AFRICA - House Foreign Affairs Committee Democrats

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As a result of the Supreme Court decision, most international election observers
declined to monitor the election. There were only 75 observers nationwide, 29 of
whom were European Union observers whose original mission was to assess the
overall security situation. The nationwide participation rate was 33 percent, and
some polling places, especially in the north, closed early because of the lack of voters.
Preliminary results showed that Gbagbo was leading by a significant margin.
However, on October 23, 2000, soldiers and gendarmes entered the National Elections
Commission (CNE) to stop the count. They expelled journalists and disrupted
television and radio broadcasting. On October 24, 2000, Daniel Cheick Bamba, an
Interior Ministry and CNE official, announced on national radio and television that
the CNE had been dissolved and declared General Guei the victor with 56 percent
of the vote. Thousands of Gbagbo supporters began protesting almost immediately,
demanding a full vote count. Mass demonstrations continued until October 26, 2000,
and resulted in numerous deaths and injuries. On October 25, 2000, national radio
and television reported that Guei had stepped down.
When Gbagbo was inaugurated on October 26, 2000, gendarmes loyal to him violently
suppressed RDR street demonstrators demanding new presidential elections.
In December 2000, gendarmes and police officers also violently dispersed members
of the RDR who were demonstrating to protest against the invalidation of
Ouattara’s candidacy in the legislative elections (see Sections 1.c. and 2.b.).
The December 2000 National Assembly election was marred by violence, irregularities,
and a very low participation rate. The FPI won 96 out of 225 seats in the
National Assembly; the PDCI, the former ruling party, won 77 seats; independent
candidates won 17 seats; and 4 other parties won 7 seats. Largely because of the
RDR boycott of the elections to protest the invalidation of Ouattara’s candidacy, the
participation rate in the legislative election was only 33 percent. In addition, the
election could not take place in 26 electoral districts in the north because RDR activists
disrupted polling places, burned ballots, and threatened the security of election
officials.
In January 2001, the Government conducted legislative by-elections in
Agnibilekrou and in the northern regions where the elections had been boycotted
and disrupted by the RDR. Following the legislative by-elections, 223 of the 225
seats of the National Assembly were filled: The FPI won 96 seats, the PDCI 94
seats, the PIT 4 seats, very small parties 2 seats, independent candidates 22 seats,
and the RDR (in spite of its boycott of all of the legislative elections) 5 seats. The
two seats from Kong, where Ouattara planned to run, remained unfilled as the
RDR, the only party running in that electoral district, boycotted the elections.
Citizens’ ability to elect sub-national governments was limited. The State remained
highly centralized. Subnational government entities existed on several levels,
and included 19 regions, 58 departments, 230 districts, and 196 communities.
However, at the level of the region (regional prefect), the department (prefect), and
the district (sub-prefect), the Government appointed office holders. Other departmental
and community officials, including mayors, were elected, as were some traditional
chieftains. Subnational governments relied on the central government for
most of their revenues, but mayors had autonomy to hire and fire community administrative
personnel.
On July 7, the country held its first province level departmental (provincial) elections.
Voters selected 58 departmental councils to oversee local infrastructure development
and maintenance as well as economic and social development plans and
projects. Their functions were not yet completely defined in law. Voter turnout was
28 percent, compared with 40 percent in the 2001 municipal elections. The ongoing
national identity card program was not completed by the election date, but the CEI
and the Government nonetheless declared that only the new green national identity
card, or an ‘‘attestation of identity’’ document issued by local authorities, was valid
for voting. Independent observers calculated that almost one half of all eligible voters
were excluded from the elections by the difficulties and controversy surrounding
issuance of the green cards.
All parties complained that some of their members were unable to obtain identity
cards in time for the voting, but the PDCI and RDR parties were the most affected.
Independent observers and the independent local press reported cases of FPI party
militants putting up roadblocks to prevent members of other parties from campaigning
or voting and uniformed forces intimidating voters and opening ballot
boxes to empty them of non-FPI votes.
In early August, President Gbagbo formed a national unity government that included
all major political parties. He expanded the cabinet from 28 to 37 portfolios.
In the national unity government the FPI and its political allies maintained more
than two-thirds of the ministerial posts. On October 3, President Gbagbo created the
new cabinet position of Minister of Interior for Security but simultaneously sub-
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