Nepal Trafficking in Girls With Special Reference to Prostitution: A ...

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A Rapid Assessment Coercion/Complicity The distinction between soft and hard trafficking refers to coercion and/or complicity of members of a nuclear family and/or extended family in the entry of a person into forced or under-aged engagement in prostitution. It does not refer to patterns of movement or to roles played. In soft trafficking, nuclear and/or extended family members can play roles besides ‘seller,’ including PLACE OF COERCION HOME living w ith nuclear family living w ith extended family NOT HOME workplace other family with others alone TRA NSPORTA TION Direct transfer highw ay/rail halfw ay houses border towns Intermediary Locations workplace transporter and purchaser (if the person is sent to work in a family-owned establishment). known family or comm unity unknown family Pattern of Movement The pattern of movement of a person from non-sex work status to forced or underaged sex work status, and the activities of those facilitating that movement, does not infer soft or hard trafficking, and may be identical with or without family coercion/complicity. PLACE OF SEX WORK* Destinations** likely known as sex work venues by the family (own home)*** same village VDC District Destinations w hich may or may not be known as sex work venues by the family in Nepal, but outside district India or other foreign venue * This model distinguishes between destinations likely known and not known as sex work venues by the family. Knowledge implies coercion or complicity on the part of the family. ** ‘Destinations’ include brothels of various categories, family houses out of which one or more persons may conduct sex work, circuses or other employment in which persons conduct sex work as a ‘sideline,’ and sex work under the direction of a pimp. *** Situations in which persons conduct forced or under-aged sex work in their own home or their extended family’s home do not (but perhaps should) fall within the current definition of ‘trafficking.’ (John Frederick, personal communication, 2001). 1 9
If we look at these models (previous page) and analyse the data the research team obtained it seems to a large degree to fit into the findings and may eventually help in the identification of how to design interventions. The model of movement clarifies WHERE interventions can be placed whereas the model of coercion/ complicity helps clarify AT WHOM interventions are to be targeted (‘coercers and complicit persons’) and WHAT should be done (which intervention strategies should be developed (‘means’ and ‘causes’ of coercion/ complicity). Most key informants and some reintegrated girls said their parents gave silent consent to trafficking. Such “soft” trafficking seemed much more prevalent in some localities of Sindhupalchowk, Nuwakot and Makawanpur Districts up until 1990. What is new is that soft trafficking now seems to be used to traffic girls to other forms of exploitative work such as working in circuses in India, which may involve sex work. Some key informants noted that girls working in circuses are sometimes sexually exploited and in some cases, sold from the circuses to brothels in India. Mitra, from Makawanpur District, was forced to join an Indian circus at age nine. An agent paid her father Rs. 2,000 1 for a two-year contract, but the circus told her she had to stay five years. She said, “Our circus master and his agents used to visit us for their relaxation.” Now fifteen, Mitra lives in a rehabilitation centre in Kathmandu. 2 0 Sold to the Circus Nepal - Trafficking in Girls with Special Reference to Prostitution: An agent, often a relative or close neighbour, tells the parents about the good employment he can secure for their daughter in Kathmandu or in Indian cities. A family in desperate need of money is inclined to say yes, even without knowing the full nature and circumstances of the work. In the survey sample, 27 out of 67 girls were trafficked directly from places of origin to places of destination, but it was not possible to identify how many of them were trafficked with their parents’ consent or complicity. Some key informants reported that some parents not only consented, but also actively participated in the process of trafficking. Thus, children in Nepal are not only vulnerable when they are bereft of family networks, but also when they are living in their families. Still, the notion of parent’s silent consent should be seen in the broader context of Nepalese society and especially in terms of existing social class relations, including access to social services, economic entitlement and political representation. We will discuss these issues at length in Chapter Six when examining the root causes of trafficking in Nepal. From Kathmandu to Bombay Geeta came from an impoverished rural family. Her father died young, and the family could not afford to send her to school. She and her older sister found jobs at a Kathmandu carpet factory, but her sister kept all their earnings. Sometime after Geeta met Badri Damai of Jhapa District, he sold her to a Bombay brothel. Now 21, Geeta is reintegrated back into life in Nepal. Figure 3.3: Sending Figure 3.3: Areas Sending and Border Areas Crossing and Border Points toCrossing India Point to India
Page 1 and 2: International Labour Organization I
Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgements The undertaking of
Page 5 and 6: 3.6.3 Profits 22 3.6.4 Awareness an
Page 7 and 8: Acronyms AATWIN Alliance Against Tr
Page 9 and 10: List of Tables Table 1.1: Speculati
Page 11 and 12: The majority of the parents of the
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Page 15 and 16: Convention on the Worst Forms of Ch
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Page 19 and 20: Three groups of returnees: 49 Rehab
Page 21 and 22: had been trafficked for circus work
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Page 33 and 34: for sexual exploitation. Indeed, in
Page 35 and 36: 4.2.2 Food and Health A substantial
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7 0 Nepal - Trafficking in Girls wi
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(To girls working in Dance Restaura
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