find out how to spot fraud, and what 

to do if you are targeted.” 

Here are five tips from Stop! Think 

Fraud on how to protect yourself from 

fraud: 

Know the fraud signs: Common tactics 

can include impersonating an authority or 

‘trusted’ voice or using language that evokes 

powerful emotions such as fear or hope. It’s 

important to know the signs so you have a 

greater chance of avoiding fraud. 

Protect yourself: While you can’t stop a 

criminal attempting to defraud you, you can 

make yourself a harder target. This can be 

about breaking contact by closing a text, email, 

or conversation. Or it could be changing your 

online passwords to help protect yourself 

online. 

Verify and make contact directly: 

Always verify requests for money or personal 

details, even if it seems to come from a person 

or organisation you know. Contact people or 

companies directly through official websites, 

numbers, or email addresses. 

Report it: If you believe you have been a 

victim of fraud, you should always report it. If 

you live in England, Wales or Northern Ireland 

and have been defrauded, report it to Action 

Fraud online or by calling 0300 123 2040. In 

Scotland, all reports of fraud should be 

reported to Police Scotland by calling 101. 

Don’t be afraid to seek help: If you have 

been affected by fraud, remember help is 

available. 

Is this really your son 

Find out how to stay ahead of scams at 

gov.uk/StopThinkFraud.


Opinion 

Nigeria, OPL 245 and 

Citizen Adoke’s travails 

Isympathize with Mohammed Bello 

Adoke, referred to above simply as 

Citizen Adoke. Not necessarily 

because I know him personally, he and I, 

having served this country during the 

tenure of President Goodluck Ebele 

Jonathan, former President, Commander 

in Chief of the Armed Forces, Adoke from 

2010 – 2015, and this writer from 2011 – 

2015. I sympathize with him because of 

what Nigeria has done to him and how he 

has now become another living example 

of how many technocrats would rather 

shun the arena of public service because 

of how badly Nigeria has treated them, 

thus making it difficult for the best and the 

brightest to step forward to contribute to 

their nation’s development. I recall that 

many years ago, shortly after the 

annulment of the June 12, 1993 

Presidential election, and the return to 

civilian rule in 1999, one of the major 

arguments put forward by civil society 

was that the military having messed up 

the country so badly, the return to politics 

and governance, as the military took their 

exit, never again to return, should be built 

on the involvement and participation of 

distinguished Nigerian technocrats in 

politics – men and women who have been 

tested in the field of practice and who 

could bring their experience to the public 

field. 

This encouraged a significant number 

of persons – academics, lawyers, 

Nigerians at home and in diaspora, 

medical experts, engineers and 

accountants to elect to serve their country, 

if only to prove to the soldiers that the 

civilian populace could govern and that 

democracy is the best form of 

government. President Olusegun 

Obasanjo emerged from the residue of the 

1993 – 1999 crisis as Nigerian President. 

In fairness to him, he bought into this 

logic and recruited personnel from across 

the spectrum. There were many Nigerians 

abroad who were persuaded to pack their 

luggage and return to serve their country. 

Other leading professionals at home 

joined the government, having been 

called upon to serve, many of them 

personally by Obasanjo. President 

Yar’Adua (2007 – 2010) also followed 

Obasanjo’s example. It soon became 

normal to have popular persons who had 

done well in professional practice serving 

in government, on the executive side and 

even more so in the legislature at all 

levels. Under President Goodluck 

Jonathan, the tradition continued. He had 

a team of bright technocrats, including 

some of the very best in their fields. 

However, the sad part of the 

recruitment of the best and the brightest 

into the governance of Nigeria is that 

many of these talented persons often end 

up either being frustrated out of the 

system, or they end up being set up for 

infractions, or at worst, as is common, 

they are left with bruised hearts and egos. 

I once heard the story of an accomplished 

engineer who had worked in a top 

engineering company in the United States 

who was brought home to re-design some 

structures for the Nigerian electricity 

network. He came up with his designs 

which he thought would be cost-effective 

BY REUBEN ABATI 

and deliver on the objective, but what he 

proposed would result in the demolition 

of some houses belonging to very 

powerful Nigerians. He was promptly 

advised to change his design to save those 

houses. He put up a spirited argument 

about engineering, cost and credibility. He 

was told that in this country some persons 

and spaces are untouchable. He quoted 

engineering expertise. He had to be 

reminded that Nigeria is not the United 

States. Out of frustration, the fellow 

packed his luggage and left. He would 

rank as one of the luckiest. 

Many others who thought that they 

could join the post-military train and help 

save Nigeria were not so lucky. There are 

examples of Nigerians who have tried to 

save Nigeria but have paid with their 

lives, or the lives of their relatives, or who 

remain scarred for life. When they are 

invited to serve, it is natural for them to 

Continued on Page 7< 

Mohammed Bello Adoke (Photo - Jean-Marc Ferré, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Opinion 


Nigeria, OPL 245 and Citizen 

Adoke’s travails 


Page7 


see that as a special form of recognition, 

out of a large population of more than 200 

million people. But Nigeria is like a 

stockfish: when you think you can bend it 

with bare hands, you may end up bending 

your hands in the process. Many who 

tried did so in vain. The stories are many, 

and I do not want to delve into too many 

individual tales, because every example 

has its own peculiar details, true and 

fictional, real and imagined, since those 

we identify as the best and the brightest 

have their own individuality and moral 

peccadilloes. 

I started with Citizen Adoke and it is 

his story that I want to tell as I know it. 

He has himself told a better part of his 

story in his partly biographical book, 

Burden of Service (Clink Street, 2019) in 

which he reported that having attained the 

esteemed rank of a Senior Advocate of 

Nigeria (SAN), he dreamt of becoming 

the Attorney-General and Minister of 

Justice of the Federation. He shared that 

dream with his mother, and they both 

prayed over it. He not only attained the 

silk, he also became Nigeria’s 21 st 

Attorney-General of the Federation and 

Minister of Justice – a call of destiny for 

a poor, little boy from Nagazi, who read 

law by accident, and had to borrow a 

jacket for his university matriculation, 

only to be de-robed and humiliated 

publicly by the owner of the suit, and who 

in addition had to survive university 

education with the benevolence of friends 

who helped him with a 0-1-0 regime. 

Those who know, know what it means to 

go through university as an indigent 

student. After his Law School education, 

Adoke even had to attend his Call to Bar 

ceremony in borrowed robes. He had no 

family or relative in attendance. But he 

was one of those who survived the odds. 

He practised law in Kano, acquired more 

education in Switzerland, and the UK, 

struggled to get to the top of the game and 

he ended up as a Senior Advocate of 

Nigeria (SAN). His book, Burden of 

Service basically tells the story of how he 

got to the very top of his profession, 

across the ranks and in public service. He 

gives an account of his dedicated service 

and the reforms and the innovations that 

he brought to bear as Nigeria’s 21 st 

Attorney General of the Federation and 

Minister of Justice. It was an 

achievement that he loved and that he was 

proud of. But there were burdens and 

none was more punitive, like the Cross, 

than the experience he went through after 

leaving office. 

The Jonathan administration under 

which he served lost the 2015 Presidential 

election to an opposition party, the All 

Progressives- Congress (APC) which has 

been ruling Nigeria since then till date. As 

soon as the PDP lost the election, the APC 

even before assuming office went after the 

Jonathan officials. Adoke was one of the 

main targets. In August 2015, he left 

Nigeria for further studies at the 

University of Leiden, the Netherlands. In 

November 2015, he was invited for 

questioning by the Economic and 

Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). 

He was accused of having collected bribe 

in the implementation of the OPL 245 

Settlement Agreement, and that he waived 

taxes to get some personal settlement and 

used the proceeds of the same illegal 

settlement to buy property. He was traced 

all the way to the Netherlands where his 

apartment was searched for money 

laundering and corruption investigation 

reasons. His house in Abuja and in his 

home town of Okene, Kogi State were 

also searched. He received reports that 

there was a plan afoot to eliminate him, 

and that the whole matter was not just 

about allegations of a felony. He offers 

further clarifications and details in 

Chapter Eight (The Witch-Hunters) and 

Chapter Nine (The Mischief) in Burden of 

Service (2019). 

In December 2016, he and eight others 

were formally charged at the Federal High 

Court, Abuja in respect of the OPL 245 

transaction. His name was mentioned in 

two out of the nine charges, bordering on 

conspiracy, aiding and abetting and 

money laundering. His name was further 

mentioned in cases in other jurisdictions 

– Italy and London, involving the Italian 

oil giant, Agip-Eni, Shell and Malabu Oil 

and Gas. In 2020, the EFCC again filed 

another case against Mohammed Bello 

Adoke in the Federal High Court of Abuja 

accusing him of collecting N300 million 

gratification from the OPL 245 

Transaction. 

In Burden of Service, Adoke has 

argued that the allegations against him 

were malicious, because as he put it: “I 

did the best for my country. I saved my 

country from a certain liability of a $2 

billion claim by Royal Dutch Shell at the 

International Centre for the Settlement of 

Disputes (ICSID), an organ of the World 

Bank. More so, the $210 million signature 

bonus paid for OPL 245 by Shell and Eni 

is the highest in the history of Nigeria. I 

did nothing wrong. I did not take a bribe, 

not even a cup of water, or a slice of cake. 

Along the line, the narrative about my role 

has been severely twisted, but the dust will 

settle someday and the whole truth will 

come out as straight as an arrow. Truth is 

so stubborn it refuses to give up until it 

triumphs.” Adoke did not fold his arms. 

He fought every challenge to his integrity 

in every court and in every jurisdiction. In 

the Nigerian courts, he and his lawyers 

made a “no case submission”. In January 

2024, the EFCC eventually admitted that 

it indeed had no evidence against 

Mohammed Bello Adoke and that it had 

no objection to his “no case submission”. 

This was after the EFCC had presented its 

case for three years and after calling 10 

witnesses. Last week, on March 27, the 

Federal Capital (FCT) High Court ruled 

definitively in the matter with Justice 

Abubakar Kutigi chastising the EFCC for 

filing frivolous charges against Adoke and 

six others. He commended the 

prosecution for conceding that it had no 

credible evidence to oppose the no-case 

application by Adoke and others but 

complained that the agency simply wasted 

four years and that the defendant should 

not have been charged in the first place. 

The prosecution failed to prove the 

essential elements of the offences for 

which the defendants were charged. His 

Lordship dismissed the EFCC case, and 

admonished the EFCC not to file such 

frivolous charges in the future. In effect, 

the Nigerian government has lost all the 

cases it filed or in which it was joined in 

Italy, the UK and even here in Nigeria 

with regard to OPL 245. This is 

scandalous. 

It must be noted that in 2016, Adoke 

sought an order of the Federal High Court, 

Nigeria declaring that his involvement in 

the negotiation, execution and 

implementation of the OPL 245 

Resolution Agreements was in line with 

Section 5 of the 1999 Constitution and 

that he could not be held liable on 

personal grounds. The Court, notably, 

found in his favour. In 2021, the Italian 

Court in Milan, discharged and acquitted 

all defendants in the OPL 245 case. Adoke 

was not on trial in Milan but his name was 

mentioned - another victory for him 

nonetheless. In 2022, the Federal 

Government further lost its case against 

Adoke and JP Morgan at the Business and 

Property Courts of England and Wales 

Commercial Court. At every turn, the 

Nigerian Government could not establish 

that any fraud had been committed in the 

OPL 245 transaction. 

This is why this is a major triumph for 

all the defendants in the case. The full 

story of OPL 245 is in the public domain. 

Truth has now prevailed. Justice Kutigi 

spoke of the waste of four years by the 

EFCC. This is more than that. The EFCC 

and the Nigerian Government spent four 

years on a wild goose chase around the 

world from Italy, to London and here in 

Nigeria, on the frivolous pursuit of a case 

in which they lacked evidence. Even 

when courts in Italy and London 

dismissed the OPL 245 case, Nigeria kept 

at it, looking for every opportunity to nail 

persons they had condemned before any 

trial. The justice system should not work 

like that. This is a very bad commentary 

on our justice administration system. Our 

justice system must never be used to settle 

personal or political scores. In other parts 

of the world, before a person or an entity 

is charged to court, there would have been 

a diligent attempt to find and establish 

evidence and a prima facie case. Where 

this does not stand in the court of law, the 

matter is promptly dispensed with as seen 

in the handling of the OPL case in Italy 

and the UK. 

In Nigeria, politics is more important 

than the law. Cases are delayed and you 

could be on trial for years even when you 

are innocent. Once you are marked out by 

the State as an adversary, the evidence 

does not matter. Mohammed Bello Adoke 

and others must count themselves lucky 

indeed. It is now possible to see reason in 

Adoke’s argument that he considers 

himself the target of a witch-hunt by the 

Nigerian government. I have singled him 

out to praise his resilience to get justice 

and prove his innocence. He serves as an 

example of why many Nigerians would 

rather stay away from public service. 

Justice Kutigi spoke of the EFCC wasting 

four years. I think that has to be calculated 

in real terms: the EFCC wasted the time 

of the court and wasted all the Nigerian 

resources spent in pursuit of a case that 

has now failed from one court to another. 

The falsely accused lost more than 

four years. OPL 245 was such a cause 

célèbre in which members of the public 

took positions. For more than four years, 

Adoke could not even return to Nigeria. 

He was in exile, away from work, family 

and friends. In December 2019, he was 

intercepted in Dubai, UAE by Interpol 

and detained for five weeks before he was 

brought back to the country. Nigeria had 

placed the name of its former Attorney 

General and Minister of Justice on an 

Interpol list of wanted persons! And now 

the same country says the same man has 

no case to answer. Nigeria must learn to 

be fair and more diligent and professional 

in the prosecution of allegations of 

misdeeds. The Federal Government owes 

Adoke and all others in the OPL 245 case 

an apology. The FG must also compensate 

them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must 

personally put a closure to the defamation 

by giving the necessary directives to 

address this gross embarrassment and 

ensure that under his watch, the EFCC 

and other agencies do not engage in any 

form of gross misconduct.


Opinion 

Philip Shaibu: Lessons in power 

By Reuben Abati 

Philip Shaibu, the Edo State 

politician who was Deputy 

Governor in that State until 

yesterday afternoon, would seem to have 

failed woefully to learn certain basic 

lessons of power. He has said that he is a 

victim of an act of injustice and that he 

would fight to the very end. He may have 

been led by his counsel to believe that he 

can fight this to the finish and get back 

his seat. He would be mistaken to be so 

misled. He had it coming. He has just 

been taught a few lessons in the dynamics 

of power play. The 48 Laws of Power is 

the title of a book written by Robert 

Greene, an American author in 1998. It 

was a massive bestseller, selling over 1.2 

million copies in the United States and 

even more world-wide, offering simple 

commonsensical advice, illustrated with 

narratives and historical examples to 

prove the point that power is a dangerous 

game, and only persons who understand 

its dynamics can survive in the palace. 

Greene recommends humility, obscurity 

and skillful navigation as the best skills 

of survival. 

One of the reasons, Philip Shaibu, 

Deputy Governor of Edo State got 

impeached yesterday was due to hubris, 

defined in the literature as a flaw of 

character. And to worsen his agony, both 

the Legislature and the Executive further 

conspired to nominate, approve, and 

swear in a replacement, within hours after 

his impeachment, in the person of 

Omobayo Godwins from Ibilo, Akoko 

Edo, the oldest local government area in 

Nigeria, in specifically, Edo North where 

Philip Shaibu himself hails from. In the 

power play that we have just witnessed in 

Edo State, it is clear that the intention of 

Governor Godwin Obaseki is to crush 

Philip Shaibu completely. He has 

publicly humiliated Shaibu, and forced 

him to know who the master of the game 

is. Less than a week after Easter, days 

after the betrayal of our Lord Jesus Christ 

by Judas Iscariot, Shaibu, a Christian has 

just been made to remember, forcefully, 

Acts 1: 20 – “For it is written in the book 

of Psalms, let his habitation be desolate, 

and let no man dwell therein and his place 

let another take”. Yesterday, someone 

else took Philip Shaibu’s place in Edo 

State. 

How did he get here? Philip Shaibu 

emerged in 2016 as the running mate to 

Godwin Obaseki in the gubernatorial 

election in that State that year. They both 

won on the platform of the All 

Progressives’ Congress (APC). Shaibu 

was the unanimous choice as Obaseki’s 

running mate. He had behind him, the 

support of Comrade Governor Adams 

Oshiomhole who was his political 

Godfather and who left no one any choice 

in the matter. Shaibu and Oshiomhole are 

from the same homestead and Senatorial 

district. The APC won the election and 

assumed office in November 2016. To be 

fair, Shaibu and Obaseki cut the perfect 

picture of a team. Many were surprised 

because it was unusual to have a 

Governor and a Deputy Governor 

working together so peacefully like 

brothers. Shaibu was not just powerful, 

he was visible and influential. Whenever 

the Governor went on vacation, he 

handed over the reins of power to his 

Deputy. In 2020, when ahead of the 

struggle for a second term, Obaseki fell 

out with his former mentor, Adams 

Oshiomhole and had to leave the APC to 

find a new political abode in the People’s 

Democratic Party (PDP); Shaibu stayed 

with his principal, the Governor. The big 

men in the rival PDP did not want him as 

running mate. They didn’t want him as 

part of the deal. But Obaseki and Shaibu 

were so much together, Obaseki insisted 

that Shaibu was part of the deal. He 

would not ditch him. He had his way. In 

2020, Obaseki and Shaibu began a 

second term in office. 

The Deputy Governor’s high moment 

came in 2021, when he led the National 

Sports Festival 2020, hosted by Edo 

State, as the Chairman of the Organizing 

Committee. Governor Obaseki was full 

of accolades for his Deputy. The Federal 

Government did not provide necessary 

funding, yet Edo State pulled it off, 

delivering one of the most memorable 

sports festivals many Nigerians had seen. 

Shaibu’s reputation as a go-to, can-do 

person soared. His political scorecard 

looked even brighter. At the University of 

Jos where he obtained a B.Sc degree in 

Accounting, he was President of the 

Students’ Union from 2000 - 2001. In 

2003, he was elected into the Edo State 

House of Assembly. He spent two terms 

representing Etsako West Constituency. 

In 2015, he won election into the Federal 

House of Representatives on the platform 

of the APC, representing Etsako Federal 

Constituency. Having served 

subsequently as Deputy Governor, and 

having been such a star in that position, 

Shaibu decided in 2023, that it was his 

turn to become Governor and succeed his 

Continued on Page 9< 

Mama Ijesa North

Opinion 

APRIL 17 - 30 2024 TheTrumpet 


Page9 


boss. The Edo Governorship election is 

slated for September 21, 2024. 

Shaibu defined his declaration and 

ambition as “a call to destiny”. This was 

the beginning of his problems. He did not 

have the support of his principal, Obaseki 

who thought, along with others that Edo 

North where Shaibu hails from, has had 

more than enough shot at the 

Government House position in Edo State. 

Oshiomhole, an Etsako man, was 

Governor of the State for eight years. 

Shaibu, believed to be his relative even, 

was going to serve for eight years as 

Deputy Governor. A powerful lobby 

group in the State believes that the people 

of Edo Central should be given a chance. 

Since the return to democracy in 1999, 

only one person from Edo Central, 

Professor Oserheimen Osunbor had 

shown up as Governor but even his 

tenure was truncated by the courts, 

paving the way for Adams Oshiomhole 

from Edo North. Whereas Governor 

Obaseki has insisted that he has no 

preferred candidate in the election, it was 

clear that he did not want his Deputy to 

succeed him. Thus, the impression that 

Edo State had shown a better example in 

terms of the tumultuous relationship 

between Governors and their Deputies 

ended up as mere illusion in the end. The 

fight between Shaibu and Obaseki turned 

messy and acrimonious, finally fitting 

into an established pattern with the 

impeachment of Philip Shaibu yesterday. 

It is unfortunate because it is so familiar. 

The office of the Deputy Governor is 

a creation of the 1999 Constitution to the 

extent that Section 187 (1) makes it clear 

that a candidate for the office of 

Governor shall not be deemed to have 

been validly nominated unless he 

nominates another candidate as his 

associate for his running for the office, 

that is a Deputy Governor. The joint 

ticket nature of the Gubernatorial process 

has been proved, beyond a scintilla of 

doubt in PDP and 2 ors v. Biobarakuma 

Degi-Eremienyo and 3 ors in the 

November 2019 Bayelsa Governorship 

election. David Lyon could not become 

Governor because of discrepancies in his 

running mate’s qualifications. Despite 

When the going was good - Godwin Obaseki and Philip Shaibu 

this twinning of the ticket, this Siamesetwins, 

umbilical cord connection between 

Governors and their Deputies, what has 

happened, since 1999, is that upon 

assumption of office, there has been no 

love lost between the duo. One reason is 

that the 1999 Constitution does not 

expressly assign powers to the Deputy 

Governor. The Governor, like the 

President at the Federal level, is like a 

monarch. He controls everything. His 

word is law, and so everyone from 

traditional rulers to lawmakers in the 

State House of Assembly learn very 

quickly that the man to fear and worship 

is the Governor, who claims that he is an 

“Executive” or that he is a “constituted 

authority.” 

This “Kabiyesi” syndrome is the bane 

of Nigerian politics. The Deputy 

Governor gets a generous mention in 

Section 191 of the 1999 Constitution 

which upholds the principle of jus 

accrescendi inherent in the joint ticket, to 

wit a Deputy takes over in the event of 

death, resignation or incapacitation, but 

which is interpreted to mean that a 

Deputy Governor is a spare tyre waiting 

for the main tyre to develop a fault so it 

can be replaced and he, the Deputy can 

become the main driver. In a superstitious 

country such as ours, a Deputy Governor 

is treated with suspicion. Any sign of 

self-expression or assertiveness on his or 

her part is seen as a sign of disloyalty. 

Political courters capitalize on this and 

have always tried to cause problems. 

When the Deputy and the Governor have 

different godfathers, the crisis is assured. 

It is rare to find any incumbent Governor 

who openly encourages his Deputy to 

succeed him. It happened in Zamfara 

once upon a time, but Alhaji Sani Yerima 

and his successor, Aliyu Shinkafi soon 

fell apart. Section 193 further reduces the 

role of a Deputy Governor to the 

discretion of the Governor. What is the 

pattern is conflict in Government Houses 

in the States and even in the Presidential 

Villa to varying degrees. 

For example, President Bola Tinubu 

as Governor of Lagos State, 1999 – 2007 

had three Deputy Governors. Mrs. Kofo 

Bucknor-Akerele and Mr. Femi Pedro 

both have stories to tell. Dr Abdullahi 

Umar Ganduje served as Deputy 

Governor to Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso 

(1999 – 2003, 2011-2015) but his former 

boss did not consider him good enough 

to succeed him. He got there by his own 

means. They have remained tough 

adversaries since then in Kano politics. 

The late Christopher Alao-Akala, deputy 

to Governor Rashidi Ladoja became 

Governor in 2006, only because his 

principal was impeached. Ladoja was 

reinstated by the Supreme Court in 

December 2006. Bala Ngilari became 

Governor in Adamawa state in 2014 only 

because Governor Murtala Nyako was 

impeached. In Ondo State, to cite a recent 

example, the late Governor Rotimi 

Akeredolu had issues with his Deputies. 

In his first term, a certain Agboola Ajayi 

who was his Deputy fell out of favour 

because he was eyeing the Governor’s 

seat. His successor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa 

would also eventually run into trouble. 

He is Governor today because his 

principal died. At State level, only 10 out 

of 149 Deputy Governors have taken 

over from their bosses since 1999, across 

the 36 States of the Federation; and not 

necessarily because their bosses wanted 

them there. In Kebbi, Kano, Imo, Niger, 

Nasarawa, Plateau and Benue States, we 

have seen incumbent Governors 

supporting candidates other than their 

own Deputies who stubbornly sought to 

succeed them. Engr. David Umahi, now 

Minister of Works became Governor of 

Ebonyi State in 2015 in spite of his 

former principal - Governor Martin 

Elechi who insisted that Umahi was not 

his choice. At the Federal level, the 

Obasanjo Presidency became a 

“Bolekaja Presidency” because then 

Vice President Atiku Abubakar wanted to 

unseat his boss before the 2003 general 

election. Obasanjo’s second term was a 

divided Presidency because the principal 

needed to teach his Deputy a lesson. In 

2010, it took the invocation of a doctrine 

of necessity to get then Vice President 

Goodluck Jonathan to succeed President 

Umaru Musa Yar’Adua first as Acting 

President and later as President. Those 

who did not want Jonathan as President 

never gave up. 

In sum, there is nothing unusual in the 

latest development in Edo State. What 

must be noted is the sheer stubbornness 

with which Shaibu took on the war 

against his principal. In the process, he 

was banished from Government House 

and restricted to a corner of Benin City. 

His media crew was withdrawn. He was 

stripped of all responsibilities. He was 

told in no uncertain terms that he would 

not be Governor. He went to court to 

defend his rights. He later withdrew the 

case. He apologized. But nothing 

changed. When the PDP held its Party 

Primaries, he organized his own event in 

his own house and declared himself as 

the chosen candidate. The next thing that 

came his way was the commencement of 

impeachment proceedings against him. 

On the surface of it, the State House of 

Assembly tried to follow the motions 

Continued on Page 11


Opinion 

Afenifere and the 

progressive camp (1) 

When sometime in 2008, the late 

Yinka Odumakin invited me to 

his 23, Sylvia Crescent, 

Anthony Village-office in Lagos, little 

did I know that a big surprise was waiting 

for me. A fine gentleman with a 

consistent commitment to the progressive 

bent, Odumakin had offered to pay me a 

visit but since it was unYoruba for leaders 

and elders to initiate the kind of visit he 

was envisaging, I opted for the opposite. 

And there I was, face-to-face, with the 

inimitable Odumakin and the irresistible 

Jimi Agbaje, aka JK. One thing led to 

another and I eventually became the 

pioneer Administrative Secretary of the 

Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), under 

the national chairmanship of Olawale 

Oshun. 

Notable members of the prestigious 

Group included Ayo Afolabi, former 

Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State, 

Babafemi Ojudu, Bisi Adegbuyi, Oye 

Oyewumi, Lai Oyeduntan, Olutola 

Mobolurin, Ademola Oyinlola, Tokunbo 

Ajasin, Jumoke Anifowose, Biodun 

Oyebanji, Zacch Adedeji and Agbaje. 

Among others were Kunle Famoriyo, 

Ropo Sekoni, Charles Akinola, 

Adedamola Dada and the now-deceased 

former Deputy Governor Funmilayo 

Olayinka of Ekiti State (1960 – 2013), 

Dipo Famakinwa (1967 – 2017), 

Bayonile Ademodi (1952 – 2020) and, of 

course, Odumakin (1966 – 2021). 

On March 26, 2024, Oshun clocked 

74 years on the Planet Earth and a group 

of intellectuals in the Southwest under the 

leadership of Professor Lai Olurode 

converged on his Ijebu-Imushin country 

house in Ogun State to honour this man 

of many parts with a Roundtable 

Discussion on the Governance Crisis in 

Nigeria. 

Oshun has done well and he deserves 

to be celebrated. He has paid his dues but 

then, only an ungrateful heart would also 

say that God has not been good to this 

delightful ideologue of the All 

Progressives Congress (APC) bent. So, 

he has no reason to complain! Author, 

journalist and farmer, he’s a former Chief 

Whip of the Federal House of 

Representatives and prominent member 

of the defunct National Democratic 

Coalition (NADECO). He was also a 

close ally of the late MKO Abiola, the 

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winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential 

election. As a matter of fact, Oshun was 

reportedly one of the few, prominent 

faces at the historic Epetedo Declaration 

on June 11, 1994. ARG under Oshun’s 

leadership produced the Development 

Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) 

Strategy Roadmap which led to the 

formal inauguration of DAWN 

Commission by the Southwest Governors 

in July 2013. 

It is important to note that ARG was 

formed “with the stated intent of 

reuniting the feuding factions” in 

Afenifere and as “a necessary body to 

preserve the ethnic identity of the 

Yorubas.” If one may therefore ask, how 

smooth has the journey of hope which the 

Group brought to the Yoruba race with its 

formation been and how many of its 

founding philosophical objectives have 

been realized? Looking around today, the 

mainstream Afenifere has become more 

of a wrong noise than communal 

togetherness. While one faction, led by 

Reuben Fasoranti, is obviously looking in 

the direction of ‘E lo f’okan bale’, the 

other, headed by Ayo Adebanjo, is 

excruciatingly Obidient-compliant. Since 

the guardians of society are either dead or 

deep in slumber, Yoruba people have 

become deeply divided and that’s to our 

collective hurt! 

Beyond its sequined glint, Yorubaland 

had expected Afenifere to serve as a very 

powerful research institution like the 

Chatham House in London. Though ARG 

has done one or two things along this 

line, it is unfortunate that what we now 

have is more of interest-leaders and selfservers 

who have developed an 

unsatisfying urge for political slots for 

their children and concubines thereby 

leaving the children of the poor with no 

future! And they have succeeded in doing 

that! And nobody, except the Stone of 

Israel, can put an end to it! 

In the days of Obafemi Awolowo, 

Adekunle Ajasin and Abraham Adesanya, 

the fear of Afenifere was the beginning of 

wisdom for any Governor who wanted to 

access relevance in the Zone, even 

beyond. How come that has faded away 

so soon? Where did the rain start beating 

the Yorubas and who are the giants and 

strongholds who want Yorubaland to not 

remain even stagnant but speedily 

Continued on Page 11

Opinion 



Page11 


prescribed in Section 188 of the Constitution on the removal of 

a Governor or Deputy Governor from office. Shaibu and his 

lawyers claim that the House acted in violation of an ongoing 

process at a Federal High Court. Abuja. Without prejudice to 

Section 188 (10), the only remedy available to Shaibu is to 

prove in court that his removal was unconstitutional and seek 

to rely perhaps on Rashidi Ladoja’s case – see Muyiwa Inakoju 

and Ors. vs. Abraham Adeleke, Rashidi Ladoja and ors. (2007). 

But the times are different. The circumstances have changed. 

Shaibu’s political future hangs in the balance. 

Whatever tricks his lawyers may still think they have in 

their bags, when Shaibu is alone let him reflect on how he 

ignored the laws of power. Law One says: “Never Outshine the 

Master.” Shaibu got so carried away he began to sound as if he 

was the master of the Governor. He openly boasted that without 

him, Obaseki could never have been Governor and that he in 

fact funded his ambition and mobilized support for him. 

Obaseki has just shown him where power lies. He also violated 

the fourth law: “Always say less than necessary.” Shaibu 

believes that he can talk his way to the ticket for Osadebey 

House. Worse, he disobeyed Law 18: “Do not build fortresses 

to protect yourself. Isolation is dangerous.” Shaibu isolated 

himself. He parted ways with Senator Adams Oshiomhole who 

helped him to build his political career. He quarreled with Party 

big wigs like Dan Orbih. He abused elders and burnt bridges. 

He lacks the kind of support that propped up Dave Umahi in 

Ebonyi and Abdullahi Ganduje in Kano State. Isolation is 

indeed dangerous. Shaibu’s only saving grace would be how 

he stands in relation to Robert Greene’s Law 26: “Keep your 

hands clean”. Let us hope that his hands are clean. 

Nonetheless, no man should be subjected to the kind of pain 

that he has had to endure simply because he wants to exercise 

his fundamental rights under the law. A system that turns 

Governors into mini-gods who determine other people’s fate is 

deplorable. The sycophantic breed of Commissioners, Special 

Advisers, Lawmakers and Courtiers who would do anything to 

please the Governor of a State pose a serious threat to the 

democratic process. In the long run, Nigeria must make up its 

mind what it wants to do with the position of Deputies: it is 

either we protect that office constitutionally by assigning 

specific powers, or we scrap it. 

Governor Obaseki and his Deputy - Shaibu in 2020 quest to 'Make Edo Great Again' 

Hon Wale Oshun 4 (Photo - Facebook - Olawale Oshun) 


moving backward? Has the Yoruba race 

arrived at the desired shore and what’s the 

opium keeping the actors in deep sleep? 

Is the Yoruba progressive corporate world 

the way it should be? What efforts has 

Afenifere made to reverse the pains of the 

grinding penury in the midst of 

stupendous plenty that has now sadly 

become the lot of Western Nigeria? In the 

sincerity of his heart, would Awolowo 

have abandoned his people to their fate 

without proffering urgent, comprehensive 

and soul-saving solutions at a time like 

this? 

Agbonmagbe, now Wema Bank 

(1945)! Western Nigeria Development 

Corporation, WNDC (1949)! The 

Nigerian Plastic Company Limited 

(1954)! Western House (1958)! Western 

Nigerian Government Broadcasting 

Corporation, WNTV (1959)! Liberty 

Stadium (1960)! University of Ife (1961)! 

Cooperative Bank (1961)! Cocoa House 

(1964)! Lapal House (1978)! And many 

others! Whereas some leaders have been 

in charge of the destiny of Yorubaland for 

more than two decades with next-tonothing 

to show for it, what Awolowo 

and his colleagues did with a shorter 

reign is what the children of Oduduwa 

have got as their inheritance till date. It is 

therefore unfortunate that successive 

leaders have only been feeding fat on the 

labour of these heroes past! 

Also, time was when the media space 

was controlled by the Southwest. Now, 

the Zone is almost nowhere to be found 

on the media map. In the Banking sector, 

not much is happening! In the political 

space, the North has not lost its grip; and, 

in Agriculture, it has lost touch. But for 

Amotekun, the security situation in the 

Southwest would have been worse! So, 

what’s happening? 

Afenifere and the progressive camp (1) 

If we want to talk about Afenifere, we 

have to go back to the treaty that ended 

the Kiriji War and the formation of the 

West African Students Union (WASU). 

The foundation of Egbe Omo Oduduwa 

by Awolowo was a spinoff of WASU and 

it put together a level of work which led 

to the manifesto of the Action Group, 

‘Life more abundant’; and it made a 

difference because we’re not just talking 

about ‘Free Education’ which was the 

centerpiece but also the formation of the 

development financing institutions such 

as the WNDC, Western Nigeria Finance 

Corporation and Western Nigeria 

Housing Corporation, established in 

1958. Yoruba leaders at the time followed 

the paths already embarked upon by the 

Brazilians. Of course, that’s why Brazil 

is not looking for foreign investments. 

Brazil established the Brazilian Bank for 

Sustainable Development (BNDES) in 

1952 and it’s now about the most 

powerful financing agent for 

development in the world. Every year, 

Brazil recapitalizes BNDES with about 

1% of her foreign earnings. That’s why 

the Bank, according to the Financial 

Times of London, can give loans with up 

to 50 years tenor. Impliedly, a capitalized 

WNDC or Cooperative Bank would have 

made Olokola Deep Seaport in Ondo 

State the best outside of Freetown. 

Again, that a Yorubaman is Nigeria’s 

President does not mean the race should 

go to bed and start snoring! Already, the 

noise in town is that too many 

appointments are in the hands of the 

Yorubas and that it is because the 

President is of the Southwest extraction. 

So, let Afenifere visit Awolowo’s grave 

with a view to atoning for its sins before 

it’s too late. There and then, it should tie 

up with institutions like the Pension Fund


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Page13

GAB Opinion Awards 


Faces at GAB Awards 

Continued on Page 15>

GAB Awards 

Faces at GAB Awards 



Page15 

Continued from Page 14


Entertainment 

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Nemzzz, Atlanta duo and Opium-signees 

Homixide Gang and Afro-inspired hip 

hop DJ JoceWavy completing the new 

names set to appear at Rockstar Energy 

presents Wireless 2024. 

All of these artists join previously 

announced superstar headliners Nicki 

Minaj, 21 Savage, J Hus, Doja Cat and 

special guest Future as well as iconic 

acts Ice Spice, Asake, Rema, Gunna, 

Sean Paul, Sexyy Red, Tyla, Digga D, 

Uncle Waffles plus many more. 

General tickets are on sale now, with 

payment plan options also available, via 

www.wirelessfestival.co.uk/tickets. 

TheTrumpet is published in London fortnightly by Trumpet 

Field: 07956 385 604 E-mail: info@the-trumpet.com (ISSN: 1477-3392)

The Trumpet Newspaper Issue 621 (April 17 - 30 2024)

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