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AFRICA - House Foreign Affairs Committee Democrats

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allegedly plotting to assassinate Mugabe, was asked to sign a warned and cautioned<br />

statement. He was alleged to have contravened Section 5 of POSA, which refers to<br />

planning the overthrow of government, by allegedly telling persons at a rally in<br />

Gwanda that ‘‘what the MDC had planned for Mugabe shall remain a secret.’’<br />

Tsvangirai was not charged formally.<br />

In a number of rural areas, war veterans and other ZANU-PF supporters conducted<br />

pungwes, in which they forced villagers to chant ZANU-PF slogans or denounce<br />

the opposition (see Sections 1.c. and 6.a.).<br />

Several major daily newspapers and one local-language tabloid belonged to the<br />

Mass Media Trust (MMT), a holding company heavily influenced by the ZANU-PF.<br />

The Government, through the MMT, controlled two daily newspapers, The Chronicle<br />

and The Herald. The news coverage in these newspapers generally focused on the<br />

activities of government officials, neglected opposition parties and other<br />

antigovernment groups, and also downplayed events or information that reflected<br />

adversely on the Government. The Government-controlled media always portrayed<br />

favorably President Mugabe and the Government. In 2001 Jonathan Moyo, Minister<br />

for Information and Publicity in the President’s Office, announced the dissolution<br />

of the MMT board and its replacement by a new board, which reportedly was more<br />

sympathetic to ZANU-PF. The Minister also controlled the Zimbabwe Inter-Africa<br />

News Agency wire service.<br />

The independent press continued to operate despite frequent attacks and intense<br />

pressure from the Government. In addition to the Daily News, an independent<br />

newspaper that had the nation’s largest circulation, there were three major weeklies<br />

(The Financial Gazette, The Independent, and The Standard), and three monthlies.<br />

The major independent newspapers continued to monitor government policies and<br />

open their pages to opposition critics, but most of them also continued to exercise<br />

self-censorship in reporting due to growing government intimidation of the press<br />

and the continuing prospect of prosecution under criminal libel and security laws.<br />

The Government increasingly was intolerant, especially of reports perceived to be<br />

critical of the security forces. The Government tolerated private media criticism of<br />

official corruption; however, corruption was not a major focus of the private media<br />

during the year. The Government arrested and prosecuted editors and journalists<br />

who contributed to published stories critical of government policies or security force<br />

operations; however, the Government did not censor directly the independent media.<br />

Stricter measures, including the passage of two restrictive new laws, were introduced<br />

to prevent negative coverage of the Government and its policies. On January<br />

22, the POSA was enacted to replace the colonial-era LOMA. Clause 15 of POSA,<br />

intended to replace section 50 of LOMA, makes it an offense to publish or communicate<br />

false statements prejudicial to the state. Legal experts have criticized this<br />

section saying that it imposes limits on freedom of expression beyond those permitted<br />

by the Constitution. Clause 16 of POSA also makes it an offense to make<br />

statements that will engender feelings of hostility towards the President. An extremely<br />

broad Official Secrets Act makes it a crime to divulge any information acquired<br />

in the course of official duties. In addition, antidefamation laws criminalize<br />

libel of both public and private persons.<br />

In March the Parliament enacted the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy<br />

Act (AIPPA), which was criticized strongly by journalists, media analysts, and<br />

human rights organizations. Section 80 of AIPPA requires journalists to apply for<br />

accreditation from the Media and Information Commission, the members of which<br />

were appointed by the highly partisan Minister of Information and Publicity. Section<br />

81 of this Act also makes it an offense for journalists to submit a story that<br />

already was published by another mass media service without the permission of the<br />

owner of that service. Journalists also were prohibited from falsifying or fabricating<br />

information, publishing rumors or falsehoods, and collecting and disseminating information<br />

for another person without the permission of their employer. On November<br />

21, a trial challenging provisions of the AIPPA began and was pending at year’s<br />

end.<br />

During the year, the Government used these acts to harass and intimidate many<br />

persons, including journalists, human rights activists, and opposition members. For<br />

example, on March 27, members of the CIO arrested and detained overnight Peta<br />

Thornycroft, the Zimbabwean correspondent for Britain’s Daily Telegraph and for<br />

South Africa’s Mail and Guardian, in Chimanimani while she was investigating reports<br />

of post-election violence and of a campaign of retribution against the MDC.<br />

Her legal counsel was denied access to her and only was allowed to see her after<br />

she was transferred to a Mutare police station. She was detained in Mutare for 3<br />

more nights and was released on March 31 only after a High Court ordered her release.<br />

The police seized her documents, her camera, and her automobile during the<br />

detention. Her attorney described her charges as a ‘‘fishing expedition’’ by the state.<br />

VerDate 11-MAY-2000 08:43 Jul 22, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00696 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6621 86917.011 SFRELA2 PsN: SFRELA2

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