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THE
. BOOKBINDING
COMPANY

•
MARGINAL PEOPLE
The Archaeology and History
ofthe Chinese at Milparinka.
Volume 1 [text, bibliography & appendices]
Geoffrey V. Svenson
A thesis submitted in fulfilment ofthe
requirements for the degree ofMaster ofArts
Department of Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology
University of Sydney
November 1994

•
for Thomas Wakefield Chambers, whose sense offair play, and vision ofwhat might
have been, made this work worthwhile...
"...the truth must be told, even should the heavensfall... "
..

Marginal People ii
ABSTRACT
In the early 1880s a group of Chinese established themselves as
market gardeners supplying fresh fruit and vegetables to the goldminers,
the public service and the business community at Milparinka, in
the far west of New South Wales. Despite the decline of mining, the
harshness of conditions, and considerable changes in the nature of the
town, the Chinese persisted in their association with Milparinka from its
inception in 1881 until during or shortly after the First World War.
Members of this Chinese community appear to have eked out an
existence on the margins of the essentially European township until
they died of old age. Through a synthesis of historical and
archaeological resources this study seeks to identify the relationship of
the Chinese to the social ecology of Milparinka, within the wider
framework of European expansion into the far west of New South
Wales. It is proposed that the Chinese at Milparinka obtained many of
their external needs from sources independent of the European
township, and that the township did not, after the first few years, draw
to any significant extent upon the resources or produce of the Chinese
gardens. The community at Milparinka was of barely effective size,
and the tenuous nature of the synergy between the European and
Chinese communities is suggested as a factor in the failure of the
community to cope with the circumstances which led to the decline of
the town.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A great many people had a hand in the development of this thesis. But the
influences and the background which made the work possible are the
outcome of associations which go back many years, and which involve an
even wider range of people, many of whom are no longer with us. Thanks are
due to all of them, for introducing me to old mines, derelict and obsolete
machinery, to abandoned townships, and to the Australian bush, long before
Historical Archaeology had been invented...
Then in 1984 a visit was made to the far west of New South Wales, - looking
around before everything changed I suppose. We stopped in at Milparinka, a
town which was mentioned in a book by George Farwell called "Ghost Towns
of Australia" - 'a handbook for exploration' my brother had called that book.
And so began the major task of evaluating the Chinese at Milparinka...
Firstly, thanks must go to Linda, Tiffany and Chris, for their forebearance,
company, and field assistance, for cups of coffee, and for keeping track of
things over a very long period of time.
Then there are many people at the University of Sydney, who encouraged,
shared their knowledge, offered advice and coached. Especially are thanks
due to Dr. Roland Fletcher, Associate Professor Judy Birmingham, Dr. Aideen
Cremin and Associate Professor tan Jack. Without their encouragement,
nothing would have happened. Thanks also to the late Dr. Brian Davey, who
would have loved to help identify the boundaries of the waterhole and dam at
Milparinka.
Another special thanks is due to Denis Gojak, of the New South Wales
National Parks and Wildlife Service, who shared the interest, who loaned on
several occasions his copy of Or Neville Ritchie's thesis on the Chinese in
New Zealand, and who provided a heap of other information.
Other people across the length and breadth of Australia had direct input to the
original research which was required. Thanks to Helen Barlow and Nel Baker,
to Bill and Sue Kirchner, and Evelyn Kuerschner, Harry Blore, and the late
'Btuey' Adams for their input. All either grew up at Milparinka or on stations in
the vicinity, or had an extensive local knOWledge. All Willingly shared their
memories, their experiences, and that local knowledge. Raylene Ogilvey, now
of Lyndon Station, was a source of considerable information and
encouragement, and provided several introductions which were irreplaceable.

The staff of the Mitchell Library, the State Library of New South Wales and the
NSW State Archives, of the Mortlock Library in Adelaide, the Victorian State
Library, and the National Library of Australia, Garth Crockford of the National
Bank Archives in Melbourne, Helen Ahearn at the Westpac archives in
Sydney, Sally Hodgekinson at the Western Lands Commission, Gwen Rowe
at White Cliffs, and Gerald Blore of Pooncarie all provided information or
access to resources which were to prove absolutely invaluable. Sue and Bill
Kuerschner of Peakhill Station, and Anita and Luke O'Connor of Mount Poole
Station were generous in allowing repeated access to the Chinese sites.
As others before me know very well, a great deal of time and effort went into
the production of this thesis. Or Roland Fletcher, who supervised the work,
contributed far more than I was entitled to expect. I am particularly thankful
for that effort and to Associate Professor Judy Birmingham for advice and
suggestions in regard to the archaeological evaluation. Without their critical
comment and support the final product would have been less than adequate.
But any departures from convention and any faults or oversights are entirely
my responsiblility.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART 1 RESEARCH AREA AND STRATEGY
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Research Objective
1.2 Preliminary Evaluation
1.3 Research Strategy
1.3.1 Use of Historical Resource
1.3.2 Use of the Archaeological Resource
1.4 Research Site
1.4.1 Location of Milparinka
1.4.2 Topography
1.4.3 Climate
1.4.4 Population Density and Land Use
1.4.5 Milparinka Township Site
1.5 Community groups not Considered in Detail
1.5.1 The 'Afghans'
1.5.2 Afghan Involvement in Storekeeping
1.5.3 The Australian Aborigines
PART 2 GENERAL BACKGROUND 12
Chapter 2 EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT WEST OF THE DARLING
RIVER 12
2.0 Introduction 12
2.1 Initial European Contact 13
2.1.1 The Central Australian Exploring Expedition 13
2.2 European Expansion 14
2.2.1 Expansion on the Bulloo, Paroo and Warrego Rivers14
2.2.2 Settlement on the Darling River Frontage 15
2.2.3 Expansion West of the Darling River System 16
2.2.4 Establishment ofService Centres 17
2.2.5 Mineral Discoveries 19
2.3 Summary 21
Chapter 3 THE CHINESE IN RURAL AUSTRALIA 22
3.0 Introduction 22
3.1 Background 22
3.1.1 Origins 22
3.1.2 Demography of the Chinese in Australia 1870-1890 24
1
1
2
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3
4
5
6
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7
7
8
8
9
9
9

3.1.3 Attitudes towards Chinese on Australian Goldfields 26
3.1.4 Post-Goldrush Occupations of Chinese 27
3.2 The Chinese at Wilcannia 29
3.2.1 Names and Occupations 30
3.2.2 Attitudes towards the Chinese at Wilcannia 31
PART 3 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MILPARINKA
Chapter 4 THE MOUNT BROWNE GOLDRUSH
4.0 Introduction 33
4.1 The Mount Browne Goldrush 33
4.1.1 Discovery of Gold 33
4.1.2 Routes to Mount Browne, Milparinka and Mount Poole35
4.1.3 Development of the AIOOrt Goldfield 37
4.1.4 Establishment of Service Centres 38
4.1.5 Availability of Store and Supplies 39
Chapter 5 MILPARINKA TOWNSHIP 42
5.0. Introduction 42
5.0.1 Overview of Early Development 43
5.1 General Storekeepers 43
5.1.1 Initial Storekeepers 43
5.1.2 Cramsie Bowden and Woodfall I T.W. Chambers 44
5.1.3 William Baker 47
5.1.4 W.C.Palmer & Co. 49
5.1.5 C.F.H. Heuzenroder 51
5.1.6 Alfred Bigmore 52
5.2 Hotels 53
5.2.1 The Royal Hotel 53
5.2.2 Albert Hotel 55
5.2.3 Royal Standard Hotel 57
5.3 The Commercial Banking Company of Sydney Limited 60
5.4 Newspapers 61
5.4.1 Introduction 61
5.4.2 The Tibooburra Telegraph 61
5.4.3 The Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount Browne
Advertiser 61
5.5 Small Business 62
5.6 Water Supply 62
5.7 Milparinka Public Hall 66
5.8 Milparinka Hospital 67
5.9 Police and Law Enforcement 69
33
33

8.2 Chinaman's Garden Well
8.1.7g Coins
8.1.7h Opium-related Artefacts
8.1.71 Glass
8.1.7j Nails
111
112
112
114
115
8.2.0 Introduction 115
8.2.1 Recent Site Features 115
8.2.2 Early Site Features 115
8.2.3 Spatial Distribution and General Nature of Arfefacts116
8.2.4 Identification of Structures and Activities 116
8.2.5 Evidence of Cultural Significance 119
8.2.6 Possible Location of Garden Beds 119
8.2.7 Evidence of Economic and Recreational Activities 120
8.2.8 Specific Artefacts of Interest 120
8.2.8a Flatwares 120
8.2.8b Bowls, Spoons, Teapots etc. 121
8.2.8c Ginger Jars 123
8.2.8d Food Jars 123
8.2.8e Buttons and other Clothing Fasteners 124
8.2.8f Buckles 125
8.2.89 Coins 125
8.2.8h Opium-related Artefacts 125
8.2.8i Glass 126
8.2.8k Wire hooks etc 127
8.2.8j Nails 128
8.2.81 Other Structural Items 129
8.2.8m Medicinal 129
8.2.80 Other Items 129
Part 5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 130
9.0 Introduction 130
9. 1 Summary of the Historical Record 130
9.1.0 Introduction 130
9.1.1 Chinamans Garden Well 131
9.1.2 Chinamans Well 132
9.1.3 Chinese Involvement in Gold Mining 133
9.1.4 Chinese Retail Premises 133
9.2 Occupation Chronology, Abandonment and Acculturation 133
9.2.0 Introduction 133
9.2.1 Chinaman's Well 134
9.2.2 Chinaman's Garden Well 135
9.3 Who Were the Chinese at Milparinka? 138
9.4 Community Relationships 140
9.4.0 Introduction 140
9.4.1 Relationships within the European Community 140

9.4.2 Relationships between the Chinese and European
Communities . 141
9.5 Synthesis 143
BIBLIOGRAPHY 144
APPENDICES 156
A ATTACKS UPON CHINESE DIGGERS 156
A.i Buckland River (Victoria) 156
A.ii Lambing Flat, New South Wales (near Young) 158
B TRANSPORTATION 161
B.O Introduction 161
B.1 Mail Coaches 161
B.2 Camels and General Carriers 163
C SUMMARY OF LAND DEALINGS in town of Milparinka 166
D GOODS ADVERTISED FOR SALE by E.C.Chambers 171
E SMALL BUSINESS AND SERVICES AT MILPARINKA 172
E.1 Chemists 172
E.2 Lime Kiln 173
E.3 Milparinka Public Library 173
EA Tailor 173
E.5 Bakery 174
E.6 Butcher 174
E.7 Saddler and Harness-Maker 174
E.8 Blacksmiths 175
E.9 The New South Wales Post Office 175
E.10 Milparinka Public School 177
E.11 Clergy 178
E.12 The Milparinka Sports Club 179
E.13 The Milparinka Turf Club 179
F SITE DESCRIPTION - "Cox's Well" 180
F.O Introduction 180
F.1 Location 180
F.2 Structural Materials 180
F.3 Vegetation 181
FA Artefact Scatter 181
G ANALYSIS OF GLASS BOTTLES 183
G.1 Introduction 183
G.2 Manufacturing Techniques 183
G.3 Functional Analysis 186
GA Provenance 187
H DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS - Chinaman's Well 193

PLATES
MAPS
DESCRIPTIVE STATISITICS - Chinaman's Garden Well
200
204
250

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17a
17b
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23
24a
24b
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26
27
28
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31
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35
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36b
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38a
38b-e
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40
41
42
List of Plates
Baker's Store, Loftus Street, Milparinka, c1915
Cellr - Baker's Store. Loftus Street, Milparinka - 1985
Heuzenroder's Store, 1889
Albert Hotel, c 1888
Royal Standard Hotel, prior to June 1888
The Commercial Banking Company of Sydney Limited
Chinaman's Well stone hut ruin - 1988
Chinaman's Well stone hut ruin - 1994
Chinaman's Well overview - 1988
Chinaman's Garden Well cellar site 1994
Chinaman's Garden Well well site 1994
Chinaman's Well tamped earth remnant - 1988
Chinaman's Well - forged iron
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - f1atwares
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - f1atwares
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - bowls
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - bowls
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - Chinese food jars
Chinaman's Well - ceramics - Chinese food jars
Chinaman's Well - buttons
Chinaman's Well - buckles
Chinaman's Well- Chinese coins
Chinaman's Well- opium tins
Chinaman's Well - opium pipe bowl
Chinaman's Well - bottles
Chinaman's Well- nails
Chinaman's Garden Well - windlass barrel - 1988
Chinaman's Garden Well - hOIe-in-top can
Chinese sites overview - Chinaman's Garden Well
Chinaman's Garden Well- sawn timber post and corrugated iron
Chinaman's Garden Well- relationships of sawn timber,
stump and corrugated iron
.Chinaman's Garden Well - bough shed site
Chinaman's Garden Well - ceramics - flatware & bowls
Chinaman's Garden Well - ceramics - bowls
Chinaman's Garden Well - buckle & ceramics - bowls
Chinaman's Garden Well - ceramics - bowls
Chinaman's Garden Well - spoons
Chinaman's Garden Well - teapot handle
Chinaman's Garden Well - Chinese soy jars and Ng Ka Py
Chinaman's Garden Well - buttons and clothing rivets
Chinaman's Garden Well - cuff link
Chinaman's Garden Well - Chinese coins
Chinaman's Garden Well - opium-related artefacts
Chinaman's Garden Well - opium.related artefacts
Chinaman's Garden Well - bottle glass
Chinaman's Garden Well - bottle glass
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242

43a
43b
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46
47a,c
47b
47d
48
49
Chinaman's Garden Well - plate glass
Chinaman's Garden Well - perfume bottle
Chinaman's Garden Well - window glass
Chinaman's Garden Well - wire hooks etc
Chinaman's Garden Well- nails
Chinaman's Garden Well - structural items
Chinaman's Garden Well - ground glass stopper
Chinaman's Garden Well - Chinese medicine vial
Chinaman's Garden Well - Chinese ceramics
Peppermint bottle - Kandie Hotel site
243
243
244
245
246
247
247
247
248
249

Maps
1. Location of Milparinka and of Wilcannia 250
2. Locations of ("Sturts") Depot Glen, of sites where gold
was initially discovered , and of the Chinese sites under
consideration 251
3. Sketch of runs west of the Darling River c1880 252
4 Original route between Wilcannia and Milparinka 253
5 Vicinity of Evelyn Creek, Mount Poole and Cobham Lake. 254
6 Development of the Albert Goldfield. 255
7 Official plan of Milparinka, as surveyed in 1883. 256
8 Development of Milparinka township. Surveyed roads,
vegetation, susceptibility to flooding, present roads and the
location of structures noted in 1988. 257
9 Overview of Chinaman's Wel 258
10 Chinaman's Well, showing the area covered by maps 13 to
17, and surveyed site features 259
11. Chinaman's Garden Well -location of structures,
site features, and quadrats from which artefacts were
recovered. 260
12 Overview of Chinaman's Garden Well 261
13 Chinaman's Well - sampled quadrats. 262
14 Chinaman's Well- artefacts classified 'Architecturalstructural
and non-structural'. 263
15 Chinaman's Well - artefacts classified as kitchen and
table-wares. 264
16 Chinaman's Well - artefacts classified as other cultural
and personal. 265
17 Chinaman's Well - artefacts classified as transport and
agricultural. 266
18 Chinaman's Garden Well - site overview. 267
19 Chinaman's Garden Well - vicinity of the well site 268
20 Chinaman's Garden Well - vicinity of Chinese artefact scatter 269
21 Chinaman's Garden Well - artefacts classified
as architectural - structural and non-structural. 270
22 Chinaman's Garden Well - artefacts classified as ktichen
and table-wares. 271
23 Chinaman's Garden Well - artefacts classified as medical. 272
24 Chinaman's Garden Well - artefacts classified as other
cultural and personal 273

Note regarding expression of currency amounts
No attempt has been made to convert fines, debts, purchase prices etc.
which were expressed in the historical records as Australian Pounds to
Australian decimal currency equivalents. To do so would be meaningless.
However, for clarification: -
One Australian Pound (£1) became Two Australian Dollars in May 1966,
One Shilling (expressed as 1/- or 1s) became Ten Cents. There is no
direct conversion between Pence and Cents, except that Sixpence (6d)
became Five Cents.
The amount of a fine recorded as "£3 Ss Od" is a fine of Three Pounds Five
Shillings. An amount expressed as "5/-" is Five Shillings. An amount
expressed as "5/6" is Five Shillings and Sixpence. Similarly "5/10" is Five
Shillings and Ten Pence; "1Od" represents Ten Pence.

II
PART 1· RESEARCH AREA AND STRATEGY
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION
The historical records of a community tend primarily to illuminate the
lifestyle of those groups more highly placed in the socio-economic
heirachy. At Milparinka the majority of the residents were rather
impecunious, and the occupations followed by them, with a few exceptions,
did not provide them with any appreciable social status. As a result scant
historical record would normally be created of their lifestyle, their ecology
or their passing. Milparinka was, however, fortunate to have for a few
years a local newspaper of a quite unexpected calibre. The information it
provides, together with the official records created by Government officers
and information gleaned from a number of other sources, has been
sufficient to provide some insight into everyday life in the European
community. There were, however, other groups present - the Chinese, the
'Afghans' and the Australian Aborigines, who are barely visible in the
historical record.
This study considers the role of but one of the three - the Chinese at
Milparinka. The role of the Aborigines has not been given close attention
although they were present on the periphery of the European community
throughout the period under consideration. Similarly, the role played by the
'Afghans' in the provision of transportation, and, in later years, in
connection with hawking has not been considered in detail. In both
instances I have reasoned that a study of the Chinese community at
Milparinka, when coupled with the relationships between them and the
European community, is sufficient challenge.
However, from the outset I considered a thorough appreciation of the
specific European community involved to be essential to understanding the
role of the Chinese. To facilitate such an appreciation I developed a broad
history of European expansion into the far west of New South Wales,
touching upon initial exploration, pastoral expansion, Darling River
navigation and the township of Wilcannia. Each aspect demonstrates the
marginality of the community at Milparinka, and perhaps suggests a reason
why its long term survival was unlikely. Milparinka itself, and the people
who lived there, have been subjected to quite extensive research. The
outcome is the image of a struggling community on the frontier of
European settlement, plagued by a chronic shortage of water and intense
internal frictions. That the Chinese controlled a significant proportion of the
water resources and held a monopoly over the production of fruit and
vegetables did not help the situation, but as I have attempted to
demonstrate, the community had problems which went beyond those
restrictions.
Within the same framework I have considered the history of the Chinese.
The Chinese were present throughout all but the exploratory phases of

European expansion along the Darling River and into far western New
South Wales. They acted as labourers on the land and in the river port of
Wilcannia. They grew vegetables, operated hotels, and undertook various
other independent pursuits in the far west almost from the beginnings of
European expansion. When Milparinka was established, my research
suggests the Chinese were among the first business entrepreneurs. My
research also suggests they remained there as independent businessmen
for all of the period under consideration. I have no doubt they too suffered
significant deprivations.
1.1 Research Objective
A small group of Chinese lived in the vicinity of Milparinka from the town's
inception in 1881 until shortly after the First World War, when the town
appears to have gone into a rapid decline. The underlying objective of the
research was to consider the proposition that a factor in the demise of
Milparinka may have been lack of integration between different sectors of
the population living within and around the town.
The production and distribution of foodstuffs, the control and supply of
water, and participation in community projects are examples of the basic
activities which contribute to the growth and stability of communities. The
suggestion being pursued in this thesis is that the community at Milparinka
lacked cohesion in the pursuit of these activities due to the degree of
community fragmentation, and that because of this the competing
community at Tibooburra was able to obtain advantages in the acquisition
of strategic resources.
To study this issue the specific research requirement was to determine
whether evidence for synergy in food production and retail activities, the
supply of water, recreational pursuits and the use of communal facilities
was available. Particular attention was directed towards identifying the
economic and social activities of the Chinese, and the degree to which the
archaeological record could embellish the scant historical one in this
respect.
I will seek to argue that when technological change and lack of recruitment
altered what symbiosis did exist at Milparinka, the collapse of the
community followed.
1.2 Preliminary Evaluation
The European community evidently controlled much of the communications
and retail trade at Mitparinka, although transportation was shared between
the Europeans and a third group, the 'Afghan' cameleers.

However, a preliminary evaluation indicated that the supply of fresh fruit
and vegetables was in the hands of either one or two groups of Chinese
market gardeners, and that the same groups may have had a significant
degree of control over water resources within the community.
1.3 Research Strategy
From the beginning of my research I regarded the Chinese at Milparinka as
a group who could illustrate the role of non-Europeans in colonial
expansion into western New South Wales. However, little was known of
their activities or their lifestyle. In order to place their role in context and to
demonstrate that the information which results may have relevance beyond
Milparinka, it has been necessary to take account of a broad range of
supplementary information. The Chinese at Milparinka probably arrived in
search of gold, but like most others were not particularly successful. The
supplemental information demonstrates that their backgrounds were
probably diverse, and that their activities at Milparinka may have had
parallels amongst Chinese communities elsewhere in rural New South
Wales. I have used the information to suggest that the Chinese at
Milparinka and elsewhere identified and exploited alternate opportunities
for wealth creation on an economic frontier created primarily by
Europeans. I have used the archaeological record under consideration to
confirm the general nature of their activities, to suggest specific aspects of
their lifestyle, and show that their efforts at Milparinka were only marginally
more successful than those of to the community as a whole.
The general strategy adopted was first to establish an outline history of
European expansion into that area of New South Wales which lies west of
the Darling River. Emphasis was placed upon expansion from the southeast,
primarily because it was from this direction that expansion appears to
have been most pronounced. The records created by Charles Sturt and
other members of his 1844-45 exploring expedition, which traversed the
area from the south were treated as the earliest specifically relevant
source of information. The results of that research are contained in
Chapter 2. Next, attention was directed to identifying the pattern of
European occupation, concentrating upon evidence of pastoral enterprise,
but in particular, upon evidence for the establishment of pastoral stations in
the vicinity of Milparinka.
Attention was then directed at identifying the pattern of subsequent
development. The establishment of service centres, firstly in the form of
isolated hotels and stores, and then in the creation of a major township at
Wilcannia, was studied. Although the location of stores and hotels was
determined, only passing attention has been paid to their form or manner
of operation. More attention was given to the historical information
regarding Wilcannia. One reason for this was the desire to identify the
cultural groups present, and if possible, specific individuals whose names
would appear in both Milparinka and Wilcannia. Wilcannia was the main

source of supply for Milparinka during much the period being considered,
and it was thought logical that links would exist between people and
enterprises in the two towns. This was certainly found to be correct. It was
also found that the inability of paddle-steamers to reach Wilcannia due to
low water in the Darling River affected both towns.
A separate avenue of study was the treatment of Chinese at selected
goldfields during the 1850s and 1860s, and the subsequent activities of the
Chinese in rural areas of Australia. An account was located of Chinese
camps in western New South Wales towns. Similarities between the
description of these camps and that of the community at Milparinka were
immediately apparent.
The background research into the Chinese had two primary objectives.
The first of these was to establish reasons for the Chinese to isolate
themselves from the European community as they clearly did at Milparinka.
The second was to identify the occupations followed by the Chinese in
rural areas during the period under consideration, and to identify evidence
for their ecology. In this respect the activities of individual Chinese on
pastoral properties, where other sources clearly demonstrate their
involvement as cooks and perhaps gardeners, were ignored on the basis
that my research was intended to concentrate upon Chinese who lived
more independent of European protectors. This distinction, however, was
not rigidly maintained as my research suggested Chinese in several
locations may have lived together in the 'camps' already mentioned while in
the employ of Europeans.
1.3.1 Use of Historical Resource
Within the historical record primary written and oral sources were identified
and used from the commencement of the research. Written records
included newspapers, diaries and manuscripts, Police, Department of
Mines, Department of Education, Post Office and Bank records. Most were
found to be extremely fragmentary.
Oral histories were sought as repositories of first and second-hand
knowledge of Milparinka. The information thus obtained was based upon
the childhood experiences of people now well advanced in years and
clearly reflects the limitations of a childhood viewpoint. Another difficulty
which became apparent was the well-known effect of the conscious and
unconscious editing of oral history during interviews. Photographs,
although scarce, helped to confirm impressions of the community already
gained.
Each historical resource can be shown to contain a degree of bias, not
necessarily in favour of the European viewpoint. Generally I suggest the
bias is unconscious. But in the local newspaper at Milparinka (the "Sturt

Recorder Tibooburra and Mount Browne Advertiser"), recognition of bias
was occasionally made abundantly clear, and in one instance the publisher
declared his position by printing an 'advertisement' which put a perhaps
more factual account of matters reported elsewhere in the newspaper.
In the course of this research, where it was considered the source of
information was likely to be affected by bias the arguments for various
interpretations have been discussed. This, of course, could always result in
the introduction of my own personal bias on the subject involved. I hope
this has not been the case.
Furthermore, the information available in even the earliest written records
has been modified. An outstanding example can be cited in the fact that
pages have been removed at some time from Charles Sturt's personal
diary of his 1844-45 Central Australian Exploring Expedition. In other cases
the editing is simply a product of the matters which were considered of
importance at the time historical information was being accumulated in
newspapers and other records.
Another problem, encountered in the process of gathering oral history, was
the limitations of people's knowledge. In some instances categorical
statements have been found to be quite incorrect in the light of
documentary evidence, whilst the loss of opportunities through the death of
informants in the course of the research process, and the total absence of
information on some subjects, has left quite large and ominous gaps in my
knowledge of the township.
1.3.2 Use of the Archaeological Resource
The main archaeological resource used during my research was derived
from two reputed Chinese garden sites in the vicinity of Milparinka.
However, supplementary information was drawn excavation reports and
field surveys from South Australia, the Northern Territory, New Zealand
and Far North Queensland. These were used for comparative purposes
and to elucidate findings at Milparinka. Resources held in museums and
research collections were utilised as a means of expanding general
understanding, as were visits to some other Chinese sites and museum
collections in New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland and the Northern
Territory.
Use of the resource at the Milparinka garden sites was restricted to a
detailed evaluation of the surface scatter of artefacts, supplemented by
less detailed examination of remaining artefact scatters at contemporary
sites in the township of Milparinka. At the garden sites the surface
evidence clearly demonstrated a Chinese presence, and some distinct
contrasts were identified between these sites and those in the township.
However f100dwaters and pastoral activities have degraded the evidence
for structures and other major site features.

1.4 Research Site
1.4.1 Location of Milparinka
The location of Milparinka is shown on Map 1, together with the location of
Wilcannia, a town which was closely associated for much of the period
under consideration in my research.
Milparinka is in the far north-west of New South Wales, about 80
kilometres from both the South Australian and Queensland borders. The
town was established in 1881, and is sited adjacent to a watercourse
known as Evelyn Creek, which originally contained a number of
waterholes. Roads and landing grounds gen_erally for at least two hundred
and fifty kilometres in all directions are presently of natural formation, being
simply a graded route through the natural sands and gravels. These rapidly
become impassable after rain. This situation is likely to alter in the next few
years, as all-weather roads are finally encroaching upon the area.
There is no railway within three hundred kilometres of Milparinka, and no
permanently flowing watercourse. With the exception of Chinaman's Well
and more or less reliable artificial catChments, there is only one major
source of potable water. This water, which was quarantined from general
use by virtue of a selection dating from the mid-1860s, is twelve kilometres
from Milparinka at Depot Glen.
An urban community of perhaps 150 persons is now located 42 kilometres
to the north. This town, Tibooburra, was established at almost the same
time as Milparinka. Major population centres are all at least three hundred
kilometres distant, these being Bourke and Broken Hill in New South
Wales, and Cunnamulla in Southern Queensland.
The locality arguably remains as it always has been, the most isolated in
New South Wales.
1.4.2 Topography
The country is comprised of rolling hills with occasional low cliff faces,
interspersed with dry watercourses and associated flood plains. Vegetation
is sparse, consisting primarily of saltbush communities. Along
watercourses species of Acacia and Eucalyptus are present, and various
grasses and herbs also appear under favourable conditions of rainfall and
season. There is some evidence that a greater diversity of flora was
present prior to European occupation of the vicinity.
Soils are sandy and highly alkaline, with a calcareous layer generally within
SOOmm of the soil surface. Large areas are decomposed 'duricrust'
material, the sand in these being dispersed amongst 'gibbers' of duricrust,

ironstone, quartz and conglomerate. Significant outcrops of a fine red
sandstone occur at Milparinka, while within a few kilometres hills
comprised of a micaceous slate are to be found. Gold was found in
association with these latter hills in the early 1880s.
1.4.3 Climate
As might be expected from the topographical description above, Milparinka
has a desert climate. Rainfall averages less than 200mm annually, but
varies significantly from year to year. Periods of twelve months without
precipitation are not uncommon. Similarly, localised storms account for a
significant proportion of the rainfall which does occur.
Rain storms can cause major but short-lived flooding, a factor which has
impacted considerably upon the archaeological record.
Temperature maxima and minima are extreme, those in Summer
commonly being in excess of 40 0
Celsius, whilst in Winter temperatures
below 6 0
Celsius are equally common. These impact upon the reliability of
the archaeological record, in combination with other climatic and
pedalogical factors.
At various times of the year, but primarily during the Summer months,
violent windstorms are encountered. These are seldom accompanied by
precipitation. The winds have also impacted significantly upon the
archaeological record.
1.4.4 Population Density and Land Use
The area is sparsely populated, population density lying well below one
person per hundred square kilometres.
With the exception of the community at Tibooburra, the population is
located in station homesteads irregularly spaced along key routes or within
a few kilometres of them. The pastoral holdings to which these
homesteads relate are primarily used for the grazing of sheep for both wool
and meat production, with some minor emphasis upon beef production.
Early homesteads, if not located upon the current key routes, tend to have
been abandoned with the consolidation of holdings, although where
favourable situated in terms of water or soil, these latter criteria have held
sway.
None of the pastoral properties now have an extensive workforce, most
being managed by a single family of perhaps four persons, but for many
months of the year a husband and wife partnership is more the norm.

Additional help is sought as required, but is very much subject to supply. In
some instances the extra help becomes available when children return
home for school holidays.
1.4.5 Milparinka Township Site
Milparinka now consists of an isolated hotel and one other intermittently
occupied building, situated on an area of higher ground west of Evelyn
Creek. A former courthouse was restored in 1988 as an Australian
Bicentennial project, with funds raised locally and received in grant from
the Western Lands Commission. The town itself has a population of
between five and eight persons. Initial research indicated the town has
been in decline since the mid-1880s, despite the establishment there of
various Colonial Government agencies and offices, and favourable
treatment in terms of other Government infrastructure. Government
promotion of the town continued at both State and Federal levels for a
significant period after Federation.
Approximately two and a half kilometres upstream was a Chinese
community, at a site known as Chinaman's Garden Well. The well for
which the location was named is derelict. The site appears to have
consisted of four or five main structures located adjacent to garden beds.
Another (perhaps earlier) Chinese community was located at Chinaman's
Well, three kilometres further away on a tributary of Evelyn Creek. Here a
windmill and bore adjacent to the original well still provide a good supply of
palatable water. The first mentioned site was on Milparinka common,
separated from the town by an area used as a camp by travellers,
including 'Afghan' cameleers and drovers. The second site was located on
the Mount Poole pastoral holding.
1.5 Community groups not Considered in Detail
As already suggested, at Milparinka four distinct cultures were present ­
the Australian Aborigines, Europeans, Chinese, and 'Afghans'. The roles of
the Aboriginal and Afghan groups, although important in the history of
western New South Wales, has not been dealt with in detail. To complete
adequate accounts of these groups would have required major research in
its own right and was not regarded as an essential component of my
research into the role of the Chinese. I have, however, provided below a
broad outline of the information which arose co-incident with my research
into the Chinese and European groups.

1.5.1 The 'Afghans'
The role of the 'Afghans' in the community at Milparinka was significant,
even though the group is not particularly visible in the historical record.
The 'Afghans' arrived in the Australian colonies as handlers for early
imports of camels from Afghanistan and the Indian sub-continent. They
appear to have generally been referred to by this appellation, even though
their origins were considerably more widespread than the name suggests.
'Afghans' and camels from a camel stud owned by Thomas Elder at
Beltana in South Australia certainly had an impact upon the early history of
Milparinka and is mentioned later in that context, whilst by 1895 an Indianowned
carrying company based at Bourke was deeply involved in
transportation of goods in the vicinity of Milparinka. Afghans employed by
this organisation featured prominently in a case heard in the Milparinka
Courthouse, where details of their contract with the company were
subjected to scrutiny. The historical record suggests relatively large
numbers of Afghans at Wilcannia and at Broken Hill where semipermanent
base camps became established, and at Bourke and Beltana.
However, at Milparinka their presence was almost exclusively itinerant.
The information which I have identified regarding the Afghans as general
carriers has been included in Appendix B.
1.5.2 Afghan Involvement in Storekeeping
In contrast with the general nature of Afghan involvement, one of the
stores at Milparinka clearly had links with the Indian sub-continent,
although the history of these links is obscure. The store certainly carried
fabrics which were either of Indian origin in woven after the style of these,
and William Baker is said to have been married to an 'Indian woman'. The
history of the relationship has not been pursued, but perhaps suggests one
facet of the town's character. William Baker may also have had
arrangements with some of the 'Afghan' hawkers operating in the general
area, but no information in this regard has been identified. William Baker is
discussed in considerable detail in Chapter 5.
1.5.3 The Australian Aborigines
Accounts of Charles Sturt's enforced camp in 1845 at Depot Glen, which
was located about eight miles upstream of Milparinka on a tributary of
Evelyn Creek, all mention the presence of Aborigines.
Topar,( or as Brock indicates the men had dubbed him, 'Bob'), one of the
Aborigines accompanying the expedition as guides and shepherds was

approached by them - 'During the attendance of the black boy on the
sheep while they were feeding, five natives came up to him, and were
quite friendly, they examined the boy's clothing... Lewis who had been
away getting the bullocks together, on his return home, some six miles
from the camp, observed six men and one woman; they tried to avoid him,
first laying down their spears and some large flat rocks, which they were
carrying perhaps to their camp to beat the seeds which they eat into a
powder. They were well proportioned and muscular, though short in
stature...' (Brock 1975: 107).
While encamped at the waterhole Poole sought water to the west of their
camp, but was unsuccessful. Of that foray Brock (1975:110) records that
Poole surprised a group of about thirty natives - men women and children.
When first seen these native are recorded as having been 'busy in
preparing food from a seed which grows on a low grass and is found
somewhere in great abundance', This seed was crushed using a flat stone
and a second round pounding stone, to 'form an oily kind of food not very
unlike linseed would be if it was so bruised.' Brock also records that 'these
natives were in good condition; the men, though small, were well
proportioned, as were the women; the children were healthy and
robust'(Brock 1975:111).
Subsequent references to Aborigines in the records consulted for my
research are few and probably not adequate for any conclusions to be
drawn.
The first of these dates from the account given by Murphy of an early visit
to the Mount Browne goldfield where Murphy (n.d.:61) suggests '...the
workings consisted of Evans's gin digging up the surface with a yam stick,
and as she found an occasional nugget from a pennyweight to an ounce ­
all rough gold - dropping it into a jam tin.' As part of the same narration
Murphy states of his coach journey from Wilcannia that 'Camped around
Cobham Lake...we found some hundreds of blacks with their gins and
piccaninnies; a sort of periodical gathering of all the abos in the district. For
food they had real lake fare - fish and black swans. Organising a raid on
the swans, they would enter the lake from various angles and almost
disappear from view, one with a gun, the rest with spears. Gradually the
flock of birds would close in, and at some signal all the abos would shoot
up out of the water in a circle around them - gun firing, spears whizzing ­
and garner in a regular haul.' (Murphy, n.d.:60)
The record created by the police charge and summons book from
Milparinka Police Station, parts of which are discussed in relation to the
management of the town's hotels, also makes mention of Aborigines. This
mayor may not be representative of difficulties with the consumption of
alcohol, but I suggest the record alone is an inadequate source from which
to make any judgement. It does, however, confirm the continuing presence
from time to time of Aborigines in the vicinity of Milparinka. The photograph
of Heuzenroder's Store (photograph 3) includes the image of a person who

appears to be an aborigine in the uniform of a police tracker, also
suggesting an ongoing aboriginal presence in the town.
By the mid to late 1890s accounts of the Milparinka Sports Day races
included the results of blackfellows' races, regarded as a source of
amusement and mentioned in Appendix E.
Finally, that oral history gathered in the course of my research, reproduced
in the appendices, suggests that aborigines continued to visit the town and
to camp on the creek bank opposite the Chinese gardens subsequent to
1910 and perhaps as late as 1916. However, Harry Blore, whose
memories date from perhaps 1935, stated categorically that 'there's never
been no aborigines round here mate - up at Tib yes but not round here...'
Having made that statement Harry handed to me a stone which he called
an aborigines throwing stone - well rounded and balanced, and certainly
one of the best for throwing which I have come across. Staff at the
Australian Museum when consulted about this stone suggested there was
no record of such an artefact being used by the Australian Aborigines.

PART2·GENERALBACKGROUND
Chapter 2 EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT WEST OF THE DARLING
2.0 Introduction
RIVER
European settlement expanded west of the Darling River during the 1860s
and 1870s. Settlement following the tracks of Charles Sturt's 'Central
Australian Exploring Expedition' of 1844-45, the first European exploring
party recorded to have traversed the district. The various narratives and
reports of Sturt's Expedition provide an image of these lands prior to
European contact, while the history of their subsequent occupation helps
to establish the context of Milparinka township and the community which is
central to my research.
Milparinka and its general vicinity is extremely remote. In the years which
immediately followed Sturt's exploration there was little incentive for
pastoralists to move into the area. Sturt's experiences gave the districts
involved an unenviable reputation, and land with better access to markets
remained available in other parts of New South Wales and in Queensland.
Settlement of the far north-west of New South Wales was therefore
preceded by the occupation of areas to the north in Queensland, and along
the Darling River in the central west of New South Wales. Once the
Darling River frontage had been taken up expansion took place firstly to
the east of the river, and then to its west, leading eventually to occupation
of the north-west corner of the state.
This chapter presents information about the vicinity of Milparinka which is
available from the records of Sturt's expedition, together with a summary of
the European occupation which eventually followed. The intent is to
provide an insight into the remoteness of the area and to demonstrate that
even after most other land in New South Wales had been taken up by
European settlers it remained remote and relatively unattractive to pastoral
interests. I also present an assessment of Wilcannia, which town was the
major a source of supply and the origin of early communications with
Milparinka. This assessment demonstrates that at the time gold was
discovered in the far west a number of Chinese were resident in Wilcannia.
Later discussion will suggest at least some of these Chinese became
associated with Milparinka, and that the occupations followed by them and
the evidence of their relative prosperity in Wilcannia are significant.

2.1 Initial European Contact
2.1.1 The Central Australian Exploring Expedition
On August 10, 1844 Charles Sturt, "a Captain of the 39th Regiment"
departed Adelaide as leader of a journey of inland exploration. The
objective of this expedition was to discover '... the existence or otherwise
of a watershed at the twenty-eighth parallel to help solve the mystery of the
river systems' (Sturt, 1984:7)..
At least five accounts survive of the journey, three by Sturt himself, one by
the expedition's surgeon, botanist and 'naturist' John Harris Browne, and
one by Daniel George Brock, appointed as armourer, but who spent most
of the time shepherding, and collecting and skinning birds. It is to Brock
that the most thanks must go for the information used in the following
synopsis and conclusions.
For six months between January and July 1845, the expedition was
camped on a waterhole named 'Depot Glen' by Sturt, unable to proceed or
to retreat due to their inability to find any other source of water. Depot Glen
is on Preservation Creek, a major tributary of Evelyn Creek, and was to be
the furthest point reached by the main expedition. Of more immediate
interest, however, is the location of their previous camp, adjacent to a
large waterhole some twelve kilometres downstream on Evelyn Creek. Of
this waterhole Sturt commented I To the eye of the inexperienced bushman
its appearance was in every respect inviting; there was a good deal of
grass in the neighbourhood; the spot looked cheerful and picturesque, with
a broad sheet of water in the creek... it. ..presented a broad and shallOW
surface, [but] I felt assured that it would too soon dry up.(Sturt, 1965:235­
236). The location of Depot Glen in relation to Milparinka is shown on Map
2.
Sturt's records contain few details of trees and plants in the vicinity of this
waterhole. However generalised statements made by him and others in the
party suggest areas of low acacia scrub and 'pine' (probably Cypress Pine)
forests in addition to extensive flats of saltbush and grasses. More
substantial trees may have been present along the watercourse, as
according to the diary kept by Daniel Brock an underground room
constructed later at Depot Glen utilised logs which were two feet (600mm)
thick.
Brock's diary describes their arrival at the first waterhole as follows 'At
break of day we moved away, still bearing up to the N. The scenery which
opened up before us was striking and fine; the range of hills which we had
been running parallel with assumed a bolder and finer appearance, bearing
around to the westward. The country was diversified with creeks thickly
timbered with gum and peppermint, and often were seen groups of
beautiful acacias. The soil is no better: sand, with small stones - flint and
quartz...there is but a scanty supply of water where we are to encamp, but

here also is to be seen indications of immense torrents at times, as is seen
40 yards from the banks in the limbs of trees - drift wood which has been
washed down. The acacia is found here in great perfection, it is a splendid
shrubby tree; its foliage is green and beautiful. Of this acacia, the varieties
are extremely numerous, from a lowly shrub to high straight-trunked trees;
other timber is very abundant in this creek' (Brock, 1975: 105). Brock later
recorded the presence of a stinging insect and myriads of flies, and when
rain did eventually fall the area became a quagmire.
According to Brock, the exploring party moved to Depot Glen on January
27th 1845, as the supply of water at the first waterhole was becoming
exhausted.
Of this decision Sturt, who had left the party to seek water further north,
recorded '...1 turned back and reached the camp on the 26th (January
1845) where to my astonishment I found all the water dried up, and Mr.
Poole drawing his supplies from a well'(Sturt 1984:44). Elsewhere in his
'narrative' of the Expedition, Sturt reported the existence of Aboriginal wells
some distance to the north-west and to the south-east and south. If the
'well' from which Poole was drawing his water supply when Sturt returned
was in fact a well, it too may have been of aboriginal origin. A degree of
support for this view comes from one published interpretation of the
Aboriginal word 'Milparinka' - "find a native well here" (Sugden, n.d.)
Unfortunately no reference is quoted for the interpretation provided, and
another of Sturt's accounts suggests the well was in fact a 'hole in the
middle of the creek...the cattle being driven to a neighbouring pond, which
they had all but exhausted' (Sturt, 1965: 128).
Sturt recorded that the waterhole was located on latitude 29..46..00. The
site of Milparinka is at latitude 29..44..00, and the presence of a large
waterhole in the creek below was the main reason for it being so located.
The evidence therefor suggests the waterhole camp and the well used by
Sturt's Central Australian Exploring Expedition in 1845 were located on the
river flats a little more than a mile above the deepest parts of Milparinka
Waterhole. This approximates the location of Chinaman's Garden Well
some forty-five years later.
2.2 European Expansion
2.2.1 Expansion onto the Bulloo, Paroo and Warrego Rivers.
Of these rivers the Warrego and Paroo run from south-western
Queensland into the Darling River. The Bullo peters out in swamplands
just below the Queensland border.
Heathcote (1965:83) found an ebb and flow of expansion took place on the
Warrego, depending upon 'political and economic swells' and the reports
of various exploration parties, but that several stations had been
established on it above Cunnamulla at the time of Bourke and Wills' Great

Victorian Exploration Expedition of 1861. Another source, Cannon
(1973: 10), indicates a pastoral station was established further west on the
Bulloo River by Vincent James Dowling in the vicinity of Thargomindah by
the mid-1840s, and William Conn took up a run at Delalah Station on the
Paroo in late 1863 (Shaw, 1985:26). The latter station was abandoned a
year later.
However, below Cunnamulla and Thargomindah the country deteriorates,
and the rivers split into many dry channels. Perhaps because of this the
country between the Darling and Paroo Rivers, broadly representative of
the area generally, was described as having but patches of good country,
(NSW VP, 1858, vol 111:758-9, quoted in (Heathcote 1965:89» and was
officially considered of little use. The land being thus condemned the northwestern
corner of New South Wales, which includes the vicinity of
Milparinka, was not taken up by European pastoralists until some time
after 1864.
2.2.2 Settlement on the Darling River Frontage
In parallel with the expansion discussed above, west and south-west of the
Darling Downs, European pastoralists expanded north and north-west from
the Murray-Darling confluence in the south. According to Shaw this
commenced in 1847 with the establishment of a 'run' a little below the
Murray-Darling junction by the Jamieson brothers. By 1850 sheep and
cattle camps were present at Laidley's Ponds (now Menindee), and runs
had been established at Mount Murchison and Weinteriga. By 1851 Crown
Lands Commissioners had commenced surveys of the Darling River
frontages and to issue licenses for runs already in occupation (Shaw,
1987:14-15).
Paddle-steamers commenced operations on the Darling River in August
1853, and in 1859 reached as far upstream as Mount Murchison run, just
above the site subsequently chosen for the river port of Wilcannia. The
same year navigation as far as Walgett was shown to be possible. At the
time, although all frontage blocks for two hundred and eighty miles above
Mount Murchison had been taken up, only one was occupied. (Heathcote,
1965:100). However, the successful navigation of the Darting River
introduced paddle-steamers and barges into the economics of far-western
pastoralism, and their use along the Darling and Murray Rivers made a
very considerably reduction in the cost of transporting wool to Melbourne
and Adelaide. They also provided a cheaper means of transporting goods
in the opposite direction, although, as discussed later, this was not without
risk.
At least partly due to the introduction of the paddle-steamers, pastoral
emphasis changed from cattle to sheep. The resultant pressure on
frontage blocks and lower cost of transportation made the country further
west relatively more attractive.

2.2.3 Expansion West of the Darling River System
By the early 1860s, parties were prospecting for grazing country west of
the Darling River. Shaw (1987:26) records that a sketch map attributed to
William Conn and dated 21 January 1862 includes many features west of
the Darling River, including Yantara and Cobham Lakes, and states that
Conn was prospecting for grazing country on behalf of a pastoralist
sponsor from the Western District of Victoria, David Read.
In 1863 a Crown Lands District was declared to cover the whole area of
New South Wales west of the Darling River. John Chadwick Woore, the
first Commissioner of Crown Lands for the Albert District, commenced a
major survey of run boundaries in the same year. At the time the area
between Mount Poole and Mount Browne had been taken up in the name
of Henry Hopwood, and further runs had been established upon Yantara
Lake, Cobham Lake, and Salt Lake (Shaw, 1987:34). Hopwood was the
owner of a punt, bridge and hotel on the Murray River at Echuca, and was
well placed to benefit from expansion west of the Darling River (Morris,
1952:11). According to Shaw (1987:37), Hopwood 'passed' a run owned by
him at Mount Poole to Matthew Lang, a wine merchant and the Lord Mayor
of Melbourne. She does not supply a date for either the acquisition by
Hopwood or the transfer.
A map held by the Mitchell Library and attributed to Woore shows the
location of many more runs. Unfortunately part of this map, showing runs in
the north-eastern part of the district, is missing. W.E.P. Giles (Ernest
Giles -later to earn fame as an explorer in Central Australia) is shown on
Woore's map as the holder of two blocks north of Yantara Lake, and
according to Cannon (1983:134) Edward Henty, shown as holding a run at
Salt Lake, was also a major land-holder in Victoria. The plan of runs in
1870 which forms Map 3 is based upon the parts of Woore's map which
survive.
In 1865 the Squatting Directory of New South Wales listed thirty-two Runs
in the Albert District. By 1871 the list had grown to one hundred and ten,
but comparison to 1865 is not completely valid. This is because the
Directory lists Holdings rather than Runs. Heathcote (1965:204-205)
defines the former as 'an amalgamation of runs held under the same
ownership', and the latter as 'the demarcated area for which a Depasturing
License was granted'. When Holdings rather than Runs are considered,
the number falls to twenty-one. However even this figure is not entirely
satisfactory, as some holdings were probably inter-related. For example,
1871 holdings in the names of "C. Manton", "Manton and Harnett", and
"George S. Marryat and Harnett" are very likely related, reducing the
number of independent land holders to eighteen. Regardless of the exact
number of Holdings it is clear some consolidation took place between 1865
and 1871. A factor in this consolidation may have been drought. which
Heathcote (1965: 103) indicates caused many of the more speculative
pastoral runs to be abandoned between 1865 and 1868.

Notes made by Woore is his surveys and inspections of runs in the Albert
District indicate few of the runs had any improvements, and that where
these did exist they were they comprised single huts and solitary sheep
yards. Woore also refers to the existence of wells. Despite Shaw's
assertion (above) that the area between Mount Poole and Mount Browne
had been taken up by Henry Hopwood by 1865, Woore makes no mention
of improvements on these runs. However, his notebook for the period
1868-1872 indicates a station existed at Gnurlta Lake in 1869, and his
1874-1877 notebook records that the Bates family was then established on
a run centred upon Cooillie (now Coally) waterhole. The notebooks
mention Sturt's Depot Glen waterhole, and a large waterhole just below it ­
"Tuesday 26 May 1874 left buggy at Cooillie (Bates's) and started for Grey
range. Camped at large waterhole just below the Depot Glen, called
Pitchinilula", but no station is mentioned. Woore describes Hermitage
Number Two Run as consisting "of stony plains and ranges intersected by
one or two small creeks which do not hold water long", stating that "it is an
inferior run and Mount Poole North-East Run is also very stony and dry
and I should think it not worth holding at any price.." (Wednesday 27 May
1874). Of the country north-west of Mount Poole he comments "poor
plains with a few little sandhills" and of Mokerley Waterhole, a little east of
north over similar country "The water is muddy. There are several old
black's gunyahs here. I marked one of the orange trees roughly W with
tomahawk. The country about here seems to be utterly worthless."
The most north-westerly European head station indicated in any of
Woore's 1874-1877 notes was at Coally, and as a result it is possible to
conclude that at the time European expansion had not resulted in the
establishment of permanent runs or stations beyond that point. The
location of Coally (Cooillie, Coelly) is shown on map 4, at one of the 'mud
huts'.
In Woore's last notebook (Number 7, 1877-1881) he records some details
of his work north of Coally and states that while travelling from Evelyn
Creek (probably Bates' head station) to Pitchinilula and then (Thursday 12
July 1877) to a camp on Torrens Creek ("miserable country") he met "the
Bates family on their way to Cooillie and got some rations from them". This
may indicate the existence of another run north of Coally by 1877, but it is
also possible to conclude that Matthew Lang, who Shaw states purchased
Mount Poofe Run and, some time prior to 1881 sold to Duncan M'Bryde,
did not establish a station or make any improvements.
2.2.4 Establishment of Service Centres
With the expansion of European pastoralism came the beginnings of the
infrastructure to service travelling stock and their attendant drovers,
shepherds and owners. This infrastructure was certainly not of wholly
European ownership, the historical record suggesting the involvement of

people from a variety of cultural backgrounds in addition to the Australian
Aborigines and that of various European nations. The routes used by
travellers generally followed those established by explorers such as
Charles Sturt. Variations to the route were the result of supplemental
intelligence gathered by the prospecting parties. Thus travellers heading
for Coopers Creek generally followed the Darling River to Laidley's Ponds
and then to the outskirts of Mount Murchison Station, before intercepting
Sturt's route further west, following this via Sturt's old camps to Coopers
Creek. Woore noted it was still possible to identify the tracks made by
Burke and Wills in 1860 and by Sturt fifteen years earlier at the time of his
initial survey of runs in the early 1860s. He also noted that the boat taken
by Sturt to Depot Glen was suspended in the branches of a tree a little
below the Depot Glen camp, perhaps deposited there during the floods
which coincided with Sturt's departure from the site.
Shaw (1965:16,33) states that hotels existed on the Darling River at
Laidley's Ponds in 1859, and at Wilcannia in 1865. Woore, however,
mentions "Malpas's Parro Inn", the location of which has not been
determined, but otherwise makes no mention of 'shanties' or wayside inns
away from the river frontage.
Wilcannia became a major centre for the river trade, and banks, large
stores, and the suppliers of a great variety of goods and services were
established in the town. The first current account Ledger of The
Australasian Joint Stock Bank (WBC1), which opened in Wilcannia in
1874, records transactions with hotel keepers, storekeepers, labourers,
hawkers, teamsters, tanksinkers, and a washerwoman. The names
recorded suggest a variety of nationalities and cultures may have been
present, including American Negro wharf labourers and Chinese
gardeners, wool scour labourers, station workers and cooks. Similarly the
Commercial Banking Company of Sydney, opening its doors at Wilcannia
in 1874 included in its customers woolscourers, commission agents,
storekeepers, chemists and the local newspaper proprietor (NAB2). The
'Commercial' does not appear to have attracted Chinese custom, but when
the Bank of New South Wales (the 'Wales') opened in 1881, its' ledgers
(WBC2) suggest Chinese customers included a barber, a storekeeper and
a baker.
The Chinese were also mentioned occasionally in The Wilcannia Times
which commenced publication on January 2, 1879. The first reference is to
John John, Chinaman hairdresser(Wilcannia Times, 2 January 1879), and
on Thursday October 14, 1880 Charlie Bow is mentioned as having
appeared in the Small Debts Court at Wilcannia. The debt was for goods
sold and delivered by J. Sheahan to the value of £4/6/9. Charlie Bow had
an account with the Australian Joint Stock ('AJS') Bank, where his
occupation was recorded as Chinaman Labourer. John John, a Chinese
Gardener in business with a partner called Tommy, also banked with the
AJS Bank.

Service establishments spread in a radial pattern around Wilcannia to
intercept potential customers as they travelled between the town and the
pastoral stations. Bank records indicate that within ten to fifteen years of
Woore's 1868 surveys 'grog shanties', 'wayside inns' or 'hotels' became
established. The records of the Commercial Banking Company of Sydney
(N.A.B.2) indicate the existence of these at locations west of the Darling
River as follows:
Hungerford,Paroo River
Tilpa, Darling River
Dry lake
Kallara (store)
Kallara
Tankerooka
Thakaringa
Wanaaring, Paroo River
Weelong
Stony Point
Paroo
Coopers Creek (Store)
Gnalta
Kallara
Kircumbra
Wanaaring
Nine Mile
Yandarlo (Store)
I.S.Cook & I.Foster)
(J. Buckley)
(G. T. Smith)
(A.D. Cotton)
(J. luffmann)
(R.I.P.O'Connor)
(J. Stokie)
(J.Barker & W.Barton)
(B.Clements)
(D. Dewhurst)
(J.B.GiII)
(G. C. Hamilton)
(J.Patterson)
(Morrison Bros)
(George Hunt)
(Vickery & Coy)
(Ellen Ryan)
(J.Martyre)
1876
1877
1878
1878
1878
1878
1878
1878
1879
1879
1879
1879
1879
1879
1879
1879
1880
1880
No attempt has been made to plot the location of all the abovementioned
stores and hotels. However, the general location of many can be
determined from an examination of place and station names which appear
on maps 3 and 5.
Australian Joint Stock Bank records suggest another store or hotel had
been established at Nocolitche, on the Paroo River (Ethelred W. Bridge),
and newspaper sources suggest the existence of a hotel at Thargomindah,
also on the Paroo River, owned by a Chinese who advertised the "All
Nations Hotel, Thargomindah, Hoo Sing, Proprietor" (The Wilcannia Times
of 2 January 1879).
Finally, by late 1880 or early 1881 an hotel was established in the vicinity
of Milparinka. This was built by 'Mr. McBryde of Mount Poole Station for
the benefit of travellers' (Sturt Recorder, 10 January 1896:3).
2.2.5 Mineral Discoveries
By the mid-1870s a number of mining ventures had also been established
west of the Darling River. The ledgers of the Australian Joint Stock Bank at

Wilcannia (WBC.1) dating from this period include accounts for the
manager and several miners at Wilcannia Copper Mines, and according to
Blainey (1973:136) a mineral lease was taken out at Thakaringa in June
1876 over land where silver had been found. Copper mines were
established at Cobar in 1872 and in October 1880 The Wilcannia Times
reported the discovery of galena (an ore of lead) in the Barrier Ranges.
However, on November 10, 1880 The Wilcannia Times reported the
discovery of gold on the Mount Poole Run, and indicated that publicity had
already been given to this information. Despite the suggestion of earlier
publicity no earlier reference has been found, but it does seem to have
eclipsed any subsequent news of galena deposits in the Barrier Ranges.
The Wilcannia Times was cautious in its approach:
'No authentic information has been received from Mount Poole since
publicity was given to the discovery of gold there, but some miner's rights
have been applied for. Through a source we can rely upon there appears
to be every prospect of a speedy settlement of the question as to whether
the gold exists in payable quantities. It is rumoured that about a hundred
persons are on the ground' (Wilcannia Times, November 10, 1880).
In the same issue the Times published a letter from 'an unsuccessful
goldseeker' which included the following comment
'I have heard from a reliable authority (Mother Dutchy's eldest boy) that the
manager of a station not a hundred miles from the prospectors' claim was
doing the hoop-la business behind one of the counters the other night. The
boy won't tell his name because he is a gentleman.'
Just what the colloquialisms used in this paragraph mean is uncertain. The
'hoop-la business' may imply the shanty-keeper was touting for business in
much the same way as the operator of a fairground hoop-la stand. The
meaning of 'Mother Dutchy's eldest boy' is completely obscure.
Bfainey (1973: 137) states that 'the Melbourne newspapers denounced the
rush as a trick of the local shanty-keepers', but I have found no
contemporary record to supports this and it seems Duncan McBryde,
licensee of Mount Poole Run and proprietor of an hotel at Milparinka
waterhole, was initially displeased by the invasion of gold-seekers and
others. The following notice was published in The Wilcannia Times on
January 20, 1881:
'Notice: All persons found trespassing on Mount Poole Run, driving or
removing stock without permission, will be prosecuted and persons in
charge of travelling stock are requested to give the usual notice at the
head station before entering the run. D.McBryde & Co., Mount Poole, 13
December 1880.'
However, in fairness to Blainey, inn-keepers along the routes to Mount
Poole were no doubt anxious to facilitate a flow of information which would

cause traffic to increase in either direction. At least one would later be
arrested by the police for criminal activities and it is quite possible the
original reports were embellished and promoted by some local shanty- and
storekeepers as a means of improving their business. Certainly the owners
of paddle steamers plying the Darling River had much to gain. An
advertisement regarding one of the latter was as follows:
'Steamer "Lady of the Lake" will be at Wilcannia at or about the 5th of
March with the following for sale: Gold-digger's shovels, picks, dishes,
ropes, potatoes, butter, eggs, onions, green fruit, spiced beef etc. etc.
Apply to Captain on board' (Wilcannia Times, March 3, 1881:2).
The "Lady of the Lake" had been built at Moama a year earlier, and was
described as a 'light draft vessel', ideal for operations on the Darling which
was often unnavigable due to low water. (Parsons, 1967: 138).
2.3 Summary
The establishment of an hotel at Milparinka in late 1880 or early 1881 was
part of the process of European expansion along the route followed by
Charles Sturt's exploratory expedition of 1844-45. The long delay between
initial exploration and European expansion was probably due to the
availability of more attractive land elsewhere.
Until the advent of paddle-steamers on the Darling River the costs and
risks associated with pastoral expansion into north-western New South
Wales probably outweighed the gains foreseen. But after 1860 there is
evidence of tentative expansion into the vicinity, and for the establishment
of hotels or shanties at strategic locations. The discovery of gold within
three and a half kilometers of Sturt's Depot Glen introduced in 1880 a new
incentive for expansion, and the catalyst for a centre to service the
concentration of non-Aborigines which followed. The logical origin of the
storekeepers and other entrepreneurs required was Wilcannia. Apart from
the pastoral stations in the far north-west, Wilcannia was also the logical
origin of the first influx of goldseekers, some of whom were Chinese.
As will be demonstrated later, definite links existed between European
enterprise at Wilcannia and Milparinka, and at least one Chinese at
Milparinka appears to have originated from Wilcannia. In the case of the
Chinese, it will be suggested they received treatment on the new goldfield
which was similar to that they encountered elsewhere in Australia. The
ecological strategy subsequently adopted by them at Milparinka is central
to my research.

Chapter 3 THE CHINESE IN RURAL AUSTRALIA
3.0 Introduction
As suggested by the bank records from Wilcannia and the Police
Commissioner's report mentioned in this chapter, quite large numbers of
Chinese, perhaps remnant of the influxes which coincided with the gold
rushes to Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland and the Northern
Territory, were present in the far west during the earlier parts of the period
considered by my research. The contribution of individual Chinese to
European expansion has occasionally been acknowledged in accounts of
pastoral enterprise. little, however, has been written about the contribution
made by groups of Chinese, such as the pastoral labour gangs which
operated in the Riverina district during the late 19th Century, or the market
gardeners who operated in association with country towns or other
communities. Nor has much been written of the contribution made by the
Chinese as wool-scour labourers and in the performance of other menial
tasks.
At Milparinka the historical record of the Chinese presence is fragmentary
and extremely fragile, and the known archaeological record, which
compliments and illuminates the written one is only slightly more robust. In
combination the records suggest a group of ageing Chinese, growing
vegetables, and periodically involved in mining, on the margins of an
already marginal European community. There is also evidence of
adherence to traditions, and of involvement in other economic activities.
There is some evidence to suggest a continuation of persecution which
had commenced during the Victorian gold rush era barely forty years
before.
This chapter presents the outcome of background research into the
activities of the Chinese in rural New South Wales during the mid- to late
1800s. The objective is to present information about subsistence patterns
which I will suggest were replicated at Milparinka.
3.1 Background
3.1.1 Origins
Chinese first arrived in New South Wales well before the gold-rush era,
and in 1854 a parliamentary committee estimated two thousand four
hundred Chinese had by then been introduced into New South Wales
(Choy, 1975:18). Crowley (1980, Vol 2:309) indicates these immigrants
were employed as shepherds, and that they did not attract much attention.
However, with commencement of the gold rushes the numbers of Chinese
arriving increased quite dramatically, as has been documented many times
by others. Choy (1975:3) indicates the majority of Chinese arriving in

Australia during the gold-rush era came from Kwangtung province, and
more specifically the Canton Delta, in southern China. Chinese from this
area also migrated to New Zealand, the United States and Canada. In
contrast, Chinese who migrated to Thailand came from Swatao in the
north-east of Kwantung province, and most of those who migrated to other
South-East Asian countries such as Malaysia, the Philippines and
Indonesia were Hokkien Chinese from Fukien province. Hakka Chinese,
originally from central China, settled in various parts of south China before
also migrated to south-east Asia, and particularly, to Malaysia.
Choy also indicates that migration took place from the northern-most
provinces of China early in the twentieth century, at dates later than are of
interest for the purpose of my research.
I will seek to discuss in my conclusions the possibility that at least some of
the Chinese at Milparinka were familiar with the requirements of agriculture
in an arid red soil environment, and that this familiarity, together with other
features of their subsistence at Milparinka, suggests they may have had
links with Northern China. This would contrast them with the majority of
Chinese then living in Australia.
Many dialects are spoken in China, and 'dialect groups, with the exception
of the Hakkas, correspond to places of origin and prOVide one of the basic
c1assificatory criteria of Chinese migrants' (Choy 1975:5). A second
reference (Yong, 1977:2) indicates that each dialect, because the
differences between dialects presented a complex problem, tended to hold
the loyalty of immigrants from the specific region in which it was spoken.
Choy (1975:11-13) also explains that the lineage system which applied in
China during the nineteenth century also served to draw individuals from
each province together as groups. This system emphasised lineage
solidarity, to the extent that few women were permitted to emigrate for fear
that this would result in the loss of a family from the lineage. He then
continues:
'The ideal migrant was one who regarded himself as a member of
his own village but separated by distance. If he was married when
he migrated he would be encouraged to go without his wife but to
return to his home village once in a few years, thereby maintaining
his overseas earnings and keeping in touch with his family. When
his economic condition permitted, he might take a native girl as his
second wife and maintain two households... Here can be found
some of the reasons for the objections in North America and
Australia that Chinese migrants were clannish and non-assimilable,
and that they remitted their earnings instead of spending them in
their place of residence. '
Lineage solidarity also affected the means of migration, with gangs of
labourers working for head men recruited from important lineages in the
same area. Those migrating to seek gold often borrowed money for the
passage from 'friends and relatives both at home and overseas'. The

migrant's loyalties to family probably bound him to be frugal in his habits
while away from home, as he was obliged not only to repay money
advanced for passage, but also to remit money home to support his wife
and the extended family system. This obligation is referred to in Choy
(1975: 14) and also in works by Maxine Hong-Kingston in reference to the
situation which applied to indentured labourers in the Hawaii (Hong
Kingston,1977:92,115-116). Yong (1977:2,3) expands upon this loyalty,
indicating that 'there are two traditional and ethnic concepts which had a
deep-rooted effect upon the temperament of Overseas Chinese
immigrants..."to return home with honour and wealth"... and "upon the
roots of the trees rest falling leaves", I which was a reference to the desire
of the Chinese to return to their native village and live a life of comfort in
their old age. Thus it is likely groups of Chinese living together in rural
Australia had a common origin in China, and aspired generally to return in
their old age to their home village.
Choy states the obvious that the washing of alluvial gold was a quick way
for some to accumulate considerable sums of money. He also discusses in
some detail the activities taken up by the very considerable numbers of
Chinese who no doubt failed to earn sufficient on the goldfields to repay
their debts and meet family obligations. He, however, concentrates upon a
study of statistical information, and, because Chinese were statistically
more numerous in the cities, takes little note of the Chinese in rural areas.
My research concentrates upon a group of Chinese in a very remote part
of New South Wales, who may be representative of the other goldfield
remnants. I suggest they too were unsuccessful gold seekers, who
perhaps continued to aspire to the traditional concepts. That I further
suggest they died of old age before attaining those aspirations is part of
the tragedy which unfolded for the Chinese in Australia.
3.1.2 Demography of the Chinese in Australia 1870·1890
Chinese migration to Victoria, New South Wales and South Australia had
been restricted by legislative measures imposed during the mid- to late
1850s. However, the Acts which operated to limit immigration of Chinese
to these states were repealed in 1865, 1867 and 1861 respectively.
Queensland did not impose effective restrictions until 1877, keeping these
in place until 1906, when the legislation was superseded by a
Commonwealth Immigration Restriction Act.
The restriction Acts perhaps impacted upon the distribution of Chinese
already in Australia, although no statistics have been identified from which
numbers of Chinese moving between the Australian colonies can be
determined. Choy (1975:23) suggests an increase in the number of
Chinese in New South Wales and a decrease in Victorian numbers
between 1871 and 1881, was due to overseas movements rather than
movements across the borders of the colonies.

Numbers of Chinese in the various Australian colonies in 1871, 1881 and
1891 were as follows: (Choy, 1975:22)
New South Wales
Victoria
Queensland
South Australia
Western Australia
Tasmania
Northern Territory
TOTAL
1871
7220
17826
3305
28351
1881 1891
10205 13157
11957 8489
11229 8524
347 182
145 917
844 939
3804 3613
38533 35821
For the purpose of my research these figures are of little use. Movements
of people to and from goldfields took place at quite short intervals, and the
impact of this upon the reliability of statistics can be demonstrated by the
Queensland experience.
In Queensland twenty thousand Chinese are reputed to have been present
on the Palmer River Goldfield between 1874-76, working not only the
alluvial deposits abandoned by Europeans, but also developing 'several
new and rich reef deposits' (Crowley, 1980, Vol 3:19). Most of the Palmer
River Chinese are said to have arrived directly from China, but it remains
possible that some came from elsewhere in Australia. The census
statistics quoted by Choy (above) do not adequately reflect the influx.
The 1880 Intercolonial Conference voted to reintroduce restrictions on the
immigration of Chinese, and New South Wales, Victoria and South
Australia enacted appropriate legislation the following year. Queensland at
the time took no action, as that colony still had an 1877 Act in place.
Tasmania and the Northern Territory imposed no restrictions.
Perhaps because of the lack of restriction the Northern Territory had
attracted seven thousand Chinese by 1888 (Choy, 1975:34).
In 1888, however, South Australia, which administered the Northern
Territory prior to federation, passed legislation extending to the Northern
Territory the application of that colony's 1881 Chinese Restriction Act,
leading to at least some reduction in the number of Chinese there.
The Pine Creek goldfield in the Northern Territory had been the main
attraction for the Chinese. This field, discovered in 1872, was revived in
1885 and led to the influx of Chinese mentioned above. Some of the
unsuccessful Chinese miners at Pine Creek were engaged to build the
railway from Darwin to Pine Creek in 1887-1888 (Cannon 1982:246).

3.1.3 Attitudes towards Chinese on Australian Goldfields
On the Palmer River Goldfield, as elsewhere, the Chinese were abused
and maltreated, and on occasions murdered as a result of European
attitudes. A comment in respect to the Palmer River quoted by Crowley is
as follows:
'As Wardens we were often wrongfully accused of cutting off the
Chinamen's tails, but I remember when the Premier was visiting
Cooktown, he had to cross a hand-bridge, and was amazed to see
three genuine pigtails, recently cut off, hanging on each side of the
handrail...Gambling was an awful curse on the Palmer, and
Chinamen would be fleeced to their last penny, and then have to
resort to crime. We did our best to stop it, and made several very
exciting raids on gambling houses. The black troopers took infinite
delight in this sort of work, and it was very funny, after a big haul, to
see the troopers lugging sometimes six to eight chinkies in each
hand, and holding them by their pigtails!' (W.R.O.HiII quoted by
Crowley, 1980, Vol 3:21).
Other extracts collected by Crowley indicate the attitudes towards the
Chinese on the Palmer River in the mid-1870s were little different to those
demonstrated in 1857 on the Buckland River in Victoria and 1861 at
Lambing Flat in New South Wales. In both instanced the camps and
belongings of Chinese goldminers were destroyed by mobs of Europeans,
probably with the initial aim of taking over successful claims being worked
by the Chinese. On the Buckland River 'four of the Chinamen were more or
less seriously injured' in a first attack, and in a second, although 'there was
no official death toll' some were believed to have been killed (Crowley,
1980, voI2:351-352). At Lambing Flat several so-called 'riots' took place in
early 1861, leading to the dispatch of 'a large force of military and police
from Sydney, with two twelve-pound artillery pieces. The military returned
to Sydney on 4 June 1861, and a further 'riot' took place within three
weeks. Contemporary accounts of these attacks provide an insight into
behaviour which appears to have been widespread on the Australian
goldfields. As I consider an understanding of treatment elsewhere to be
critical in understanding the Chinese being researched in the present
instance, the accounts have been extracted in their entirety as Appendix A.
Crowley (Vol 3:46) also indicates that a major cause of a general strike in
1878 was the increasing employment of Chinese crews on coastal vessels
operated by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company, and that
Chinese had been used there and elsewhere in an attempt to 'resist
demands for increased wages'. This action would very clearly have
inflamed existing prejudices.

3.1.4 Post-Goldrush Occupations of Chinese
That relatively large numbers of Chinese continued to live in non-urban
areas long after gold-fields had ceased to produce, is very clear. Yong
(1977:40) indicates the Chinese who migrated to Australia did not in fact
spend a great portion of their time on the gold-fields. He suggests most
who stayed any length of time worked at scrub-clearing, ring-barking and
other rural activities. In support of this statement a gang of five hundred
Chinese, overseen by Jimmy Ah Kew, is said to have worked throughout
the Riverina districts, including Deniliquin. Although Yong does not indicate
the exact years involved, the period is roughly 1870 to 1900. Other rural
activities reported by Yong are station hands, general labourers, and
market gardeners. He also provides statistics which show that in 1881 less
than 15% of the total Chinese population of any colony was located in
metropolitan areas (Yong, 1975:29).
In 1883 a report submitted to the NSW Legislative Assembly (NSWLA 3)
indicated the population of five 'Chinese Camps' in the Riverina District and
the living conditions in them. The camps were at Wagga Wagga,
Deniliquin, Narrandera, Hay and Albury, and had a total population when
inspected of 942. These numbers included 800 Chinese, 36 European
women married to Chinese, 1 Chinese woman, 68 children, and 37
prostitutes. The prostitutes were generally described as European,
although one gave her 'native place' as Mauritius.
By far the largest camp was that at Narrandera, with a population of 340,
followed by Wagga Wagga with 223, Deniliquin with 145, Hay 124, and
Albury 110. The Deniliquin camp had 'sleeping accommodation for three
times the number found there on inspection', giving it a possible maximum
population of 435 persons. Another source (Bushby, 1980:269) states that
the Deniliquin camp contained "four or five stores kept by Chinamen, and
about a dozen or more other dens which, together with the stores, are
utilised as gambling dens. As a rule the houses are low, tumble-down
structures... It
Conditions in the camps varied considerably, as did their layout. At
Narrandera the camp was located on the banks of the Murrumbidgee
River, had streets and lanes, and contained 'stores, joss house, a very
large cookshop, two lottery houses and several fan-tan rooms'. Sanitary
conditions at all camps were very poor, with those at the Wagga Wagga
camp being considered the worst. The structures in the Wagga Wagga
camp were 'in the most part good, and the sleeping accommodation fairly
decent and sufficient - some of the rooms attached to the cookshop (were)
divided into tiers of shelves, with a passage of about three feet between'. It
was stated that 'the same may be said in general terms of all the camps
visited: no drainage of consequence, rooms too small, and maze-like in
arrangement, ventilation defective, and neglect of water closets'. It was
also stated that in each camp were a few nicely furnished rooms occupied
by some wealthy Chinese or married Chinese.

Considerable attention was given in the report to the presence of
prostitutes and other European women. It was stated of the women that
'each one lives ostensibly with a Chinese storekeeper, or one in well-to-do
circumstances; they dress expensively in velvets and silks, jewellery in
abundance, have plenty, and when in the streets conduct themselves for
the most part with propriety; their appearance under such circumstances
could not fail to create at favourable impression upon strangers...•
Of the 37 European women said to be married to Chinese at the five
camps inspected I some of these women (appeared) respectable, to study
the interests of their husbands and children, and to keep aloof altogether
from the bad characters, who make the camps hideous by their vile
conduct; there residences too are clean and comfortable and display the
combined tastes of the Chinese and the European. Others of them make
the lives of their unfortunate Chinese husbands miserable; they conduct
themselves regardless of consequences, and set their husbands at
defiance as far as conducting themselves improperly with Europeans is
concerned. When not at war with their husbands, they fight with each
other, seek redress in the Police courts, and the Chinese husbands have
to pay the penalties incurred by their European wives, and consider
themselves fortunate that they too have not been included in the litigation;
most of these women have been prostitutes for years before they get
married to the Chinese... I
As to the prostitutes themselves, the report commented as follows. I
...There were 37 prostitutes residing in the five camps, when inspected,
whose ages all were between 19 and 30 but on some occasions the camps
contain double that number. It is those females and most of the married
women already alluded to who are the principal cause of all the
disturbances, robberies and crimes, which have transformed the Chinese
camps into dens of immorality. The Chinese themselves are comparatively
powerless and many of them have at times sought the assistance of the
police to compel these females to leave their camps and to protect them
from their violence, yet the Chinese are charged with being the instigators
of keeping them in the camps. The assertion too frequently made use of by
persons not accurately informed on the subject of the Chinese is that the
Chinese have seduced the females or 'girls' as they are called and that
they have been the fountain and source of all the obliquities of character
which distinguish those frequenters of Chinese camps is a fallacy, and has
nothing in truth to support it as I have not yet been able to visit one camp
during the enquiry or in my Chinese experience of 24 years where a female
resorting in Chinese camps owed her seduction to a Chinaman. All of
these females themselves deny the allegation emphatically and smile at
the credulity of any person believing such; some of these women living
with Chinese at the camps are married women who have left their
husbands on account of some alleged cruelty which mayor may not be
true; others have been prostitutes for years in Victoria, and many of them
find pleasure in recounting a history of criminal experience and of their
youthful precociousness, which reach the nee plus ultra of female

depravity. All these females prefer the nomadic life of the camp with its
licentiousness to the quieter pace of settled habitation. The Chinese allow
them full liberty of action, make them in most cases repositories of all their
earnings, and treat them with the greatest kindness, and it is for these
considerations alone that the women show a preference and not for any
love or even respect which is entertained for the Chinese themselves... I
The occupations followed by the Chinese present in the camps were also
discussed, with storekeepers, labourers, gardeners, fruiters, and cookshop
workers being mentioned. Also present were a doctor (at Hay), and a
watchmaker (at Deniliquin).It was stated that the labourers obtained their
living by undertaking contracts for ringbarking, tanksinking, and clearing
land. It is possible labourers from the Chinese Camp at Deniliquin were
employed clearing land and undertaking excavation works during the
construction of the Deniliquin and Moama Railway, completed in July 1876.
Local histories and contemporary newspapers from Deniliquin do not,
however, provide any support for this proposition.
Of all Chinese in the camps, 36 were assigned no occupation. These
perhaps were those who made their living from gambling, which was also
described in some detail. The most popular game was said to be Fan Tan,
but Chinese lottery (Pak A Pu, My Pow Chong or How Poew) was also
common. Bushby (1980:270) quotes the Pastoral Times to state that at the
Deniliquin Camp 'Fan Tan tables (were) only in operation at specified
hours during the evening and night; but the games of "che pie" and "coot
pie" are carried on at all hours during the day and night'. "Coot pie" was a
card game, and "che pie" was played using dominoes. The latter games
were played exclusively by the Chinese, and Fan Tan was played almost
exclusively by Chinese, but both the Chinese and the European visitors
gambled on Chinese Lottery.
The camps were reported to be a point of focus for itinerant labourers. This
was especially so during the shearing season, and the comment was made
that '... in the shearing season, the camps, particularly those at Wagga
Wagga and Narrandera, are thronged with shearers and others; they
indulge in drink and contribute largely to the disquieting elements
observable at that period. The women too find their harvest set in, assume
a recklessness - previously unnoticeable - to get money, when sly grog
selling, gambling, prostitution and robbery are resorted to for that purpose.
On those occasions most of the married women act more defiantly towards
the Police because of the greater security which they think they enjoy,
some being made amenable to the Vagrant Act in having husbands...'
3.2 The Chinese at Wilcannia
Despite the hostility expressed at conferences, at public lectures, in the
legislatures of the Australian colonies, and in the press, not all Chinese
banded together in large numbers either .on the gold-fields or elsewhere.
My research suggest that at Wilcannia a number of independent Chinese
were present. There is no mention of a Chinese Camp or a 'Chinatown' in

the vicinity of the town even though the Chinese gardeners present may
have lived in a communal manner.
I paid particular attention to the Chinese at Wilcannia in an attempt to
suggest the immediate origins of the Chinese at Milparinka. My research
identified the names of several Chinese residents of Wilcannia, and of
some Chinese living on pastoral properties. but failed to establish any
positive links between the Chinese residents in Wilcannia and those at
Milparinka.
3.2.1 Names and Occupations
Archival resources (WBC1 and WBC2) have provided the names and
occupations of some Chinese living at Wilcannia during the 1870s. I do not
claim this to be an exhaustive list of all Chinese in the town, but suggest it
is a reasonable representation of the occupations followed by them.
As stated elsewhere John John was the proprietor of a barber's shop in
Wilcannia in 1875. and was earlier in partnership as a gardener with
Tommy, a 'Chinaman Gardener' at Barber Creek. (The name of the creek
is probably a coincidence.)
The same sources suggest a number of other Chinese were resident in
Wilcannia in 1874-76, whose names were as follows:
Charlie Bow, a Chinaman labourer.
[Charlie Bow is in all probability the same man as mentioned in a
number of references to the Chinese at Milparinka some years later,
but no positive link has been established.]
Samuel War, a baker, who may also have moved to Milparinka, as
a Sam War is mentioned in association with the latter town.
Ah Sam and Ah Sue, gardeners.
Ah Chee and Ah Sang,labourers.
Jimmy Ah Vin, Chinaman Cook.
Samuel Hook, a Chinaman at Momba Station.
Ah Lipp. another Chinaman at Momba Station.
Jimmy Johnson, Chinaman labourer at Wilcannia.
In addition to the above. D.Hagens and Company. Woolscourers at
Wilcannia employed several Chinamen - Ah Long. Ah Sing, Lo Hung (?),
Sam Gill, Ah King. Ah Poon and Ah Stay - and paid wages to them with
cheques drawn on their Wilcannia bank account. Lo Hung may have been
Hung Loy whose name appears in association with Milparinka.
Jimmy War, a Chinese gardener at Wilcannia in 1875-76, accumulated
over a hundred pounds in his account on two occasions, before
withdrawing the balance of £83/3/9 on June 26. 1876. I have been unable
to confirm a relationship between he and either Sam War or War Tong
whose names are associated with Milparinka.

All the abovementioned names come from the Westpac archives (WBC1)
where they appear in the Current Account Ledger of the Australian Joint
Stock. Bank for 1874-1876. Another source provides further names, Sam
War, a baker at Wilcannia in 1882 and Toy Kit, a storekeeper during the
same period, (WBC2) but again I have been unable to establish any
definite links between these names and those of the Chinese at Milparinka.
The only other identified Chinese resident of Wilcannia was Charlie Bow,
Chinaman labourer, who appeared in the Wilcannia small debts court on
October 11, 1880, having not paid J.Sheahan £14/6/9 for goods sold and
delivered. (The Wilcannia Times, 14 October 1880)
Only those Chinese who operated accounts with two of the four banks in
Wilcannia during the 1870s or who appeared in court are mentioned
above. On this basis it is possible numbers of other Chinese were present
in the town.
3.2.2 Attitudes towards the Chinese at Wilcannia
The records reviewed during my research provide little insight into attitudes
towards the Chinese at Wilcannia. A news item in The Wilcannia Times
(Thursday February 24, 1881) may suggest the Chinese in that town were
not entirely without vices, but it should be noted the Chinese are not
actually mentioned in the article, which is as follows:
"Dens:
'Of these there are even in Wilcannia a few of the most loathsome
description which the Police acting under instructions are
determined to purify. We are glad to note this raid on such hotels of
iniquity.'
What the raid comprised, and which 'hotels' were involved is not stated.
However, an article from The Wilcannia Times strongly suggests that when
gold was discovered at Mount Poole old enmities quickly reappeared...
'The mail from Mount Browne arrived in Wilcannia last night. The
news from the diggings is assuring. The population numbers nearly
five hundred and good order prevails. The diggers appear
determined to prevent if possible Chinamen from participating in the
Rush. One mongolian's life has been threatened and he has had to
clear out. ..' (The Wilcannia Times, 10 March 1881 :2)
As reflected by the subject of my research, the Chinese did not move far
from the vicinity of Mount Browne, and provided an essential service to the
community. They may well have been members of the largely ignored
Chinese who failed to accumulate large sums of money on the goldfields
and took up rural pursuits in order to meet their filial obligations. However,

it may also be that they simply chose not to return to their ancestral village
and merged as best they could into the anonymity of the Australian
outback. I am hopeful that the archaeological evidence at Milparinka will
assist is resolving this and other questions in relation to the Chinese who
in their old age continued to live and work in Australia.

PART 3 - THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MILPARINKA
Chapter 4 THE MOUNT BROWNE GOLDRUSH
4.0 Introduction
Milparinka was established as a service centre for the Mount Browne
Goldfield. Unlike most goldfield townships, it was some distance from the
source of the gold, having been established adjacent to a source of water,
which, under the circumstances, was a greater consideration. From the
beginning the scarcity of water was a major concern on this goldfield, and
the prevalence of scurvy and of diseases associated with polluted water
and poor hygiene were recurring themes in early Goldfield Warden's
reports.
This chapter outlines the early history of the Mount Browne goldfield and
that information which is available regarding Chinese involvement in
working the field. At no time was there an extensive Chinese presence,
and for the first several years no Chinese were actually digging for gold,
even though they were definitely present in the district. An explanation for
this appears to lie in the alternate opportunities which presented
themselves to a group who were alienated from the more numerous
Europeans, and who were uniquely equipped to benefit from the
combination of a remote location and an arid red-soil environment.
My aim is to emphasise the perception with which the Chinese developed
their strategy for success at Milparinka. I have looked closely at the nature
of this gold field and the difficulties associated with the working of it. In my
final evaluation I propose to contrast the outcome of that assessment with
the activities which the combined archaeological and historical record
suggests were followed by the Chinese. From this I will suggest that,
although not outstandingly successful, the Chinese strategy was clearly
quite appropriate.
4.1 The Mount Browne Goldrush
4.1.1 Discovery of Gold
The reputed discovery of gold (see Paragraph 2.2.5 above) at Mount Poole
was met with considerable scepticism in Wilcannia, and the Wilcannia
Times, along with major newspapers in Sydney and Melbourne, and on
goldfields such as Temora in New South Wales, repeatedly warned
against 'any headlong rush'. However, on January 20, 1881 the Wilcannia
newspaper gave notice of a meeting called 'for the purpose of forming an
association to prospect the country round Mount Poole' (The Wilcannia
Times, January 20, 1881 :3), and the next issue reported that a committee

of five had been elected 'to canvass the town for subscriptions for the
purpose of raising funds to enable a prospecting party to start for Mount
Poole.' (The Wilcannia Times, January 27, 1881 :2). The committee
comprised 'Messrs Browne, Byrne, Tyrrell, Ottoway, and O'Donnell' ­
Walterus Lee B. Browne, Stock and Station Agent, Storekeeper and
proprietor of the Wilcannia Times, and later to become the police
magistrate at Milparinka; John Byrne, Contractor; John Tyrrell, proprietor of
the Crown Hotel, Reid Street, Wilcannia; Edward O'Donnell, Butcher.
Ottoway was probably Thomas Ottoway, mentioned in the Milparinka Post
Office history, having become manager for W.J.Palmer & Co., general
merchants at Milparinka.
Before the association could obtain any report from its prospectors, a
further discovery of gold was announced by the Times (February 10,
1881). On this occasion the gold had been found at a locality known as
Mount Browne, some twenty miles south-west of Mount Poo/e, but still on
the Mount Poole holding.
The reports included an interview with James Evans from the party which
had found twenty-four ounces of alluvial gold in a gully near the top of
Mount Browne ridge, and stated that Mr. Ary (or E.) Vandenberg, a
Wilcannia jeweller, had left on one of the first coaches to the new field.
The Wilcannia Times reported the departure of the first coach as follows:
'Pioneer Coach:
Donald Morrison, looking as happy as a big sunflower, started with a team
of well-conditioned horses, five in number, for the rush at Mount Browne...
[Donald and Malcolm Morrison were brothers who had operated a
coaching line between Bourke and Wilcannia since at least January 1879,
charging £5/0/0 for a one-way journey between the two river ports]
Despite glowing reports of gold, the scepticism continued and in early
February 1881 the Sydney Morning Herald sent a reporter to investigate.
Meanwhile the Herald (February 12, 1881:3) published correspondence
which included the following caution:
'Without wishing to throw discredit upon the alleged gold field of
which I know nothing beyond what has appeared in the papers I
would remind you that twelve or fourteen years ago there was a
rush to the Barrier one hundred and fifty miles south of Mount Poole
where gold was said to have been found. Many thousands started
for the locality and many deaths occurred from heat and want of
water in crossing the dry plains on either side of the Barrier Range.
As a fact no gold was found, the person who spread the report
having shown gold obtained elsewhere.'
The Melbourne Age also showed great interest in the new goldfield, and
similarly to the Sydney press, carried warnings that 'Notices have been
posted in Wilcannia warning diggers not to proceed out to Mount Brown.

The population there is estimated as fully over one thousand. They have
shifted the original site of the rush six miles farther where there is a small
supply of water obtainable. Threats are freely raised by disappointed men
and scenes of rowdyism and violence are expected. No rain has fallen for
a considerable time. ' The paper also despatched a reporter to Mount
Browne via Deniliquin, Hay and Wilcannia in March 1881. On March 23,
1881 he arrived in Wilcannia and reported:
'The stores in Wilcannia are doing a splendid business which is only
rivalled by the business being done in the various hotels...'
(Age, April 27, 1881)
When the Age correspondent arrived on the goldfield he found about three
hundred persons at Mount Browne and the 'Four Mile', and six hundred a
further six miles away. He was to report 'All agreed it was a store-keepers
and shanty-keepers field and only one or two seemed to think it would ever
turn out anything even with sufficient water', that dirt was being carted from
Mount Brown to Milperinka (sic) for washing, while prospects were being
tried by 'the process known in Queensland as "dry fiddling" '. The
correspondent also reported 'The township is situated on the banks of the
Evelyn Creek which however at this point is only as succession of
waterholes known as Milparinka', and stated '...the only persons making
money [are] the storekeepers and shanty-keepers'. By this time the
Chinese, as suggested in my previous chapter, had already been forced to
'clear out' of Mount Browne.
Mr. Warden Slee, who arrived mid-year as Goldfield Warden, reported
(Mines,1881: 106) that during March of 1881 'the greater part of the
population were days without flour, subsisting on mutton and a plant which
grows near the creek, and known here as "Wild Spinach" , and
acknowledged the fact that 'Duncan M'Bryde, J.P., part owner of Depot
Glen or Mount Poole Station...has...rather assisted than impeded the
progress of the Albert Goldfield'. No doubt much of the mutton consumed
by the diggers had been sold to them or intermediaries by Mr. M'Bryde.
4.1.2 Routes to Mount Browne, Milparinka and Mount Poole
With the exception of a somewhat romantic reference by Geoffrey Blainey
in 'The Rush that Never Ended' (Blainey, 1973:137), my research has
found no evidence of a road to the goldfield via 'Stokie's pub at Thakaringa
and German Charley's shanty at Mount Gipps' in 1881. Having regard to
the country between these locations and the goldfield it is very unlikely
B/ainey's claim that ' a straggle of men with spring carts and horses or
nothing but strong boots pushed north past Stokie's pub at Thakaringa and
German Char/ey's shanty at Mount Gipps nearly two hundred miles to the
rush at Mount Browne' is based strictly in fact. However, German Charley's
shanty did exist at the time. and it may be the confirmation sought has
been overlooked in my research.

Sources located during my research indicate the two initial routes to Mount
Browne were from Wilcannia via Cobham Lake and from Bourke via
Wanaaring. Map 5 shows the route from Wilcannia.
Cobb & Co, and 'Messrs. Hammat and Kidman' competed with Morrison
Brothers in the operation of coaches to the diggings from Wilcannia. Both
Cobb and Co and Morrison Brothers despatched 'pioneer coaches' from
Wilcannia on Saturday March 5, 1881. (The Wilcannia Times, 10 March
1881:2 and The Sydney Morning Herald 12 March 1881:6» The first to
depart was Morrison Brothers 'at half-past five o'clock', with Cobb & Co
leaving an hour later.
The two hundred mile route traversed country which was virtual desert.
Water was available only at a few locations along it, and several long
sandy stretches had to be traversed. The Sydney Morning Herald (10
February 1881:5) said that 'stages of from forty to fifty miles without water
have been encountered in the course of the journey'. The road was
described in the most dire terms in most newspaper accounts, and on
March 28, 1881 the Sydney Morning Herald published a telegram from
Wilcannia handed to them by the Under-Secretary for Mines. This telegram
stated:
'There is not any water on the road from Cobham Lake to Mount
Brown. Two men nearly perished on that road but were fortunately
picked up. In another week there will be no water between Cobham
Lake and Milperinka (sic), a distance of thirty-four miles along a very
heavy sandy road. Foot travellers will certainly perish unless they
carry water.'
As mentioned earlier a correspondent was also despatched to Mount
Browne about this time by the Melbourne Age. He travelled by Morrison
Brothers coach, having been warned that against four days by Morrisons,
Cobb and Co's last trip had taken eight or nine days to complete the
journey with the passengers walking most of the way. The Age's
correspondent described the road and standards of accommodation along
the way in colourful terms. The hotels were referred to as the most
wretched apologies for houses of accommodation, with guests' wants
being attended-to 'with an incessant growling'. (The Age, 27 April 1881).
Another route, that from Bourke to Mount Browne via Wanaaring, was also
used from the beginning of the rush, but as far as has been ascertained,
only by individuals and by the coaches of Morrison Brothers. Morrison
Brothers commenced operations from Bourke on March 2, 1881, charging
ten pounds for a one-way ticket. (Sydney Morning Herald, March 1,
1881:3) According to the Wilcannia Times this coach actually left Bourke
on March 3, arrived at Wanaaring on Saturday March 5, and left there the
next morning. Mr. Malcolm Morrison was the driver, and the coach had
with it a number of spare horses. The Times' correspondent at Wanaaring
reported that the distance involved was two hundred and seventy miles,
and that 'The greatest difficulty will be after they pass Sir Samuel Wilson's

country out west from here. The rest of the journey is without road for any
practical purposes. Mr. Morrison is well supplied with waterbags and has
two ten gallon kegs which he would fill at the last known water on the
road.' (The Wilcannia Times, March 10, 1881:2).
Water on the route from Bourke to Mount Browne was more scarce than
on that from Wilcannia and early reports included several accounts of
people dying of thirst in attempting to use it. I have been unable to locate a
map or detailed description of the road followed, and certainly until the
1890s it does not seem to have been much-used after the initial rush.
4.1.3 Development of the Albert Goldfield
Map 6 shows the localities discussed below, in addition to those already
mentioned in respect to early development.
By April 1881 gold had been found at a number of other localities in the
general vicinity of Mount Poole and Mount Browne.· As the accompanying
map shows, these were generally north from Milparinka. The diggings at
Nuggetty and Easter Monday, between eighteen and twenty-five miles
north-east of Mount Poole were 'in a similar formation to those of Mount
Browne and Mount Poole, the gold being found in shallow gullies or on the
surface, the gold being coarse and of high quality' (Mines,1881:107).
Another alluvial digging was at Good Friday. Also by April 1881 a line of
reef had been opened up called the Pioneer. This was near Warratta
Creek, and other quartz-veins, named the Warratta and the Phoenix reefs
were found shortly after adjacent to the Pioneer. A further line of reef, the
Rosemount, was reported a half mile east of the Pioneer.
The Granite diggings, further north, were extensive, and comprised several
gullies and flats from which payable gold was recovered. The warden
reported in 1881 (Mines, 1881 :107) that the deepest sinking in the granite
formation was about ten feet and that 'scores of men are now engaged in
the tedious, unhealthy and defective system of dry blowing.. .' He reported
some to be making wages, but that most 'were only obtaining sufficient to
keep them in common necessaries until heavy rains fall.' These diggings
became the nucleus of Tibooburra, a township surveyed at the same time
as Milparinka in 1881. In May of 1881 a separate goldfield division was
formed to cover the Milparinka District, including Tibooburra, and Mr.
W.H.J. Slee was appointed Goldfield Warden. The Warden was based at
Milparinka which by year end was being classified as 'the principal
township on the Albert Goldfield' (Mines,1881:108).
Also by year end several of the twenty-five quartz claims near Warratta
Creek had been formed into public companies, with incorporation in
Adelaide and in Melbourne. The quartz veins were reported to show gold
freely in some instances, and water was struck eighty feet from the surface
at the Pioneer prospecting claim. However, even at this early stage the
Mining Warden warned that shortages of mining timber and firewood, and

the high cost of transporting materials and machinery would mean 'sound
economy and sound practical experience must be resorted to make these
so far promising quartz-veins payable ventures for those who invest capital
in them.' (Mines,1881:108)
A year later, by which time the Warratta Creek locality had become known
as 'The Reefs', the Warden again expressed the opinion that 'quartz
crushing on this field will meet with two very serious drawbacks, viz.,
scarcity of wood and water'. He also stated that although two of the three
companies which were active at 'The Reefs' had obtained delivery of
crushing machinery, two of these had yet to erect the same.
4.1.4 Establishment of Service Centres
Despite the shortage of water a rough township had formed at Mount
Browne in early March 1881, comprising four shanties, a general store, two
butcher's shops, a blacksmith, and a laundry. Flour cost 70/- a bag, tea 3/6
a pound, meat 6d per pound, sheep 16/- each.(The Wilcannia Times,
March 10, 1881:2). At much the same time a report in the Sydney Morning
Herald ( March 12, 1881) attributed to the Wilcannia Western Grazier
indicated that W.C.Palmer & Co of Wilcannia had despatched the first
teams well provided with rations.
When the water ran out at Mount Browne towards the end of March, the
population moved largely to a small waterhole about five miles to the north,
leaving only those who had 'conserved their water in iron tanks' on the
Mount Browne claims. The waterhole to which the population moved
contained only nine inches of water, and when that was exhausted a
further move took place, south-east from Mount Browne to the Gorge
waterhole. The Gorge waterhole also became exhausted within eight days,
and the population converged on Milparinka waterhole, which was then
seven feet deep.
There is no record of the number of stores or shantys present at Milparinka
waterhole in April 1881, although stores and shantys may have been
present by the end of March when the Age correspondent reported a
population of six hundred at Evelyn Creek. A book written primarily about
the White Cliffs opal field throws a little light on the subject, and the
records of the Commercial Banking Company of Sydney and other banks
also assist to a small extent.
In 'They Struck Opal" (Murphy, n.d.) in a chapter written about a visit to the
Mount Brown(e) field in 'early 1881' reference is made to Milparinka as 'a
small settlement of a few tents' at a time when 'there were over 1000
starving men on the field.' This, if the account is accurate, would date the
visit to around the same time as the visits by the Age and Sydney Morning
Herald correspondents, and although there is no certainty that the account
does not draw for detail upon those records and the Wilcannia Times,
sufficient corroborating information is provided to lend considerable
credence to Murphy's account.

By the time Mr. Warden King, who replaced Mr.Slee in February 1882,
prepared his report for the 1882 calendar year, Milparinka comprised 'a
population of about 100...three large and substantial stone hotels and one
built of iron, three mercantile establishments, one bank (Commercial
Banking Company), police office and courthouse, and Warden's office.' Mr.
Warden King also reported that Mount Browne was 'now nearly
abandoned, there being only one (town) allotment occupied' and
mentioned briefly a new township called Albert. At Albert, located adjacent
to the Warratta Creek quartz reefs, one store had been constructed. This
was owned by Bignal and Young, a South Australian firm. (Mines,1882:98)
The Warden's report for 1881 had noted Milparinka's location 'on high
ground on an open plain' and expressed the opinion that it would be
possible to 'secure a permanent supply of surface water' by the
construction of a dam below the township, following which 'Milparinka
would undoubtedly become a great depot in Central Australia' (Mines
1881:108). The same report noted that Tibooburra had no source of
reliable water, the Government well at fifty feet haVing struck only a little
brackish water. A year later the Warden reported the Government well at
Tibooburra had been abandoned, and another, about a mile from town had
struck a flow of good water, equal to about 100 gallons in twenty-four
hours. This, however, was an extremely meagre supply, and it was
necessary to augment it from tanks and 'a waterhole twenty-five miles
distant'.
4.1.5 Availability of Store and Supplies
Despite the presence of storekeepers at Mount Browne, Milparinka, Albert,
and further north at Tibooburra, shortages of supplies were a recurring
problem on the goldfield during the 1881 and 1882. In part this was due to
the difficulties inherent in traversing the route from Wilcannia to the
diggings, but also simply a result of the extreme isolation of the goldfield.
The large stores at Wilcannia, including W.C.Palmer & Co., and Cramsie
Bowden and Woodfall, sent teams laden with supplies to the goldfield
almost from the beginning. However, by mid-year in both 1881 and 1882
travel along the road from Wilcannia was not feasible for teams of either
horses or bullocks. As a result, the population on the Albert Goldfield, as
reported by the Warden was reduced to a diet consisting solely of mutton
and 'wild spinach'. Several reports survive of extreme actions taken by the
diggers in obtaining flour when it did arrive, but the most interesting
solution found to the difficulty of supply was the use of camels. Gerritsen
(n.d. p 26) suggests camels were first used in 1882, arriving at Milparinka
in April of that year, having been 'sent at the request of the New South
Wales Government, coming from Thomas Elder's Beltana run laden with
supplies from Farina and Port Augusta' 'to relieve the near famine

conditions.. .' However, the Australian Handbook for 1882 states (p178) in
respect to Milparinka:
'In June 1881 a camel troop, consisting of eleven camels laden with
stores and goods to a weight of three and a half tons came safely
overland from Beltana in South Australia to here.. '
As the 1882 Australian Handbook was published before the purported use
of camels in 1882 I suggest that, contrary to Gerrtisen's information,
camels were used in both 1881 and 1882.
The introduction of camels to replace horses and bullocks at least at some
times of the year was also mentioned in 1882 by the Warden, who
reported (Mines,1882:99):
'In the early part of this year provisions were getting very scarce, but
the timely arrival of a caravan of camels and two teams of camels
from South Australia afforded relief. About this time it was also
found necessary to convey the mails by camels, and the trip to
Wilcannia was performed once a fortnight...
Also in his 1882 report, the Warden (Mr. Warden King) stated 'The autumn
of this year was a very unhealthy period, and many deaths took place from
a fever of a typhoid character, and dysentery, and there were many cases
of scurvy and ophthalmia...It was found necessary to open temporary
hospitals at Milparinka and Tibooburra, and a camel waggon load of sick
men was sent away to Wilcannia, who all recovered their health...
The same report contains an acknowledgment of the contribution made by
the Chinese to overcoming the shortage of adequate food on the Albert
Goldfield. The acknowledgment, associated with the report quoted above
in respect to typhoid fever, was as follows:
"As the cool weather advanced the sickness disappeared... , and the
general health of the inhabitants is very good; this in some degree
may be attributable to the good supply of vegetables raised by the
Chinese gardeners and sold by them at reasonably remunerative
rates. About eight Chinamen are employed in two gardens; two are
employed as domestic servants, and one is a carpenter, and this
(11) numbers the whole of the Chinese population here."
(Mines, 1882:99)
Considering that a year earlier The Wilcannia Times had carried an article
stating that 'The diggers appear determined to prevent if possible
Chinamen from participating in the rush (and that) one mongolian's life has
been threatened and he has had to clear out.'(The Wilcannia Times, March
5, 1881:2) this is a remarkable acknowledgment of the part played by the
Chinese in developing the goldfield. The acknowledgment is also
significant as in his 1881 annual report the Warden had suggested

'Successful agriculture I am afraid could never be carried on
here.'(Mines, 1881: 108)
After the first two years the demography of the Albert Goldfield settled into
the general pattern which it would retain for the next forty or so years. At
the end of 1882 Milparinka was the major centre, closely pursued in this
claim by Tibooburra. Mount Browne was a struggling community, without
any basis for its existence apart from sporadic bursts of alluvial mining
activity. Albert, at the 'Reefs' was also a struggling community, and a
locality which was abandoned before the turn of the Century. For the
purposes of this research only incidental attention will be directed to events
after 1882 within communities other than Milparinka and Mount Browne, as
these, although no doubt on the periphery of happenings at Milparinka,
have little bearing upon the subject of my research.

Chapter 5 M1LPARINKA TOWNSHIP COMMERCE AND SERVICES
5.0. Introduction
This chapter commences by tracing the history of selected commercial
enterprises at Milparinka until approximately 1916. That history is followed
by a discussion of the water supply, the town common, and the history of
attempts to establish or maintain selected community facilities, and then by
a review of the role of the New South Wales police and post office. By
1916 the township had been established for thirty-five years. In the interim
the Commonwealth of Australia had been established, removing many of
the controls over trade between the former colonies of New South Wales,
South Australia and Queensland. The mining city of Broken Hill had also
become established, linked by rail with Adelaide and eclipsing Wilcannia
as a transhipment centre, and the advent of motor cars and lorries had
commenced the process of eliminating the coaching networks and their
associated infrastructure. I am satisfied these factors all had a bearing
upon the ultimate fate of Milparinka, but that for my purposes their impact
was in the future. Also of significance by 1916 was the impact of World
War I, but again the loss of manpower and the inability of the community to
attract replacement labour had not yet realised its full effect.
On the basis of the information presented I will suggest that the business
climate at Milparinka was unstable from the start, perhaps typical of a
goldfield township, and that rivalries within the community produced
divisions which exacerbated the situation. The problems of water supply
which had been instrumental in the establishment of Milparinka continued
throughout, with a significant part of the water supply and the supply of
vegetables and fruit in the hands of the Chinese who are central to my
research. I will develop my discussion of their monopolies in a later
chapter.
By 1916 the town was already in decline for reasons other than the
technological and social changes which were about to seal its fate. My
research into the transport infrastructure suggests that a charabanc
replaced coaches on the routes connecting Milparinka with the rail head at
Cobar in 1916, and because of the potential for change which this
represented 1916 appears to be a turning point from which Milparinka was
incapable of recovery. Accordingly I have chosen 1916 as an appropriate
point at which to terminate this particular research.
Map 7 shows the location of various structures identified in the following
paragraphs. It is overlaid on a part of the surveyed plan of the town, as
means of appreciating the extent of development. Other structures shown
on the map were identified from oral history sources and from a survey of
the township site completed in 1988 and 1989. Since that survey
considerable change has been inflicted by the construction of a kangarooshooter's
camp, various "restoration" projects and the effects of increasing
tourist numbers.

5.0.1 Overview of Early Development
The business community at Milparinka consisted of three or four general
stores, three or four hotels, and a number of smaller enterprises, but
changes to ownership, business failures and restructuring gives the
impression of a much larger town. Supporting the business community for
most of the history being considered by my research were perhaps fifty
other town residents, people from surrounding stations, shearers, miners
at Mount Browne, Bendigo, and Warratta, government officials, and
through passengers on the stage coaches.
The records of the New South Wales Post Office prOVide the first
indication of permanent structures at Milparinka. These date from 7 June
1881 when John Mclndoe wrote seeking appointment as postmaster, and
stated that he was 'in occupation of the only substantial premises on the
goldfield' (NSWP02). The same records indicate (27 June 1881), that
there were 'three stores, and one stone building for a public house' at
Milparinka. There is no firm record as to the location of these.
The township was surveyed in early 1883, and with the first sale of
allotments in October 1883 formal records of town land ownership were
created (NSWRG1). A summary of recorded land dealings from 1883 to
1983 forms Appendix C, while the grandiose town plan which resulted from
the survey forms Map 8.
5.1 General Storekeepers
5.1.1 Initial Storekeepers
The names of several storekeepers associated with Milparinka have been
identified, but ownership of the earliest stores at Milparinka is not clear.
Murphy refers to Cramsie Bowden & Co., and the records of the
Commercial Banking Company suggest WaIter Sully, who had an account
with their Wilcannia Branch between September and December 1881, was
then also a storekeeper at Milparinka (NAB2).
In a recent book on the life of Sidney Kidman (Bowen,1987), it is
suggested that Kidman set up the first store at Tibooburra, making
repeated trips with provisions from Wilcannia. In connection with this store
Kidman recalled:
"The place was desperate for water but there was a place known as
Chinaman's Well which was of great benefit at the height of the Mount
Browne gold boom. Everyone lived on that water. It was a wonderful well
around which Chinese gardeners had about an acre and a half under
vegetables which they sold to the diggers." (Bowen, 1987:36)

But everyone did not live around Chinaman's Well, and the Mount Browne
boom was quite a way from Tibooburra. In fact very few people lived at
Chinaman's Well, and those who did were probably Chinese rather than
the European diggers. Kidman did have significant involvement with both
Tibooburra and Milparinka in later years and at one stage was the owner of
the pastoral lease upon which Chinaman's Well is located. By that time the
Chinese had probably been forced to abandon the site as the well was an
integral part of Mount Poole Station.
I will discuss later the possibility of a number of structures at Chinaman's
Well, at which time some reasons for the statement attributed to Kidman
may become apparent. Meanwhile, if as Bowen suggests, Kidman
recognised 'the benefits of getting in early on any new burst of activity in
the outback' (Bowen, 1987:35) he was probably an early storekeeper at
Milparinka. Additional evidence for this proposition is put forward at
paragraph 5.3.
Turning to a more general comment on the ownership of stores at
Milparinka, the results of my research suggest independent storekeepers
at Milparinka may have operated under the name of their principal supplier,
giving the impression that the business was a branch of an organisation
well established elsewhere when in fact the relationship was something
less. This would explain discrepancies in the chronology of Cramsie
Bowden and Woodfa 11, and of W. C. Palmer & Co. These firms, and their
successors, represent two of the four stores identified as having operated
in the town. Current oral history has suggested a quite large township at
Milparinka, with seven thousand persons being proposed as the number of
inhabitants. The outcome of my research suggests a peak popUlation of
seven or eight hundred persons for a two week period in 1881, and a peak
population for the whole goldfield of three thousand persons. For most of
its history Milparinka had perhaps one hundred or one hundred and fifty
residents, and the number of business enterprises identified is supportive
of such a number.
5.1.2 Cramsie Bowden and WoodfalllThomas Wakefield Chambers
Early in 1881 The Wilcannia Times reported that Messrs Cramsie Bowden
and Woodfall, general storekeepers of Wilcannia, had engaged Thomas
Wakefield Chambers as manager for the firm (Wilcannia Times, February
24,1881). Mr. Chambers had been secretary of the Deniliquin & Moama
Railway Company. At much the same time Murphy (nd:63) indicates that
'Cramsie Bowden' established a two-roomed iron store at Milparinka. Other
records suggest the store was present prior to June 1881, and Post Office
records (NSWP02) state that a branch of the store, managed by Alfred
Aldworth, operated at Milparinka in January 1882.
In 1883 the composition of Cramsie Bowden and Woodfall at Wilcannia
changed and Thomas Wakefield Chambers became a partner in the firm's
successor, Woodfall Swanson and Chambers.(NAB2). Chambers was

described by his bank manager as very shrewd and trusted in business
(NAB3,Folio 245, 20 August 1883). But during 1883 and 1884 the levels of
the Darling River were too low for paddle-steamers to reach Wilcannia.
Woodfall Swanson and Chambers experienced long delays in obtaining
delivery of merchandise for which they had already paid and in
consequence accumulated large debts.
The firm 'made a preliminary assignment of their estate to ... Beath
Schiess and Company of Melbourne' in early February 1885 (NAB3, Folio
47, 10 February, 1885), giving as reasons the death of Mr. Swanson and
the refusal of Cramsie Bowden & Company, who then had stores at
Balranald, Hay and Melbourne, to continue with guarantees of their current
liabilities. Woodfall Swanson and Chambers owed the Commercial
Banking Company of Sydney more than £18,000/0/0.
The fate of Woodfall Swanson and Chambers is a clear demonstration of
the relationship between Wilcannia firms and Milparinka, and of the impact
which low water in the Darling River had upon the infrastructure of western
New South Wales. The firm had invested significant resources in stOCk,
presumably on account of the gold discoveries at Mount Browne. Their
inability to take delivery destroyed the firm.
Although Woodfall Swanson and Chambers did not buy land at Milparinka,
Portions 11 to 14, and Section 2 Lot 10 were granted to Alfred Aldworth,
the firm's Milparinka manager, on 9 May and 16 October 1884
respectively. These purchases may have been made on behalf of Woodfall
Swanson and Chambers.
To add to the confusion Section 2 Lot 8 was granted to Cramsie Bowden
and Woodfall (the original Wilcannia firm) on March 23, 1885. The
purchase post-dates the making of arrangements by Woodfall Swanson
and Chambers with Beath Schiess and Company. There is no record of a
subsequent transfer of title, but the land became the site of a residence
occupied by Thomas Chambers, the site of an office where commonage
was paid to Mr. Chambers, and the location of a printing press which is
discussed below (Nel Barlow, personal communication, 1988).
Another town block, Section 7 Lot 3, was acquired by Thomas Chambers
in September 1887 from Samuel Penrose, and transferred to Catherine
Penrose, the local midwife, in November 1920. The latter transfer took
place subsequent to Mr. Chamber's death in 1918, and a further transfer
('by transmission') was made in 1921, when the land became controlled by
Kate Fannie Chambers. Finally in June 1929 a transfer into the name of
Evelyn Spencer Smith took place. A house on that block was then
occupied by the Smith family, one of whom was Nel Barlow (Nel Barlow,
personal communication, 1988).
There is no indication that Chambers ever occupied Section 7 Lot 3. Thus
his home, and the commercial premises of Cramsie Bowden and Woodfall,
were most likely always on Section 2 Lot 8, some distance away.

In May 1885, Thomas Chambers was appointed Postmaster at Milparinka.
Post Office records state he was then manager for Woodfall Swanson and
Chambers in the town, which indicates the firm continued to trade despite
the preliminary assignment already mentioned. Although the Post Office
records indicate the appointment as postmaster continued uninterrupted
until May 1890, the Tibooburra Police Charge and Summons Book
suggests Thomas Chambers was in business at Warri Warri, just south of
the Queensland border for some of this period. The police record indicates
he was charged (and subsequently acquitted) with illegally selling liquor at
Warri Warri on September 2, 1886 (NSWPD2). Earlier in 1886 Chambers
was found guilty of illegally selling liquor and fined £30/0/0, but the record
does not state where this offence took place. Another source (Gerritsen,
1980:39) states that the Collector of Customs at Wompah 'reported to his
head office in Brisbane ... that Mr. Chambers had erected a store at Warri
Warri'. By 1890, however, the hotel and the store at Warri Warri were
owned by J.T.Rogan and Hugh Bell respectively (Tibooburra Telegraph, 13
May 1890: 1), and Thomas Chambers was again a resident of Milparinka.
He had applied for a special goldmining lease at Mount Browne
(Tibooburra Telegraph 3 June 1890:3), and was secretary to the Milparinka
Progress Committee.
The Milparinka Licensing Court approved the transfer of Thomas
Chamber's wine and spirit merchant's license to Ernest C. Chambers, a
son of Thomas (Tibooburra Telegraph, September 23, 1890:2). Ernest
Chambers continued as General storekeeper, wine and spirit merchant in
Loftus Street, Milparinka until at least January 27, 1891 (Tibooburra
Telegraph, 27 January, 1891), but by June 2, 1893 he had relinquished the
wine and spirit merchant's license, advertising simply as E.C. Chambers ­
general storekeeper (Sturt Recorder, June 2, 1893). At the last-mentioned
date he was withdrawing from business in the town ... 'E.C. Chambers
begs to announce to his numerous friends and patrons that he is positively
giving up business and selling off his varied stock at prices far below
cost. ..' The advertisement incorporated long list of items for sale which has
been extracted to form Appendix D.
According to one source (NSWDE1) Ernest Chambers left Milparinka in
1883 for Coolgardie. If so he returned prior to January 1897 and continued
to live in Milparinka and to be involved in community activities (Sturt
Recorder, Jan 8, 1897). Thomas Wakefield Chambers became an
'Auctioneer, Stock and Station and General Commission Agent' and the
District Registrar and proprietor of The Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra and
Mount Browne Advertiser. Alfred Leigh Chambers, youngest son of
Thomas, continued as general storekeeper and butcher at Mount Browne,
until his early death in 1897 (Sturt Recorder, March 19, 1897:3). The store
at Mount Browne was then sold, probably to the Kershaw family. Alfred
Chambers was buried in Milparinka Cemetery. Thomas Chambers died in
1918, but some doubt exists as to the location of his grave. There is,
however, now a headstone bearing his name in Milparinka Cemetery. In

1985 that headstone was lying on the ground in the vicinity of his last
residence in Milparinka.
The store opened by Cramsie Bowden and Company at Milparinka in 1881
could be considered to have ceased trading with the closure of E.C.
Chamber's store in 1893. But, as discussed below, it could also be
considered to have been transformed into the extensive storekeeping
business of William Baker.
5.1.3 William Baker
Baker's Store is shown in the background of Photograph 1 . The
photograph was taken in the early years of the 20th century, by which time
Milparinka was very clearly in decline.
William Baker appears to have been a somewhat controversial figure. The
records of the New South Wales Post Office indicate he was married to 'an
indian woman'(NSWPO), which was confirmed by Nel Barlow (personal
communication, 1988). He advertised lavishly in early issues of the Sturt
Recorder, and diversified his business interests with varying degrees of
success. An early diversifications was into pig-keeping, leading him to a
court appearance on Wednesday May 7, 1890. He was fined five shillings
with four and ten pence costs for allowing pigs to stray (Tibooburra
Telegraph, May 13, 1890:2). The experience perhaps influenced his later
efforts as in the first issue of the Sturt Recorder he was advertised:
'William Baker, Butcher, Milparinka - supplies first class meat at lowest
possible prices. Cart visits the surrounding neighbourhood three times a
week'(Sturt Recorder, June 2, 1893: 1).
The advertisement was surmounted by a picture of a pig.
Shortly after Ernest Chambers announced his withdrawal from business it
was reported that 'Mr. William Baker, who has been the lessee of the
Albert Hotel for some years past, has relinquished the hotel-keeping
business and we understand he now intends to embark in the business of
butcher and storekeeper' (Sturt Recorder, May 11, 1894:3). The possibility
exists that the business given up by Edward Chambers was acquired by
William Baker. The large advertisements which appeared in the Sturt
Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount Browne Advertiser may have been part of
the sale arrangements.
William Baker made news again in 1893, when the following item appeared
in the Sturt Recorder:
'Improvements at Milparinka
'We have not had many improvements to the town to chronicle of as late
and it is therefore all the more pleasure to notice one now going on in

Loftus Street just opposite the store of Mr. AC. Geyer, on the property
belonging to Mr. William Baker.
'An excavation has been made to admit of a spacious apartment being
built of stone that will be thirty feet by twenty feet, and ten foot walls, There
will also be two rooms above to correspond with those on the same
allotment, so that the whole frontage to the street will be built upon.
'This underground apartment should be a very pleasant resort in the heat
of summer. The temperature of such a place is likely to be 25 degrees less
than most buildings in the town.' (Sturt Recorder, December 8, 1893:2)
The structure extended by the cellar became a focus of the town, well
remembered by both my informants, and the cellar built in 1893 remains a
major feature in the ruins of Milparinka. Photograph 2 is of the cellar
excavation, taken in 1988. For a few years William Baker's store
advertisements occupied half the front page of the Sturt Recorder. In April
1895 it ran as follows: .
lfWilliam Baker, General Storekeeper, Wine and Spirit Merchant,
Milparinka, begs to announce that he has completed his new premises in
Loftus Street where he intends to offer his customers the very best goods
at the very lowest prices on prompt cash terms. Station requirements
always on hand at cost price, carriage added. W. B. invites inspection of his
large and various stock of groceries wines and spirits. Special attention is
directed to the first arrival of summer drapery, consisting of etc., novelties
in new stuff and cotton dress goods, fancy dress muslins, crimped zephyrs,
galatea stripes, print, blouse spots, self-coloured crepons, plain and fancy
cotton drills, calicoes, sheeting, towelling, and every description of
household linen. Ladies and gentleman's boots and shoes in great variety
and of the best quality. Menswear of every description. The best assorted
stock of haberdashery in the back country. Millinery and dress-making a
specialty, and this department will be under the superintendence of Miss
Baker. Popular and fashionable lines in straws laces and ribbons. W.B.
Wishes to impress upon his numerous friends and the general public that
his present season's importations have been purchased for cash and will
be sold at such prices that defy competition.'
The advertisement continued on page one of the Sturt Recorder until July
16, 1898, and other small mentions were made from time to time of Wilfiam
Baker's enterprise ...'Fruit and other luxuries for Christmas - try Baker's
shilling stall - there never was the like in Milparinka' (Sturt Recorder, 25
December 1897:2).
Although advertising that his terms were 'cash', Baker certainly conducted
some business on credit, and incurred occasional bad debts. On one
occasion a claim of £26/3/10 for goods sold and delivered was reported as
follows 'the defendant said he did not object to the amount claimed but he
offered a dam in payment which was refused. The dam was worth about
three times the amount of his debt. I Upon questioning, the defendant

stated he had no assets, as 'the horses and dray belonged to the missus'
(Sturt Recorder March 12, 1897:2)
Goods intended for Baker's store were delivered either by rail to Bourke or
by paddle steamer to Wilcannia. Carriage by the latter route was much
cheaper but far less reliable. Oncarriage from Bourke or Wilcannia was
bullock dray, camel waggon or camel train (The Sturt Recorder 7 February
1896).
A little more than four years after the Sturt Recorder had announced
William Baker was entering into business as a storekeeper, the newspaper
ceased to carry his front page advertisement (Sturt Recorder, July
16,1898: 1). There may have been an economic reason for this as the Sturt
Recorder some months later reported 'This week Mr. William Baker,
storekeeper of this town received via Wilcannia nine tons of supplies which
left Sydney on the 12th of March last - just eight months ago. The cause of
the delay was that the boat in which they were shipped arrived about
ninety miles short of Wilcannia and had to wait for the next rise in the
Darling River'. (Sturt Recorder, November 19, 1898:2).
William Baker continued to trade well into the 20th Century, dances and
socials in his business premises being clearly remembered by both Nel
Baker and Nel Barlow. Both said the dances ceased during the First World
War, when most of the town's 'eligible young men' enlisted.
5.1.4 w.e. Palmer & Co.
W.C. Palmer had originally been another partner in Cramsie Bowden and
Company at Wilcannia, selling out in 1880 to start his own general
store(NAB3). A branch of the firm was established at Milparinka, and in
July 1881 Thomas Ottaway, a storekeeper in their employ, was appointed
postmaster (NSWP02). In January 1882 however the role of postmaster
was transferred to Alfred Aldworth, manager for Cramsie Bowden &
Company.
Ottaway, like Aldworth, acquired land in the town, being granted Section 2
Lot 4 on November 10, 1884.
However, in February 1884 the Commercial Banking Company at
Wilcannia had appointed trustees to manage the affairs of W.e.Palmer &
Co (NAB4, folio 343, 1 February 1884), subsequently letting their
Wilcannia premises to Messrs. Lush & Company, of Melbourne. The
appointment of trustees was precipitated in part by the firm having 94 tons
of goods valued at £7,500/0/0 on a paddle steamer stranded by low water
a hundred miles downstream of Wilcannia. The goods had been there
since September 1881 (NAB4, folio 3,21 July, 1882).
w.e. Palmer & Co. ceased trading at Wilcannia in June 1884 (NAB4, folio
446, 20 June 1884). In January 1885 title to Section 2 Lot 4 at Milparinka
was transferred from Ottaway to Joseph Waiter Lush. On December 15,

1884, the adjoining block (Section 2 Lot 5) had been granted to Lush.
However, in October 1885 Lush transferred Section 2 Lot 5 to W.C.
Palmer (NSWRG1).
The above land transfers suggest an ongoing commercial relationship
between Lush, Palmer, and Ottaway. To further support this proposition,
between 1878 and at least 1883 Lush was a storekeeper at Wanaaring
and owner of Beryawynia Station (NAB2). The Commercial Banking
Company discounted at least two promissory notes made by Lush to W.C.
Palmer & Company (NAB4, folio 84, 17 October 1882), and as Wanaaring
was on an alternate route to Milparinka Palmer and Lush may have had a
common interest in the store managed by Ottaway at Milparinka.
The land transferred from Ottaway to Lush in 1885, together with that
acquired by Lush and subsequently transferred to Palmer has been
indicated as the site of 'Cocky's Store'(Nel Baker, Nel Barlow personal
communication 1988, sketch map attributed to Hugh O'Connor 1985). The
first block was mortgaged by Lush to the Mercantile Bank of Australia
between December 1887 and March 1899, after which it was transferred to
Robert Blake Whittaker, a gentleman of Brighton, Victoria (NSWRG1). The
second was mortgaged by Palmer to the City of Melbourne Bank in 1886,
and also subsequently transferred to Whittaker. Both transfers to
Whittaker took place in 1899.
Four months after the transfer of Section 2 Lot 4 to Lush a new
advertisement appeared in the Sturt Recorder:
liTom Gox, Baker, Pastrycook and Confectioner, Milparinka, begs to
announce he has opened his new premises in Loftus Street, next door to
Bigmore's Billiard Saloon and intends to supply the best of bread at five
pence to the two pound loaf.
"His coffee and ham and eggs at 2/6 per meal is a specialty. Also coffee
and cake sixpence. Really Good.
"Sponge Cake, Brandy Snaps, Lemon Cakes, Ginger Bread, Jam Rolls,
Biscuits etc.etc. RegUlar Supplies of Fresh Fruit."
(Sturt Recorder, Friday 31 May 1895:3)
There is no doubt that Tom Gox and 'Cocky the Chinaman' were the same
person, the connection being confirmed by the following item from the Sturt
Recorder:
"The Price of Bread. Tom Gox ('Cocky'), baker etc. of Loftus Street,
announces that on and after this day, (Friday), the price per two pound loaf
will be sixpence."
(Sturt Recorder, Friday 20 September, 1895)

'Cocky's Store' was remembered by both of my informants, although
unfortunately they could only remember that he sold 'lollies'. Nel Barlow,
the older of my informants advised that Cocky was a 'fairly old Chinaman',
and that he was 'a fairly fat sort of a Chinaman'. She had no idea where his
nickname originated, but suggested he alone operated the store.. .'he
seemed to be always asleep. You'd go to the shop and you'd have to ring
this bell and make a terrible noise before he'd come out. ..We used to go
there for lollies and he'd come sauntering out - boiled lollies and
peppermints and that. ..' (Nel Barlow, personal communication, 1988). Nel
Barlow stated that the store was built of corrugated iron.
There is no record of when 'Cocky' ceased to trade. The records of the
Commonwealth Postmaster General (NSWP02) indicate that one of the
two stores in Milparinka was operated by a chinaman in October 1912, and
for 'Cocky' to be remembered by both Nel Baker and Nel Barlow his
business must have continued until the younger was at least three or four
years old - around 1913 or the commencement of World War 1. However,
the arrangement under which he conducted his business appears to have
altered in 1895, when the name of Loong, Loy & Co. replaced that of Tom
Gox at the head of the newspaper advertisements (Sturt Recorder,
November 1,1895:1).
The corrugated iron structure which was W. C. Palmer's, and then Cocky's
Store was removed to Mokerley Tank during the 1920s to become the
Blore's family home (personal communications Kuerschner, 1989; Blore
1986).
5.1.5 C.F.H. Heuzenroder
Carl Ferdinand Hugo Heuzenroder was also a general storekeeper in
Milparinka, probably from 1881 (NAB1). Photograph 3, taken of his
premises in the mid-1880s suggests the nature of goods sold at the time
by Heuzenroder, and bears the names of some of the people who posed
outside the store.
In early December 1890 'two men... were injured by an explosion of
gunpowder in Mr. Heuzenroder's store' (Tibooburra Telegraph, 2
December, 1890:3) but 'progressed rapidly under Mr. Given's care'. Harry
Given was a pharmacist, who is discussed later.
In 1883 Heuzenroder's store was probably located on Section 7,
Allotments 1 and 2, registered in Heuzenroder's name on 9 May 1884.
However, he may have moved into new premises on Section 2, Allotments
1 and 2 some time before 1890. Section 2 Allotment 2 had been registered
in Carl Heuzenroder's name on 19 December 1884, while his brother,
Selmar, was the registered first owner of Section 2 Lot 1, on 23 March
1885. The latter allotment was transferred to Carl in June 1886.

All the Heuzenroder holdings were transferred to August Christian Geyer in
February 1892 (NSWRG1), who continued as a general storekeeper (Sturt
Recorder, 2 June 1893: 1) and subsequently to Alfred Bigmore on January
31, 1898 (NSWRG1). That Geyer's store was located opposite the site
where William Baker excavated a cellar in December 1893 (see para 5.1.3
above) suggests a move of Heuzenroder's store to Section 2 Allotments 1
and 2 prior to that date.
5.1.6 Alfred Bigmore
The name of Alfred Bigmore is first positively connected with Milparinka on
9 May 1884, when he is described as a storekeeper purchasing Section 1
Lots 13 and 14, Section 2 Lot 11, and Section 8 Lot 24. Later he
purchased Section 8 Lot 11 (12 June 1885) and Section 2 Lot 6 (23 April
1887). His surname, however, is recorded in a bullion register in 1882, and
it is probable that he arrived in the town very early in its' history. According
to oral history Bigmore occupied a store and premises located around
1914 on the first blocks he purchased, but there is little record of his
business. In the first issue of Thomas Chamber's newspaper he advertised
'Milparinka Cash Store - groceries etc. at lowest prices.' (Sturt Recorder, 2
June 1893:1). Later in 1893 the Miscellaneous Information section of the
Sturt Recorder indicated that he also operated the 'Milparinka
Ubrary... Subscriptions 10/- per annum or 3/- per quarter' (Sturt Recorder,
June 2nd, 1893). The library had been in operation at least from 1890, as
an early edition of the Tibooburra Telegraph made mention of it
(Tibooburra Telegraph, June 24, 1890:2).
Alfred Bigmore was not a regular advertiser in the local papers, nor does
he feature in many news jottings. His name is generally absent from formal
records such as those created by the police, but he was active in the
commercial and community activities of the town at least until the late
1890s. In May 1896 "Bigmore's Billiard Saloon" was next door to the
bakery operated by Tom Gox, and an article on December 25, 1896
mentioned a sale of goods being held in his 'new bUilding' in support of a
hall building fund (Sturt Recorder, December 25, 1896:3). His new building
may have been constructed to accommodate the billiard saloon.
Mr. Bigmore was said by Nel Barlow to have been a skilled builder of dry
stone walls, and certainly two of the properties acquired by him retain
remnants of these. He was perhaps also a skilled stonemason.
He died at Milparinka some time prior to 1914, this date being estimated
from the facts that his death is remembered by my informant who was born
in 1900; occurred while she was still at school; and that she left school at
the age of fourteen years. Although probably buried in Milparinka Cemetery
his grave is unmarked. Oral history from Nel Barlow described him as an
Englishman, who had a shop, with a cottage on the northern side.
According to Nel he was unmarried, and upon his death 'they found
sovereigns everywhere and we all rushed out of school but we were too

late - they'd all got in before us for the sovereigns... he had it under the
floor and everywhere, all these sovereigns.'( Nel Barlow, personal
communication, 1988)
His property passed into the hands of the Public Trustee in February 1916.
Section 2 Allotment 1 was transferred to Frederick Blore Jnr. while Section
2 Allotment 2 was acquired by George Blore, then described as a grazier,
Section 2 Lot 6 became the property of Albert McClure. His property at
Section 8 Allotment 6 was also acquired by George Blore, but there is no
record of subsequent dealings in his other town holdings. Bigmore's 'new
building' possibly became the hall remembered by my informants and
discussed at para 5.7.
5.2 Hotels
5.2.1 The Royal Hotel
The Royal Hotel was located on Portion 4, a two-acre suburban block
within the town boundaries, and was the stone public house mentioned in
New South Wales Post Office correspondence dating from 1882
(NSWP02).
The Sturt Recorder, as stated in Chapter 2, indicates the hotel was built by
'Mr. McBryde of Mount Poole Station for the benefit of travellers'(Sturt
Recorder, Jan 10, 1896:3). The land upon which it was built was
purchased by Duncan Elphinstone McBryde on September 22, 1884
(NSWRG Vol 720 Fol 172). McBryde was the owner of Mount Poole
Station and may have done the 'hoop-la business' also mentioned in
Chapter 2. However, on August 15, 1885 the land upon which the Royal
Hotel stood was transferred to Matthew Lang and Alexander Scott of
Melbourne, wine merchants (NSWRG). It remained registered in their
names until March 16, 1896 when, with the death of Matthew Lang, it was
transferred to William Baker.
The Sturt Recorder chronicled the ascendancy of William Baker to
ownership of The Royal Hotel with the following:
'The Royal Hotel
This property has been purchased by Mr. William Baker for four hundred
pounds cash and a complete renovation of the premises, with new stables
and yards at the rear will immediately be commenced...
...This act of the property having fallen into the hands of Mr. William Baker
is a sufficient guarantee that this old and commodious hostelry will for the
future be conducted in a style to ensure the return of the business that the
house commanded in former times.' (Sturt Recorder, January 10,1896:3)

Just over five years before the purchase Baker had advertised as
proprietor of the Royal Hotel, indicated 'only the best brands of wines and
spirits, good accommodation and civility. Excellent stabling, horse feed
always in stock. Simm's sparkling ale constantly on draught. Best billiard
table in the district on the premises' (Tibooburra Telegraph, December 9,
1890:3)
Baker's Royal Hotel was the scene of at least some social occasions. One
of these took place on Christmas night, 1890, and was reported by the
Tibooburra Telegraph as follows:
'On Christmas night a dance took place at Mr. W. Baker's Royal Hotel,
Milparinka. The attendance was good, the fair sex mustering in strong
force. At about twelve midnight the host and hostess provided an excellent
repast, which was thoroughly enjoyed by all present. The party broke up
during the wee smaa hours ayent the twal, all seeming to have a good
time. There were some very pretty dresses worn. All looked so nice it
would be invidious to say which was 'the belle" (Tibooburra Telegraph,
December 23, 1890 [issued December 30, 1890]:2).
It seems, however, that between 1890 and 1896 the Royal was leased or
managed by a number of others. One of these, George Blore was in
possession at the time of the first issue of the Sturt Recorder on Friday
June 2, 1893, advertising simply 'Best Brands of liquors kept. Good
Accommodation'. Less than six months later Neil McLean (Sturt Recorder,
January 19, 1894:1) begged respectfully to announce 'that he has taken
that well known hostelry...where he will be glad to welcome all his old
friends.' A little later the Licensing Inspector claimed the hotel required
another bedroom before it complied with the requirements of the Licensing
Act, and the Police complained the stables wanted repairing. McLean was
given six months to remedy the situation. (Sturt Recorder, July 13, 1894:2)
William Baker, as mentioned above, became owner of the hotel within a
year.
By late 1897 the Royal Hotel was managed by Mr. Edward Baker, probably
related to William (Sturt Recorder, December 25, 1897:2). Edward Baker
was granted a renewal of his publican's license without a murmur at the
sitting of the Milparinka Licensing Court in January 1898 (Sturt Recorder,
January 8,1898:2). Edward Baker was also granted his application for a
pUblican's booth at the Milparinka Racecourse on December 26 and 27,
1898, but in January 1899 retired on account of ill health. The license for
the Royal Hotel was transferred to his brother, Jerimiah (Sturt Recorder,
28 January 1899:2).
From 1896 when William Baker purchased it, the Royal Hotel was the
accepted venue for town meetings, whether to discuss the presence of
camels on the town common, the prospects of mines being developed at
Warratta, or the possibility of a town hall and cottage hospital. Prior to
1896 these meetings had been held at the Royal Standard Hotel, and the

easons for the change of venue can be found in the history of the latter
establishment, discussed at 5.2.3.
5.2.2 The Albert Hotel
The Albert Hotel probably dates from March 1882, when a publican's
license was granted to Patrick Frances Kenny for a public house called the
Albert. The nucleus of the present structure probably also dates from that
period, as Post Office records from 1882 refer to the presence of three
stone and one iron hotel in the town. On December 27, 1882 the publican's
license for the Albert was transferred to Samuel Penrose, but the site of
the hotel, which is on Section 2 Lot 7 was granted to George Blore on
December 8, 1885 (NSWRG1). Photograph 4 shows The Albert Hotel
probably at the time Penrose was licensee. Blore may have incorporated
the site of an early corrugated iron hotel structure into the extended stone
Albert Hotel. In 1890 the land was still in the possession of George Blore,
who in that year was making some improvements. The Tibooburra
Telegraph (November 4, 1890:3) reported these as follows:
'Go It George
'At the rear of the A1bert Hotel, Milparinka a stone building is being erected
which upon enquiry we find is intended to accommodate race horses for
the coming meeting. The building, when completed, will comprise four
spacious horse boxes and a loft overhead for horse feed. The Christmas
meeting of the Milparinka Turf Club takes place at the Milparinka
Racecourse on Friday and Saturday 26th and 27th of December next.
Good prizes are offered and those hearsay men owning nags that are fleet
of foot should peruse the Club's advertisement appearing elsewhere, when
no doubt many will be well repaid for so doing.'
By June 1893 William Baker was proprietor of the Albert, with 'good
accommodation for visitors, first class billiard table, best brands only of
wines, ales, spirits, cigars etc., good stabling and loose boxes - horse feed
always on hand.' (Sturt Recorder, June 2, 1893:1).
Baker appeared in court charged with retailing from licensed premises and
six months later sold his interest to 'Mr. Robert Kelly, erstwhile of Messrs
Cobb and Co's Telegraph Line of Coaches' and 'embarked', as already
mentioned, 'in the business of storekeeping and butchering' (Sturt
Recorder, May 11, 1894:2). Robert Kelly added 'good paddock
accommodation' to the claimed attributes of the Albert Hotel(Sturt
Recorder, April 5, 1895:2).
Kelly did not abandon his coaching associations, taking up the business of
agent for the mail coaches upon the resignation of Selmar Heuzenroder in
August 1895 (Sturt Recorder, August 16,1895). The agency for Kidman
and Nicholas (Cobb and Co.) Coaches, who were also the mail
contractors, remained with the Albert and may have contributed to the

hotel's survival. Robert Kelly, however, transferred his publican's license
and his billiard license to Thomas Hill and became licensee of the Coally
Hotel (Sturt Recorder, June 18, 1897:3).
With the departure of Robert Kelly the Albert went through a period of
attention from the police. Senior Constable Wood, "on oath", said 'On
Sunday afternoon last I saw eight or ten men congregated around two men
who were fighting in the Albert Hotel yard... ' The accused, John Adams, a
miner from Mount Browne, thought Senior Constable Wood was only
joking when arrested for riotous behaviour in a public place ... 'The bench
fined Adams five shillings or two days in the lock-up and cautioned him
against repeating the offence and especially in refusing to give his name
when asked'(Sturt Recorder, July 30, 1897:2).
In October 1897 Senior Constable Wood again brought attention to the
licensee of the Albert Hotel when he charged Hill with selling liquor at
prohibited hours. Hill explained that he had, while serving three men who
he thought were travellers, suddenly found a cheque which he had lost.
'Several men who were in the billiard room heard me say that I had found
the cheque and I asked them to have a drink but I took no money for it. ..
The Court fined the defendant 20/- with costs of court.' Hill was also
charged with 'serving Tommy Thomson, an aboriginal native of Australia,
with drink on 20th September last' and in defence stated 'He is not an
Aboriginal. I did not know there was any harm as he is a Victorian
blackfellow... The Court fined the defendant two pounds with costs, and
the bench remarked that two pounds was the lowest penalty that could be
inflicted and warned the offender against being convicted a third time
under the Act, as he would then be liable to have his license cancelled'
(Sturt Recorder, October 16, 1897:2).
On another occasion the hotel's yardman, George Wade, was accused of
stealing a coat, a watch and two bottles of whisky from Benjamin Bradford,
a boundary rider from Cobham. The coat and watch had been left on the
hotel yard fence, while the two bottles of whisky were in a saddle-bag.
George Wade spent fourteen days in the Milparinka lockup (Sturt
Recorder, December 4, 1897).
However, the Albert Hotel was considered an appropriate venue for the
marriage 'of Mr. Harry Lord Garriques to Margaret Adelaide daughter of
E.C. Cregan of Flinders Street Adelaide' on Sunday morning, September
12, 1897. Dr. Dunne, Bishop of Wilcannia officiated, and the bride wore a
steel grey costume. (Sturt Recorder, September 19, 1897:2)
Although there was a succession of licensees, George Blore continued to
own the structure of the Albert Hotel until May 9, 1910 when the property
was transferred to Henry Joseph Bonnett. Bonnett gave his occupation as
Land Owner, and from then some interesting transfers were recorded, all
having the effect of frustrating any attempt to usurp control of the premises
from Henry Bonnett's Widow, Mary Anne. The hotel remained in the hands

of the Bonnett family until May 1949 and is now the sole operating
business and the only permanently occupied structure in Milparinka.
5.2.3 The Royal Standard Hotel
The Royal Standard was located opposite the Albert, and is listed in Sands
Directory for 1884. As with the Royal Hotel and the Albert, the Royal
Standard Hotel was built of locally quarried sandstone. It is shown in
Photograph 5.
The nucleus of the hotel was on Section 8 lot 8, originally granted to
Frederick Connors on September 22, 1884, and was probably one of the
four hotels reported to have been established at Milparinka by mid-1882.
Connors' entered into an arrangement with Edmund Resch who at the time
was a brewer in Wilcannia. Resch was given a mortgage over the
premises in June 1885, and in 1888 foreclosed, transferring the land and
premises to Cornelius Clune on June 4, 1888.
An adjoining block, Section 8 lot 9 was acquired by Clune five years later
in a purchase organised by T.W. Chambers. From the small paragraph
reporting the sale (Sturt Recorder, June 23, 1893:3) it is apparent buildings
were then erected on that block. Section 8 lot 9 had been the property of
Edith Frances Aldworth, probably the widow of Alfred Aldworth who
purchased it in JUly 1884 (NSWRG1). Edith Aldworth became the wife of
P. W.l. Barr, licensed victualler, in July 1893, shortly before the reported
sale of the property by Barr.(NSWRG1). This transaction, similar to a
number of other property transactions traced during my research, is not
completely clear. Barr, who had been associated with Milparinka since
1881, probably operated a store at Mount Browne. The purchased property
was a stone cottage already rented by the New South Wales Post Office
from Cornelius Clune, and used from 1891 as post office premises
(NSWP02).
Cornelius Clune was a regular advertiser in the Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra
and Mount Browne Advertiser, and the Clune family received several
mentions in the newspaper. Unfortunately they do not put the family in a
particularly good light.
For example, The Sturt Recorder from January 29, 1897 reported a
meeting of the trustees of the Milparinka Common on January 26th.
Included was the following:
'The meeting was unanimously of the opinion that those who were
striving to avoid the payment of fees and who were known to have
put their stock off the Common into the Evelyn Paddock when
mustering started, and systematically left the Mount Arrowsmith
Gate open, were responsible for what happened in the impounding
of the Commoners stock who had paid fees. There were about

twenty head impounded, seven of which belonged to the Clune
family, who would not pay Common fees. I
(Sturt Recorder, January 29, 1897:2).
On March 27, 1895 the Milparinka Progress Committee met at the Royal
Standard Hotel, with Mr. William Baker in the chair, Thomas Chambers as
Honorary Secretary, and Messrs Kelly, Clune, Pool, and Ernest Chambers
in attendance (Sturt Recorder, April 5, 1895:2). These were the licensees
of three hotels, two storekeepers, and the newspaper proprietor. At the
time the Royal Standard Hotel was the accepted location for meetings of
various committees.
Nine months after the March 1895 Progress Committee meeting the Sturt
Recorder reported a "Daring Burglary in Milparinka" involving the theft of a
safe containing 'seven hundred pounds worth of property' from Cornelius
Clune's room in the Royal Standard Hotel. Mr. Clune had elected to sleep
in the open on the night in question. The report continued:
No-one in the house was disturbed by any unusual noise...and the loss of
the safe was not discovered until about seven-thirty on Saturday morning...
A search was at once made and it was found that the safe had been
removed through the window, and placed on a barrow taken from a near
neighbour and wheeled away on the west side of the town until the party
reached a point near the Royal Hotel, where a halt was made and tools
were taken from the rear of the hotel wherewith to break open the safe.
The booty was then taken further away near the bank of the creek on the
Tibooburra Road. The safe was there opened... For the present the whole
affair is enveloped in mystery. Mr. Clune has offered a reward of fifty
pounds for the recovery of the documents which are of no value to
anybody but himself... (Sturt Recorder, January 3, 1896:2)
At the site where the safe was opened 'about five ounces of gold and two
sovereigns were found on the ground' and a month later '...AII valuable
papers such as deeds, Mr. Clune's will, and the Bank deposit slip receipts,
were discovered in an outhouse at the rear of the (Royal Standard Hotel)
premises, and placed in the hands of the police...The most curious feature
of the matter is that there were thirteen sovereigns found with the papers.'
(Sturt Recorder, February 7, 1896:2)
. ""
Erskine Graham Knight and Sylvester O'Connor were subsequently
charged with stealing the safe (Sturt Recorder, March 6, 1896:2), but after
six of the witnesses had been examined,
'His Honour stopped the Court and asked the jury to return a verdict of not
guilty as there was no evidence against the prisoners...His Honour said the
house where the gold was found was an isolated one built on blocks high
off the ground and anyone could chuck the tin of gold there. And two

espectable-looking men like those who were arrested on suspicion... I
(Sturt Recorder, April 24, 1896:3)
For the next four years the licensee of the Royal Standard Hotel was the
subject of considerable newspaper attention. Few of the hotel's clientele
made court appearances and the Clune family appear to have been
reasonably free from charges such as 'providing liquor to Aboriginal
natives of Australia' and trading at illegal hours. However, Cornelius Clune
brought an action against William Baker, charging that Baker had 'with
intent to defraud, branded with a firebrand a steer which the plaintiff
claimed as his property.' (Sturt Recorder, April 9, 1897:3) When the case
was heard Cornelius Clune called his three sons, Hugh, Cornelius Jnr, and
Austin as witnesses, while Baker called four witnesses, at least one of
whom was a relative (Mr. Tom Baker). 'The defendant was clearly proved
to be the owner of the animal he branded (and) the case was dismissed
with costs of £4/12/0.' (Sturt Recorder, April 23, 1897:2)
Then in May 1897 'The town was thrown into a state of commotion...when
it became known that Mr. Cornelius Clune, of the Royal Standard Hotel,
had been arrested by the Police, charged with having meat in his
possession that he could not account for.' (Sturt Recorder, May 14,
1897:2)
According to the newspaper account, Mr. William Baker had sold a calf to
the local police constable, Senior Constable Wood. Baker, then in
business as a butcher, had admitted both the heifer and a cow of his were
in his yard with others on the previous Monday. As they could not be found
afterwards, Constable Wood had given notice to Mr. Baker to produce his
heifer.
'This put Mr. Baker on his metal and he went out to search for the cow and
heifer, feeling certain he would find them together, but could only find his
own cow and she had been recently shot in the ribs. This aroused his
suspicion, and on making further search he found tracks which led to his
giving information to the police...' (Sturt Recorder, May 14, 1897:2)
A long account of Cornelius Clune's court appearance followed, the
outcome of which was the imposition of a fifty pound fine. The fine was
paid, but a week later 'The carcase of a valuable horse belonging to Mr.
William Baker was found in the Evelyn Paddock.. .' (Sturt Recorder, June 4,
1897:2).
Later in 1897 Senior Constable Wood saw 'four pigs crossing Loftus Street
just below the Police Station... He looked into (the) pig yard where the
defendant keeps his pigs and there were none there.. .' (Sturt Recorder,
October 8, 1897:3). Cornelius Clune was found guilty of allowing his pigs to
stray.

5.3 The Commercial Banking Company of Sydney Limited
On 16 August 1881 the Commercial Banking Company of Sydney opened
a branch at Milparinka. The bank also opened on 2 September 1881 at
Tibooburra, but closed there sixteen and a half months later, transferring
remaining accounts to Milparinka. Both branches occupied rented
premises, with the Milparinka branch relocating in November 1881 to
premises which appear to have been purpose-built. The Bank's general
ledger suggests that a cedar counter, safe, revolver, stamps, candles,
firewood and signboard were paid for between October and November
1881, and a water tank and a safe were transported from Wilcannia - the
tank at a cost of £3/010, the safe for £3/8/6. Accounts for sundry purchases
were paid locally to Palmer & Co and Heuzenroder, and eight shillings was
paid for water on 20 January 1883 (NAB1, various dates).
Photograph 6 was taken in the mid-1920s, by which time the old bank
building was a family home. It is the foremost building in the photograph,
with the Royal Standard Hotel building, minus its verandah, in the
background.
The records of the bank provide information regarding gold purchases, and
the names of customers whose account balances were transferred from
the Tibooburra branch when it closed in January 1883. In all eighty
accounts were transferred from Tibooburra to Milparinka, including those
of E. and R. Resch (later the proprietors of Resch's Brewery in Sydney),
and J.T. Evans, one of the discoverers of gold at Mount Browne.
The bank's board minutes and the branch's record of gold purchases
provide the only surviving source of information about Milparinka Branch
customers. Board minutes suggest that the branch's customers included I
& W Caldwell of Woodburn Station, George Bates and Sons (of Bates'
Coally), and Cramsie Bowden and Woodfall, while recorded gold
purchases included the names of Heuzenroder, Evans, O'Connor,
Bamess, Penrose, Smith and Hammat. The name of Hammat dates from
September 1881 at which time Bill Hammat (or Emmett) was in
partnership with Sidney Kidman. The record adds credence to the
possibility that Kidman, in partnership with Hammat, operated one of the
first stores at Milparinka.
Also in the board minutes is a record of the bank's closure 'Milparinka - It
was decided to close this branch. '(NAB4, July 13, 1886).
P.W.L. Barr, mentioned above in connection with the sale of a cottage
adjacent to the Royal Standard Hotel, was an employee of the Commercial
Banking Company throughout the time the bank operated at Milparinka.

5.4 Newspapers
5.4.1 Introduction
Four newspapers are known to have been published on the Albert
Goldfield -"The Milparinka Advertiser", the "Tibooburra Recorder", the
"Tibooburra Telegraph ll
, and the IISturt Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount
Browne Advertiser". No copies of the Milparinka Advertiser, which appears
to have been published during the second half of the 1880s, have been
sighted although references seen at the State Library of New South Wales
suggest a copy is in existence. No copies of the Tibooburra Recorder
survive, but my research has made extensive use of the other two
newspapers.
5.4.2 The Tibooburra Telegraph
The Tibooburra Telegraph, published at Tibooburra, was written in a style
which includes numerous colloquialisms, and was very much a community
news sheet. Although not strictly part of the history of Milparinka, it
certainly included the town in its circulation. The Tibooburra-based
company which owned the paper accepted payments from persons who
wished to have their name omitted from published reports, and many
articles are of limited use because of the omission of details. However, the
paper published interesting if brief comment on the Chinese community at
Milparinka and at Tibooburra, court appearances, coach travel, mining
activity and the community generally, between May 13, 1890 and April 7,
1891.
5.4.3 The Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount Browne Advertiser
The 'Sturt Recorder' was published at Milparinka every Friday between
June 2, 1893 and July 29, 1899. As already noted, the proprietor and
editor was Thomas Wakefield Chambers, the newspaper being but one of
several enterprises with which T.W. Chambers was involved at Milparinka.
The newspaper became T.W. Chamber's vehicle as he railed against
injustices generally, and in particular the Chinese monopoly over garden
produce. However, he also adopted a quite sympathetic approach to the
Afghans and Chinese generally. It is possible to speculate that Thomas
Chambers, in his former capacity as Secretary of the Deniliquin and
Moama Railway Company, had gained a favourable impression of the
Chinese labour gangs operating out of Deniliquin under the management
of Jimmy Ah Kew during construction of that railway.
The press used to publish the 'Sturt Recorder' had previously been located
at Wilcannia, where it was used by Walterus Browne to publish the
Wilcannia Times. It had also been used to print the Milparinka Advertiser
and some editions of the Tibooburra Telegraph (Shaw 1987:95).

5.5 Small Business
During the period under consideration Milparinka was also the location of a
number of smaller business ventures. Some were independent, while
others represented diversifications on the part of existing entrepreneurs.
There was a high turnover in these businesses, possibly indicative of the
poor prospects for particular trades and generally poor economic
conditions in the early 1890s. However, towards the end of the decade the
fading kaleidoscope of businesses probably reflects changes in the
demography of the far west and of Milparinka in particular. Although of
doubtless importance to the history of the town, the small businesses are
not particularly important to the core subject of my research. Because of
this the information acquired in regard to them has been relegated to
Appendix E.
5.6 Water Supply
From the beginning of European expansion into the far west, the extreme
scarcity of water was an ongoing concern. The Mount Browne goldfield
struggled because of the shortage of water, and because of that shortage
Milparinka was established on Milparinka waterhole, the only more or less
reliable natural water catchment not on privately controlled land.
Quite early in the history of Milparinka it had been realised by people such
as the mining warden that the supply represented by the waterhole was
inadequate for the needs of a large community. A dam was built to
enhance the waterhole, and was subsequently carried away by
f1oodwaters. To supplement the waterhole wells were sunk, but with
varying degrees of success.
The collapse of a stone tank associated with the Government well sunk in
1881 rendered that source of water unserviceable some time in 1884, and
a contract was let for the sinking of a new well (Mines 1884;108). This well
was not particularly successful, and a meeting in 1890 of the Milparinka
Progress Committee passed a motion that 'the Department of Mines be
asked to dispose of the materials surrounding the old (Milparinka) well so
that the shaft may be filled up and so remove a serious danger to children
and stock.. .' (Tibooburra Telegraph, 9 December 1890:2). Despite the
motion, Milparinka Well was not abandoned.
By 1884 it was already recognised that, with the exception of the
underground supply at Chinaman's Garden Well, almost all the water
obtainable at Milparinka by sinking was unfit for domestic purposes, and
that 'storm water storage' would be required. Despite this, little community
effort was made to improve the facilities for the retention of surface run-off,
which included Milparinka waterhole. By 1890 siltation had considerably
reduced the capacity of the waterhole, and the NSW Post Office history

indicates that during the summer months water was obtainable from only
two sources - soakage holes near the town and the Chinaman's Garden
Well (NSWP02). Water carried from the soakage holes, which were
probably at a site about three-quarters of a mile from the town, cost a
shilling and sixpence a cask, while that from Chinaman's Garden Well cost
two shillings and sixpence a cask.
Correspondence from the National Australia Bank archives (NAB3, Fol 25,
15 December 1884) confirms that J.A. Scott, then an innkeeper and
contractor at Yantara, constructed a Government Dam near Milparinka in
October 1884 to provide an artificial catchment for surface run-off. Scott
profited four hundred pounds from this contract, the product of which was
subsequently mentioned as being 'a pot hole on the other side of Evelyn
Creek'. The 'pot hole' was reserved for domestic use, and probably did not
hold water for most of the summer months. Being reserved for domestic
use it was unavailable for use by travelling stock, and probably not
particularly satisfactory.
By inference the only source of water for travelling stock at Milparinka was
the Milparinka (Government) Well, hence the reason for it's continued
existence. It was not popular- 'The Government Well has the distinction of
being the only brackish water in the district. It takes fully a week to break
stock into drinking it and it is only in exceptionally droughty seasons that
the well is used at all... For about two years the well has been idle and now
that it has been recently started up again teamsters and others avoid it and
go higher up the creek to a private well' (Sturt Recorder, 31 May 1895:2).
With the cessation of the Tibooburra Telegraph, little information is readily
available about the water supply at Milparinka between 1890 and 1895, but
a letter in the Sturt Recorder indicates that by 1895 the Government dam
was not in a very good condition - 'On Friday morning last, having taken a
constitutional damwards I saw an individual driving horses out of the tank
area... The horses not only drink there but they damage the several drains
which feed the dam. Consequently when the rain falls the silt and refuse
are much greater and the water becomes tainted.. .' (Sturt Recorder, 12
April 1895:2) Two years later the state of the dam had worsened. 'The
dam... is in a horrible state. There is a fringe of weeds round the edge of
the water, about twenty feet broad, which if cut and cleared off would
probably in bulk amount to twelve dray loads. Outside of that there are
dead rabbits which would fill another dray and which with the next rain
would be incorporated with the water. The wire netting fence is out of
repair and a good many live rabbits are inside the enclosure, to add in time
to the dead carcases already there.. .'(Sturt Recorder, 6 November,
1897:2).
A letter to the Sturt Recorder in May 1895 was the first in a series of
diatribes on the subject of water. In March 1896 the Public Well at
Milparinka was referred to as a white elephant, and a call was made for the
reconstruction of a dam upon Evelyn Creek to conserve water on those
rare occasions when sufficient rain fell to make the creek run. Much of the

comment now made was directed at the Mines Department, and Mr. T.W.
Barnes, Superintendent of Public Watering Places Branch. The depth of
feeling on the subject can be gauged from the following - 'The death of Mr.
Barnes is no doubt widely regretted. At the same time it is to be hoped that
his successor will be in touch with the mining industry which the late
gentleman never was' (Sturt Recorder, 4 September 1896:2).
The Sturt Recorder later published the deliberations of a further meeting of
the Milparinka Progress Committee, suggesting 'an alternative scheme for
water supply for the travelling public and the use of the town, should the
construction of the dam in the creek be still held to be too costly a work to
be undertaken at present.' The Committee suggested that an excellent site
existed not far from the present (Government) Well, comprising a swamp
with a 'fine open piece of well raised ground between it and the creek, and
quite close to the Government paddock'(Sturt Recorder, 26 February
1897:2) The site would be far preferable to that of the present 'pot hole on
the opposite side of Evelyn Creek to the town, which makes the carting of
water both difficult and expensive, and the watershed of which is quite
inadequate for a proper supply'. A tank was eventually built on the
suggested site, but not during the period considered by my research. It,
and the "pot-hole on the other side of the creek" are now the sole water
catchments in the vicinity of Milparinka.
Pressure upon the Government to rectify Milparinka's water shortage
continued, with a comment in the Sturt Recorder on 2 April 1897 that the
town of Hay had recently compelled large users of water to have their
consumption metered - and charged at a rate of one shilling per thousand
gallons. By comparison, said T.W. Chambers, 'at Milparinka water costs
thirty shillings per thousand gallons but the inhabitants are not compelled
to take it. .. It is offered at that rate by the Public Watering Places Branch of
the Mines Department and in a recent official communication the
department asserted that Milparinka was well supplied with water' (Sturt
Recorder, 2 April 1897:4). The Sturt Recorder also reported 'a mob of
7625 sheep travelling to market were attempted to be watered at the
Public Watering Place at Milparinka, which, owing to the scarcity of water
in the well, occupied two days. Two mobs of travelling cattle that followed
had to pass without water. Apart from the inferior quality of the water the
above incident shows for the hundredth time that the capacity of this public
watering place is not equal to the smallest demand, and yet the
Superintendent has officially stated over and over again that the Milparinka
is amply and well supplied with water... It seems to us that the Public
Watering Places Branch...is every day drifting further and further from the
path of duty...the public little knows how many thousands of pounds are
being squandered upon utterly impractical and useless bores in solitary
positions ...while settlements like Milparinka which require water to be
conserved on the surface remain totally neglected...'(Sturt Recorder, 1
October 1897:2).
A month later, T.W. Chambers redirected his attention, not from the
subject of water, but at what the local (Labor) MLA, Richard Sleath, was

doing to rectify the situation. 'The well, as a Public Watering Place, is so
notoriously bad that it is out of use. Drovers in charge of travelling stock
pass by it as if it was not, and it is equally useless to the townspeople.
Everything is watered at the soakage, including the horses attached to
travelling mobs of cattle. Without this natural supply which people draw up
with a rope and bucket we don't know what the public and townspeople
would do.... Mr. Sleath has probably forgotten that there is such a place as
Milparinka and that it's water supply is defective' (Sturt Recorder, 6
November, 1897:2)
In January 1898 further articles suggested that many drovers now
bypassed the Milparinka Well, preferring to water sheep at Warratta, which
was probably the private well further up the creek already mentioned.
With the exception of the Milparinka Public Well, the dates at which
various wells were sunk have not been established, but in 1934 the NSW
Department of Mines published a list of those then known to exist in the
vicinity of Milparinka. That listing clearly demonstrates that the best flows
of good and easily retrieved water were at Chinaman's and Chinaman's
Garden Wells.
In summary, the supply of water at Milparinka was always a cause for
community concern. Naturally occurring catchments were inadequate, and
resort was made to the use of wells and the construction of tanks to hold
surface runoff. Most wells were of little use for domestic purposes, on
account of the brackish nature of the sub-surface water, and the tanks
became equally useless on account of neglect. The prevailing attitude at
Milparinka seems to have been that the Government should rectify the
situation, there being a complete lack of appreciation that self-help might
have vastly improved the available resource. I suggest that under the
circumstances the Chinese probably had little difficulty in maintaining a
virtual monopoly over the supply of palatable water.
Name of Well Total
Depth
Warratta 100
Peak 154
Chinaman's 60
Cox's
Chinaman's Garden 75
Water Supply Quality
Level (gallons
per hour)
60
134
Water Quality:
H = very slightly hard water - potable and suitable for all purposes.
H1 = slightly hard water - suitable for stock watering as well as domestic purposes and
human consumption in an emergency.
45
20
20
60
H1
H
H
H
H

5.7 Milparinka Public Hall
As suggested in theintroductory comments to this chapter, Milparinka
appears to have had great difficulty in generating support for any
community-based project.
The people of Tibooburra, arch rivals of the community at Milparinka,
opened a public hall just before Christmas 1894, and seventeen months
later a short item appeared in the Sturt Recorder:
'A Public Hall for Milparinka
'One of the greatest social requirements of the town is a public hall. It is
estimated that a building suitable for the purpose could be erected for
about five hundred pounds. But where is the money to come from?
'We may remind those handicraftsmen who may look favourable upon our
suggestion to give their labour in payment for shares that about five
hundred pounds will shortly be spent in the erection of a cottage hospital,
so that they will then have an opportunity of recouping themselves in cash
for the outlay of their keep while working at the pUblic hall, and we think
that they would have no reason to regret having taken part in assisting so
good an object' (Sturt Recorder, 15 May 1896:2).
No further mention of a hall was made until 11 December 1896. In that
edition publicity was given to 'a sale of plain and fancy work' which would
be held on Friday 1 January 1897 in aid of the building fund. A later notice
advised that the sale would commence at four o'clock in the afternoon on
New Year's Eve 'in Mr. Bigmore's new building', to be followed by a dance
in the evening. Admission to the dance was to be two shillings, including
refreshments.
The dance and sale of work realised £16/4/9, with goods valued at another
five pounds remaining on hand at the end of the evening. The contributions
of local station owners, police officers, town traders and the postmaster
were acknowledged by the newspaper report. One of the storekeepers
from Tibooburra also made a contribution in 'goods and refreshments', and
the Rev. E.C.Ganly, the first 'resident clergyman to do duty in the extreme
north-west of New South Wales', was present (Sturt Recorder, 19 March,
1897:3).
The newspaper report stated another fund-raising dance would be held in
May, but before then a dance-social' in 'Bamess' newly furnished building'
was announced - 'double tickets five shillings, single gent three shillings
and sixpence, extra lady one shilling and sixpence' (Sturt Recorder,30 April
1897:3). This function scheduled to follow the Milparinka Athletic Club
meeting which took place one day before, on May 24.

Perhaps because of the frequency with which competing functions took
place, or perhaps because of the impact which a hall may have had upon
the special interests of particular residents, a further fund-raising activity in
support of the hall did not take place. The Sturt Recorder reported that
Mrs. (Kate) Chambers, secretary to the committee, had handed to the
treasurer 'a further sum of £1/14/8, bringing the total to the credit of the
building fund to £22/14/6' (Sturt Recorder, 18 June 1897:3).
According to oral history, however, Milparinka did eventually acquire a hall.
Helen (Nel) Barlow remembered it as 'a stone place... it had two rooms on
the side and this hall... it used to be a lovely place really with a verandah on
...and then later years we danced in the courthouse'. Nel also stated that
'we used to dance up in the Chamber's place after the hall was destroyed'
and that dances were also held in Baker's store' they had a spare room on
the side of their house and we used to have dances there' (Nel Barlow,
personal communication, 1988). The hall was located on Loftus Street, on
the northern side of Bigmore's store, in what may have been Bigmore's
billiard saloon, and perhaps upon the death of Mr. Bigmore part of his
premises were converted to the purpose. Milparinka certainly did not
acquire any purpose-built public hall.
5.8 Milparinka Hospital
In the early 1890s a hospital was built at Tibooburra. Funding for this
hospital came in part from the New South Wales Government, and a like
grant was made for the construction of a hospital at Milparinka. Before
these grants were made, however, community comment on the subject
suggests the rivalries which permeated the community at Milparinka also
extended to relationships between the extended community in the far west.
This comment first appeared with the pUblication of a letter to the
Tibooburra Telegraph:
"We the miners at Mount Browne think that the time has now arrived for us
to declare our independence and boldly speak up and tell our original
protectors as they term themselves at Milparinka, that we are jack of any
more spoon feed ...
"We are only waiting patiently until a place is opened in the shape of a pub
where civilisation can be met with, which has not been the case at Mount
Browne since the days of our ex-publican Mr.J.A. Wilson. We shall then
form the different branches requisite to advocate our cause and point out
our wants to the various Departments which have been seldom effected by
our so-called protectors at Milparinka, who have a grand tarnish of the
Sammy Sinclair about them. Me sell, me sell, and I deal at you, but me sell.
I hope the Tibooburra people will co-operate with the Mount Browners. We
shall be pleased to do all in our power to assist your people in the
establishment of an hospital at Tibooburra seeing that the
Milparinkaoneans are to establish one there..." (Tibooburra Telegraph, 1
July 1890:2)

The community at Tibooburra were then well advanced in the process of
considering the construction of a hospital, and at a meeting in early August
1890 it was "decided to have plans drawn up at once for the building
"(Tibooburra Telegraph, 19 August 1890:2). It seems the community may
already have contributed money to a building fund, and the Telegraph
suggested that 'the Government may perhaps allow a special grant for
building purposes... (but) The present time is a very favourable one for
collecting money. Shearing has just started and our experience in other
parts teaches us that shearers are perhaps the greatest supporters of such
institutions' (Tibooburra Telegraph 19 August 1890).
Although the July 1890 letter indicated Milparinka was to obtain a hospital,
it seems the approach used by the latter town was a little different to that
of Tibooburra. 'Mopoke' wrote in the Tibooburra Telegraph with a number
of small references which may afford an explanation. At the time the wave
of shearers' strikes had just begun to affect the far west of New South
Wales. The history of that industrial campaign is outside the scope of my
research, but it seems the unrest also extended to the mining company
operations in the district, and perhaps this activity slowed the flow of funds
which might otherwise have been available. It may also be that the
Milparinka committee entrusted with the hospital project chose not to seek
funds from the 'working classes', at the time being idealistically opposed to
them. 'Mopoke' wrote that
'Mr. William Mercer, from Stringers Hill (a Mount Browne locality), better
known as Bawly Scotty was brought into town very ill and was sent down
to Broken Hill Hospital by Mr. George Blore. The poor fellow, who is well
known and liked here, was suffering from a complication of disorders and
his recovery is considered doubtful.
'That last par reminds me that nothing more is heard about that five
hundred pounds grant for the Milparinka Cottage Hospital. People want to
know why a meeting has not been held, or something to start matters...
'Tonight being the first Thursday in the month, a progress committee
meeting should have been held. Perhaps the rain prevented but I begin to
suspect that all Milparinka institutions are progressing crab-fashion'
(Tibooburra Telegraph, 7 April 1891:3).
The Tibooburra Telegraph ceased publication on 7 April 1891, and with
that demise the story of Milparinka Cottage Hospital ceased to receive
newspaper attention. Some year later, however, an article appeared in the
Sturt Recorder (31 January 1896:2). This article is informative, and in my
opinion the story of The Milparinka Cottage Hospital typifies the town and
the attitudes of its residents.
In summary, the community at Milparinka, at a meeting presided over by
the then Police Magistrate (Walterus Browne, former editor of the
Wilcannia Times) in April 1889, 'formed a committee of gentlemen to bring

the matter (of a cottage hospital) under the notice of the Government.' A
grant of five hundred pounds was received two years later.
The committee then decided to apply to the Minister for Lands for a 'piece
of land whereon to build the Hospital.' The Minister granted some land, but
it was considered by the committee to be unsuitable for the purpose, and it
was not until 12 December 1893 that land was dedicated for the hospital
site - four and a half years after the first meeting of the hospital committee.
Meanwhile the five hundred pound grant, plus some funds which had been
subscribed by the pUblic, became 'locked-up' in the London Chartered
Bank, which was one of fourteen Australian trading banks which failed
during April and May 1893.
In 1896 the committee of the Tibooburra Hospital applied to have the
Milparinka Hospital grant transferred to them to facilitate the enlarging of
the hospital they represented.
The attempted transfer of the grant led to litigation. Although my research
has not sought details of the case the transfer did not take place, and a
meeting of subscribers on 30 January 1897 was advised by T. W.
Chambers that 'judgement had been entered in favour of the Milparinka
Trustees'. There remained the difficulty that three hundred and fifty pounds
of the funds which, through a technicality resulting from the bank
reconstruction process, now had to pass once more through the hands of
the Government. A further two hundred and sixty-five pounds ten shillings
and eleven pence was reported to be on deposit with the London Bank of
Australasia, Wilcannia. Of all the funds held, only twenty pounds
seventeen and eleven pence represented private subscriptions, the
balance being pound fees (twenty-eight pounds twelve shillings and four
pence) and interest (Sturt Recorder, 29 January 1897:3 and 5 February
1897:2).
A further meeting of the hospital committee on 3 January 1898 was
advised 'that the three hundred and fifty pounds, part of the original grant,
was now available, and 'The Secretary was instructed to write to the
Minister for Works asking if the services of Mr. McGregor could be made
available to assist the committee in building the hospital' (Sturt Recorder, 8
January 1898:2). Almost nine years had passed since the first meeting was
held in connection with a cottage hospital. No hospital was ever built at
Milparinka.
5.9 Police and Law Enforcement
The Police Charge and Summons books for Tibooburra and Milparinka
suggest both communities were reasonably lively postings for the Police.
The records between them cover the period 1883 to 1929 and indicate that
the majority of police work was associated with drunkenness and with
domestic disputes, with occasional charges being laid of carrying firearms

on the Sabbath, allowing pigs to wander, trespass with travelling stock,
and illegal sale of liquor.
The scant official record is supplemented between 1891 and 1899 by a
much more lively account maintained by the local press. One of the earliest
of these is interesting for the manner of reporting...
"At the Milparinka Police Court on Wednesday 1st inst., before Mr. E.L.
Maitland, Esq., P. M., James Ferguson, for being drunk and disorderly, was
admonished and discharged. For permitting his tongue to run at very high
pressure Jimmy was mulct in the sum of two pounds ten shillings with the
alternative of four weeks durance vile, and for coming the Frank P. Slavin
ticket with the 'Peelers' pugilist Fergy was fined three pounds with the
option of one month's free board and lodging in Her Majesty's
establishment" (Tibooburra Telegraph, 7 October 1890:4).
This reportage typifies the manner in which the Telegraph handled any
matter touching upon the people or the community, and perhaps suggests
the Tibooburra community adopted a far more casual approach to the law
than was preferred by the business community at Milparinka.
Various courts sat at Milparinka for most of the period covered by my
research, a fact which probably emphasised the role of Milparinka as the
administrative centre. The courts originally sat in a corrugated iron
building, the location of which has not been confirmed, but which may also
have been the post office premises. Tenders for the construction of a new
courthouse were announced in September 1895, and the resulting stonebuilt
structure was completed in 1901. A police station and barracks,
together with a two-cell 'lock-up' were also present at Milparinka, the lockup
being proclaimed a jail in 1891. 'Mopoke' reported this in the 'Milparinka
Murmurs' as follows:
"The Milparinka Lockup has been proclaimed at jail, wherein prisoners can
be detained for any period not exceeding six months, yet nothing has been
done to provide the necessary accommodation, exercise yard etc., nor has
a warder been appointed. If you proclaim a horse an elephant it does not
make him one" (Tibooburra Telegraph, 7 April, 1891 :3).
Because of their range of duties and the area required to be policed, there
were occasions when no police were present in Milparinka. On these
occasions it seems the undercurrent of disharmony came rapidly to the
surface. The Sturt Recorder reported one of these as follows:
"A Street Row
"Seldom has a more disgraceful scene occurred in Milparinka than that
which took place in Loftus Street on Tuesday night. Some free and
independent electors came into the town during the day to see about their
electoral rights and made things what is termed 'lively'. After the departure
of the coach they commenced to quarrel with some stranger and also
amongst themselves, and there being no police to prevent it, started a

fight. For fully an hour the main street was the scene of the wildest
disorder, and the foulest language was shouted at the top of men's voices.
"As far as we could judge there were two or three couples had a "go in",
but the principal combatants had it out to a finish and it must have been
very satisfying.
"It too frequently happens that whenever the town is left without any
guardian of the peace some outrage of this kind occurs and the place is
given up to the excesses of drunken men. It soon gets wind that there are
no police about and advantage is taken of it to throw off all restraint. Such
an example as the present should be sufficient to show that under no
pretext whatever should the town be left without police protection" (Sturt
Recorder, 26 February 1897:2).
The police were also criticised by T.W. Chambers for their lack of attention
to straying pigs...
"Pigs, pigs, pigs...
"We have received frequent complaints from townspeople about the
trouble and annoyance of stray pigs and from personal experience we can
say without any doubt that they are a confounded nuisance. They walk
through wire netting fences like so much tissue paper. The police are
always going to see to it but they never do. Too much talkee talkee and no
action. So it remains to the local paper to sound the tom tom. So after this
notice owners of pigs had better look out (Sturt Recorder, 7 February
1896:2).
A few weeks later the comment was a little less verbose...
"The truth must be told even should the heavens fall. When is it to be?
"Pig Pig Pig! Pig Pig Pigl Pigtown!
(Sturt Recorder, 3 April 1896:3).
However, Thomas Wakefield Chambers, who by now was perhaps
becoming a little disenchanted with the town he had adopted, did
occasionally acknowledge work done by the police. One such occasion
was reported as follows:
"About midnight on Tuesday a most unearthly noise broke out in the town
which proved to be a mob of tin-kettlers who had arranged themselves
opposite the residence of Mr. Thomas Baker, armed with their instruments
of torture, with a view possibly, from their point of view, to do honour to the
occasion of his marriage to Miss Maggie Henry. Such attention, however,
is not appropriate. In fact it can only be regarded as the most insane kind
of larrikinism. Fortunately the police were early upon the scene of disorder
and the performers were dispersed" (Sturt Recorder, 25 December 1897:2)

PART 4 - THE CHINESE AT MILPARINKA
Chapter 6 HISTORICAL SOURCES
6.0 Introduction
As already discussed Chinese labourers and tradesmen were present in
the far west of New South Wales before the discovery of gold at Mount
Poole and Mount Browne. I have suggested at least some of the Chinese
who arrived on the Albert gold field early in 1881 had been working in
various occupations at Wilcannia or on pastoral properties in the vicinity.
But my research has not found any clear evidence to support this
proposition.
In Chapter 4 mention was made of a Chinese being illustrated as an inside
passenger on a coach drawn by camels between Wilcannia and Mount
Browne, probably in 1881. Mention was also made in Chapter 4 of
vegetables grown and sold by the Chinese at Milparinka in 1882, and of
opposition to their presence as gold diggers. This confirms their
establishment as gardeners by that time, but the site of their garden is
unconfirmed.
In this chapter I have summarised the historical record of the Chinese at
Milparinka and on the Mount Browne gold field after 1882. The actual
number of Chinese present was quite small, but as a proportion of the total
population I suspect they may have been more numerous than in other
New South Wales country towns such as Hay, Deniliquin, Narrandera,
Wagga Wagga and Albury, discussed in Chapter 3.
At Milparinka the Chinese monopoly over garden produce and their control
over a significant proportion of the town's water resources probably meant
they had a disproportionate impact upon the community.
6.1 Involvement in Gold Digging and Mining
Entries in police charge and summons books between 1883 and 1890
suggest that Chinese were present in Tibooburra, and that they were at
least occasional visitors to Milparinka, but with this exception no
satisfactory historical evidence exists for their ongoing presence at either
Milparinka or Mount Browne in this period.
In 1883 the population of the Albert gold field (Tibooburra, Mount Browne,
Milparinka and two or three other small localities) was estimated at 600
persons, and mining activity on the quartz reefs at Warratta was
considerable. Some trial crushings took place at Warratta in mid-year
using a twelve stamper-head battery erected by the Whittabreenah Gold
Mining Company, but water was struck in all shafts sunk beyond a depth of

eighty feet. Given the technology then available and affordable, the inflow
of water seriously hampered further development of reef mining.
At Mount Browne a ten stamper-head battery had been erected by the
Mount Browne Gold Mining Company. However, at time the Mining
Registrar wrote his annual report this battery 'was not yet endowed with a
boiler to enable operation' (Mines, 1883:116).
Dry-blowing was also used extensively in 1883 as a means of obtaining
gold and the Mining Registrar commented that using this method nearly
half of the gold was being lost 'on account of there being no means of
pounding up all the clay...' (Mines, 1883;116).
By 1886 the companies formed in the first flush of activity had started to
amalgamate. The Golden Lake Company at Mount Browne sank a shaft to
208 feet and after abandoning underground operations made use of an
unmanageable inflow of water which was encountered to puddle the
surface dirt (Mines 1886;104). A year later 'the greater part of the wash [at
Mount Browne was] puddled at the Golden Lake water-shaft' (Mines
1887;106). The shaft subsequently became the primary source of water for
the Mount Browne community, and the washed sand which accumulated
on account of the puddling was used extensively by Harry Blore during the
mid-20th century in the preparation of concrete on various properties in the
district (Blore, personal communication, 1986). Blore suggested that
Chinese labour had been used by this company.
Despite the significant activity on the goldfield, and their presumed ongoing
production of fruit and vegetables at Milparinka, no reference was made
after 1883 by Mines Department representatives to the Chinese until 1887
when the warden stated unequivocally that 'there are no Chinese miners
working on the field'(Mines 1887;107).
After the mid-1880s tables, published annually by the Department of Mines
and shOWing numbers engaged in gold-mining at various locations,
differentiated between miners of Chinese and European origin, and also
between those working quartz claims, and those working alluvium. For the
purpose of these statistics the Milparinka Warden's District and the
Tibooburra Warden's District were separately recorded.
The statistical record suggests but one Chinese engaged in working
alluvial gold in the Milparinka District in 1888, with none in 1889, 1890, or
1891. In 1892, however, four Chinese were reported to be engaged in
alluvial mining (Mines 1892;62). From then on the statistics suggest the
presence of Chinese miners in small numbers until 1910.
Thus the peak of Chinese involvement in mining in the Milparinka District
was between 1893 and 1895 when eight to ten Chinese miners were
reported by the Mining Registrar. All were involved in alluvial mining, which
suggests they worked at Mount Browne or perhaps on the old Mount Poole
field.

water for washing. Last two week. Wednesday him takum me
two bucket chuckem away. Takem my two tin dish. Sunday
night burnem my tent. Monday me puttem up again. Him
come knocken two bucket. Bleakem. Pull my place down. I
come tellum Magistrate. He givum me summon takem to
sergeant. Sergeant say go tomorrow. Him never come. Him
sendum btackboy. Blackboy tellum me go way. Me never go.
He say I cuttem off your tail.
Signed You Joy.
(Sturt Recorder, 2 February 1894:2)
The 'advertisement' may indicate You Joy was 'head man' of the Chinese
at Mount Browne. You Joy may also have been Charlie (or Charles) Joy,
who was earlier reported to have purchased a store in Tibooburra from Lun
(or Lum) Look, but my research has not confirmed any relationship
between former two. A similar situation exists in regard to Un Gee Joy who
is mentioned later.
Notice:
Charles Joy begs to announce that he has purchased the
business lately carried on in Briscoe Street by Lum Look.
Also the garden and dam, and trusts that he will receive the
same share of patronage enjoyed by his predecessor.
(Tibooburra Telegraph 13 May 1890:3)
Prior to this sale Lum Look had received several mentions in the
Tibooburra police charge and summons book, including "Lums and Look ­
keeping a gambling house" (20 December 1887), "Lun Look - selling liquor
without a license" (21 February 1888), and in October 1888 "Lun Look ­
keeping an unlicensed dog". Where these offences took place is unclear,
but a Chinese garden existed at a location known as Scott's Well in 1888...
About 3 miles north from Tibooburra a well, known as Scott's
Well, has been sunk about 200 feet through Cretaceous
sandstones and blue clay, and a good supply of water rises
60 feet in it. A Chinaman's garden alongside this well affords
evidence, in the splendid growth of cabbages, carrots,
onions, &c, of the success attending irrigation of the soil in
this climate... (Mines, 1888:75)
Scott's Well was probably the location of Lun Look's garden, and the
location where gambling and the illegal consumption of liquor took place. It
does not appear in the 'Tabulated Statement of Welts and Bores in the
West Darling District' (Kenny, 1934) but Whittabrinah Well, on Mount
Wood station may equate to it. It is not one of the sites being considered
for the purpose of this research.
Charles Joy, purchaser of Lun Look's business, may, however, have been
Charlie the Chow, reported in 1895 to again have been on the Mount

Browne field. Alternately, Charlie the Chow may have been Charlie Bow,
another Chinese recorded in the police charge and summons book from
Tibooburra in 1896, and in that from Milparinka in 1898. On the latter
occasion the charge recorded was' Police v Charlie Bow (Chinaman aged
60) - assault occasioning actual bodily harm' (NSWPD1, 7 January 1898).
Charlie Bow has already been mentioned at paragraph 3.2.2. in connection
with Wilcannia, and is discussed in detail at paragraph 6.2. Another
possibility is that 'Charlie the Chow' is simply a colloquialism for the
Chinese generally.
The Chinese had returned to the Mount Browne diggings by September
1895 when the Sturt Recorder advised that "The Chinamen" were 'getting
gold under the range between the one mile and here'. A little later 'Charlie
the Chow' 'obtained another patch' (Sturt Recorder, 11 October 1895:3),
but this time there was no mention of interference with their endeavours.
The peak of Chinese involvement in mining at Mount Browne coincides
with a period for which a reasonable volume of historical information has
been identified regarding the Chinese. It also coincides with the peak of
the 1890s depression, which factor probably influenced the tone of the
newspaper articles and the attitude of other Milparinka and Mount Browne
residents towards the Chinese.
6.2 The Chinese Garden at Milparinka
In his report for 1883 E.C. King, Mining Warden and Police Magistrate had
once again referred to the Chinese gardeners at Milparinka, stating that:
'The Chinese gardeners have been very successful in their
operations, and have kept the residents supplied with vegetables at
a reasonable rate, and to this may in a great measure be attributed
the healthy state of the field. They have successfully proved that
potatoes can be grown here and next year they will have peaches,
pears, and grapes in bearing' (Mines, 1883;115).
This was the last official acknowledgment of the Milparinka Chinese
gardeners, and the last historical mention of Chinese at Milparinka until
1891. Accordingly I am unable to state that there was any continuity in their
presence over this period. However, their presence in March 1891 is
confirmed by reports of a fire at the Chinese camp 'situated about a mile
from Milparinka' ...
'It started about twelve noon and a large house with its contents
was burnt to the ground. The only things that were saved...were a
chemise and one stocking, which a lady (?) familiarly called 'Long
Tom' had on when she made her exit in double quick time from the
burning bUilding. The origin of the fire is unknown. We believe the
Chows present kicked up an awful hullabaloo when the fire started.'
(Tibooburra Telegraph, 17 March 1891 :2)

A further gap exists in the chronology until August 1893 when a letter
written by N.J. Gosling, schoolteacher at Milparinka, to his superiors in
Sydney, indicates the Chinese remained actively involved in the production
of vegetables, and in their sale to residents of the town.
15 August 1893...
I beg to apply for an increase of my special allowance...
Vegetables locally grown by Chinese are not plentiful and are far
from cheap - small cabbages 6d each, small turnips, carrots and
parsnips 1d each. Fresh fruit are very rarely to be obtained and the
following are the usual prices - small apples 2/- a dozen and small
oranges the same price.
Less than six months later the Sturt Recorder took up a campaign against
the prices charged by the Chinese gardeners. The first article read as
follows:
'Monopolies in Garden Produce
We are opposed to monopolies in any form and there is one which
the people in this district have submitted to for years, and which for
want of a little intelligent combination still flourishes. We allude to
the Chinese vegetable and fruit growers.
'We do not wish to underrate the value of the industrious little crowd
of mongolians that have settled in our midst but there is much
inconsistency in the fact that notwithstanding everything that these
people consume is reduced one half in price, and a serious
depression overcrowds us, and the rates of wages are reduced all
round, the same prices for vegetables are maintained that were
charged ten years ago.
'As to grapes, 2/- per pound is the price charged at Christmas when
the early sorts are just ripe. Then it takes as much higgling as the
thing is worth to beat the price down to 1/6 per pound, and so on to
1/9 which are the ruling prices today.
'We would not say so much about this matter did the system not
result in waste and a loss to the general community, which we
suggest from health standpoint it can ill afford. If the price was
reduced to a fair thing, say 6d, for a single pound, or three pound for
a shilling, it would be within the reach of all, and tons of grapes,
which season after season are allowed to rot in the gardens, might
be consumed and enjoyed by us who get altogether too little of fruit
diet.
'We think these circumstances justify a combination on the part of
the inhabitants to resist the exorbitant demands of the Chinese fruit
growers and to break down the system they have so long enforced,

On a charge of insulting language the same accused was
sentenced to one month's imprisonment, the sentence to be
cumulative with that of two months previously given. (Sturt
Recorder, 9 February 1894:2)
The historical record contains nothing more about the price of fruit and
vegetables for almost two years. However, two newspaper items confirm
that the Chinese gardens continued, the first being on 19 April 1895, when
notice was given that poisoned twigs had been laid as rabbit baits on
Milparinka Common in the vicinity of the Chinese gardens. The second
provides an invaluable insight into the ecology of the Chinese community:
Court of Petty Sessions, May 21, 1895
before Messrs John Ducat, PM and Alex Lang JP.
Recovery of Money Lent - War Tong v Lee Chew.
The plaintiff being sworn by the blowing out of a lighted match said,
by an interpreter:
I am a gardener living at Yantara. The defendant owes me three
pounds ten shillings. He became indebted by his asking me to lend
him that amount. He never paid me the money back. He asked for
the money altogether three times and he promised each time to pay.
He promised to repay me next day and then next week Me ask he
say next week again. Me ask again and he then say go and ask Mr.
Kelly. Mr. Kelly say get order but when I brought him to Mr. Kelly he
would not give order. Defendant was working for Mr. Kelly at the
time. Then next I ask Mr. Kelly gone out and he say I owe you
nothing and he took the poker and he hunted me out of the kitchen.
To defendant - you owe me three pounds ten shillings. You
borrowed the money about eleven o'clock at night 1st of May. I lend
you money. I not know what you wanted it for. To the bench - Two
witnesses saw me lend the money. They are not present.
King You, being sworn by the extinguishing of a lighted match, said
through Charlie Joy, Interpreter, also on oath: - I live at the Chinese
Garden. I know the defendant. I saw War Tong give money to Lee
Chew. He gave him three pounds ten shillings on 1st May at about
eleven o'clock in the cellar at the garden. He did not know what for.
He saw him give it and he go away. He did not know what he do
with the money. He quite sure War Tong gave the money. By
defendant: I saw War Tong give you three notes and ten shillings.
You walked down the cellar. Four or five men down the cellar - Lee
Chew, Kin Hung, Too Lum, King You, Tom Gox, War Fong. Some
not see him give money. Tom Gox, duly sworn: I am a baker living
at Milparinka. I heard defendant ask the plaintiff for the loan of three
pounds ten shillings. I did not see the money pass between them.
They were down the garden when he ask for the money about three
weeks ago, May 1st. I was in Mr. Kelly's kitchen after that and heard

plaintiff ask for the three pounds ten shillings. Defendant replied 'I
will pay you next week. I The witness was cross-examined by
defendant, but did not shake his testimony. By the Bench: I was
down the cellar often. The defendant talk lot about fan tan. That
only an excuse. By defendant: I saw you 1st May down cellar. You
were not drunk. You were sober as a judge. Lee Chew, sworn, said
"I am cook at Mr. Kelly's. That night, May 1st, they ask me go down
garden. I get drunk and play fan tan altogether. I loose all my
money. He say you want some more. Next morning he came up and
say you owe me three pounds ten shillings. I did not play any more.
I came home about two o'clock. I stop all the night down there from
seven o'clock. I took down seven or eight pound. I loose all.
Verdict for full amount. Three pounds ten shillings and costs of
court.(Sturt Recorder, 24 May 1895:2)
Mr. Kelly was in all probability Robert Kelly, then licensee of the Albert
Hotel at Milparinka, and Tom Gox was, of course, "Cocky the Chinaman".
The next mention of the Chinese gardens was contained in a Sturt
Recorder editorial deploring the state of the water supply at Milparinka.
The settlement which might, and would be with a proper water
supply, an oasis in the desert, is still a barren waste. There are no
cottage gardens to educate and purify the minds of the young and
act as a solace to the old. The vegetable and fruit supply, which
might be so abundant, is in the hands of a few Chinese, who charge
1/- for a small bunch of vegetables, and from 9d to 1/6 per pound
for grapes, and in like proportion for melons and tomatoes and such
like when they are to be had. (Sturt Recorder, 8 March 1896:2)
Two months later it was reported that '...we are at the mercy of a onehorse
Chinaman's Garden for a meagre supply of a few miserable
vegetables and at famine prices too.... (Sturt Recorder, 29 May 1896:2)
Given the lengthy gaps in the chronology which has been established, it is
not appropriate to assume that prostitutes were normally present at the
Chinese gardens or 'camp' at Milparinka. However, on the basis of the
description of 'Chinese Camps' elsewhere, discussed at paragraph 3.1.4,
and the following item from the Sturt Recorder, this may well have been
the case.
'Milparinka Police Court before John Ducat, PM
Tuesday July 13, 1897.
Samuel Thomas was charged with maliciously InJunng property
belonging to George Ling, to whit six panes of glass and a kerosene
lamp to the value of £2/4/6.

Senior Constable Wood gave evidence relating to the arrest of the
accused which was corroborated by Constable M'William, and also
said he knew the accused to have been camped on the Evelyn
Creek for four or five weeks and doing no work.
George Ling, the complainant, who was sworn by the blowing out of
a match, stated:
I am a gardener and reside at the house at the garden. I know the
accused now before the Court. I remember Saturday night and
Sunday morning last. The accused came to my house. He kicked
my front door and walked in. He kicked at my big room door but
could not break it. He get a stick and break two panes of one
window and smash the other window altogether, and broke the
chimney out of the kerosene lamp. The glass produced is like the
glass of the kerosene lamp. The glass produced is like the glass
that was broken. I estimate the damage done at two pounds four
shillings and sixpence. I am sure that the accused is the man who
did it. I saw him. It was quarter past twelve at night. It was bright
moonlight at the time. I was quite close to him. I am sure I could not
make a mistake. I have often seen him before he did this. To
accused: When I came to your camp with the police I did not say
you were drunk. I did not speak to you.
Ah Chee corroborated the evidence of the previous witness. To
accused: I think you were dressed the same as you are now. To the
Police: I know the accused by his face.
Samuel Thomas, labourer and shearer, camped in the creek at
Milparinka, being sworn, said: On the evening of the tenth inst me
and a friend of mine who has gone out to Wompah came up the
town. We were in Mr. Hill's Pub and had a drink there and stopped
there a while, and had another drink, and then we went over to
Mr.Baker's butchers shop and this friend of mine got a shilling's
worth of meat. Then we down to Mr Baker's hotel had a drink there
and stopped a little while talking. The accused went on in this strain
for about half an hour and we have not space for all that he said,
but when he came to the value of the property destroyed he put it
down to fifteen shillings to sixteen shillings in all.
To the Police: I know the price at Broken Hill for a window glass but
do not know the local price. After going to my tent I went to the hut
at the garden to sleep. The woman that goes in and out there
occupied the hut. Matilda Murrillis is the woman's name. She came
up with me from Broken Hill. She has been back and forward to the
tent while I have been camped on the creek. I believe she is known
by the name of "Mad Shaw". The name I call her by is her married
name. Her mother's name is Shaw. I cannot say whether she is a
prostitute or not. She lives in the big house at the garden. She is
supposed to be living by herself, but the premises are occupied by

Chinese. The woman comes backwards and forwards to my camp. I
will not swear the woman is not a prostitute...
(Sturt Recorder, 16 July 1897:2)
Further insight comes from another newspaper item, this time from
January 1898.
Milparinka Police Court
Before Mr. John Ducat, PM,
Charlie Bow was charged with assaulting Hung Loy with intent to do
grievous bodily harm.
Senior Constable Wood, being sworn, said "I know the accused
now before the court. This morning, about 1.30, from information
received, I went to Lum Hop's, one of the Chinese gardeners
residing about one and a half miles from the town. I saw the
accused there; I said to him "Is your name Charlie Bow?" he replied
"yes" I then said "Do you know Hung Loy?" he said "Yes" I then said
"Have you been quarrelling with him?" he said "Only a bit of a row;"
I said "he tells me you assaulted him with a tommyhawk; he said "no
I did not." I then called the complainant up to the accused and said
"Is this the man who assaulted you?" he said "yes, that's him" I then
said can you find the tommyhawk. He then, in the presence of the
accused, Lum Hop, and myself, proceeded to search for it; it was
found by Lum Hop, and handed to me, still in the presence of the
accused. I produce the tommyhawk; it appears to have been
recently ground, and has bloodstains upon it, which appears to me
to be quite fresh. I then said to Hung Loy "are you sure this is the
tommyhawk that he, meaning accused, assaulted you with?" He
said "yes" and described how the assault took place. He was
bleeding from a wound on the small finger of the left hand; he was
also bleeding when he came to me at the police station at half past
one o'clock. I then asked complainant how he, accused, came to
assault, he said "he asked me for money he said I owed him; I told
him I would give it to him bye-and-bye; he then picked up the
tommyhawk and struck at my head; I put up my hand and received
the blow on my little finger, several others of my countrymen caught
hold of his hands" I then arrested the accused and brought him to
the lockup, and made the charges.
An interpreter was called to ascertain if the accused had any
questions to ask the last witness, and the reply was "no". The
constable then asked the interpreter if in his opinion the accused
could speak and understand English and he replied "yes he could".
Hung Loy, gardener, being sworn by extinguishing a matCh, said he
resided at Lum Hop's garden; I know the accused; he is the man I
laid the information against this morning for assaulting me. Last
night about 12 o'clock I was sitting on a stool at Lum Hop's garden;

the accused asked me for money that I owed him, I said I'll give it to
you bye and bye; he took up the tommyhawk produced, and made a
blow at me; I received the blow on the little finger on the left hand;
the wound cut into the bone. The blow from the tommyhawk caused
the wound in my finger; the tommyhawk is now bloodstained; three
of my countrymen prevented the accused from making another blow
at me. As soon as I could get away from accused I reported the
matter to police. By accused 'I did owe you money, but not now. I
did not promise to give you money one week; I did not say I would
fight rather than pay money.
Charlie Mong (cook), having been sworn, said that he lived at Lum
Hop's garden. I know the accused, Charlie Bow, also Hung Loy. I
know the accused was locked up last night; I was at Lum Hop's
garden when the quarrel took place. I know Hung Loy owes
accused money. Charlie Bow asked him for it; Hung Loy said
nothing; Charlie Bow said I want my money tonight. I saw them start
to fight and some chinamen ran up to them; I did not see the
tommyhawk. Hung Loy ran away from the place. The tommyhawk
produced belongs to Lum Hop's garden; I know nothing else about
this case; it was too dark in the bow shed to see if he had a
tommyhawk or not.
Lum Hop, gardener, duly sworn, residing at Milparinka Garden said
'I know the complainant and accused in this case. I was present
when the police arrested Charlie Bow this morning. I was present
some time in the middle of the night or early this morning; I heard
Charlie Bow ask Hung Loy for money; Hung Loy did not say when
he would pay; I went into the house and came out again and they
were then fighting; I did not see any tommyhawk at all; it was dark in
the shed; I and two countrymen stopped the fight; the tommyhawk
produced is mine, it is used for chopping meat; I saw Hung Loy give
the tommyhawk to the police this morning; Charlie Bow could have
had the tommyhawk in his hand and I not see it. Case dismissed.
(Sturt Recorder, 15 January 1898:2)
In combination the last two newspaper articles provide a wealth of
information regarding the structures which might be expected to reflect in
the archaeological record of the Chinese Gardens. From the suggested
location, between a mile and a mile and a half from Milparinka, the gardens
involved were at Chinaman's Garden Well. From the names given, and
from those contained in the other references extracted, a reasonably
adequate understanding can be derived of the numbers of Chinese, their
occupations, leisure activities, and the produce of their gardens. A further
reference, from the Sturt Recorder of 5 December 1898, suggests that the
children of European town residents visited the gardens, and that a
number of tanks were present. ..

Little Annie M'Lean, daughter of Mr. Neil M'Lean of Milparinka,
recently had a narrow escape from drowning. She was in the
Chinamen's Gardens, and unobserved fell into one of the tanks.
When found she was lying face downwards in the water, and had
she remained in that position for a few seconds longer the result
must surely have been fatal. (Sturt Recorder, 5 December 1898:2)
During a visit to China in 1908 King (1911;199) noted the use of large
'hard-burned, glazed terra-cotta urns, having capacities ranging from 50Oto
1000 pounds' set into the ground for the storage of garbage and human
excreta adjacent to rural residences. The liquid manure which resulted was
transferred to the crops using pails and a long-handled dipper. It is
possible some of the tanks mentioned in the Sturt Recorder had a similar
function to the urns mentioned by King. A reference to 'the chows' in the
extensive newspaper coverage when Cornelius Cline was charged with
stealing Senior Constable Wood's heifer, certainly suggests the Chinese
provided a scavenging service to the town...
...On Thursday morning of last week, from information received, I in
company with Constable M'William visited and inspected Baker's
slaughter yard. About ten o'clock the same day Baker came to the
Police Station and delivered a slaughtering notice to me. After some
conversation I said to Baker "I believe you had my heifer in your
yard in Monday evening. What became of the hide and head of the
beast you killed on Monday last? He said 'the head is there if the
chows have not taken it, ...
(Sturt Recorder, 21 May 1897:4)
No further historical information regarding the Chinese at Milparinka has
been identified apart from a mention dating from 1911 in the Milparinka
police charge and summons book (NSWPD1). This is a record of charges
laid as follows by the police against Joseph L1ande Cox...
October 31 st
Joseph L1ande Cox - that on the 29th October 1911 at or near
Milparinka in the State of New South Wales maliciously did set fire
to a certain fence, the property of Tom Chong Toosey - remanded
until 14 November 1911 to enable the case to be heard by a
properly constructed bench but allowed George Cox £10.
November 4th
Joseph L1ande Cox - charges withdrawn. - but the charge replaced
with attempting to destroy by fire a certain wooden fence the
property of Tom Chong Toosey - remanded on the application of the
police until November 15th, 1911.
November 15th
(Above) - adjourned for Police Magistrate on 20th December. - who
wired he was prevented from leaving Broken Hill on account of the

serious illness of his child. Same bail allowed - self in £10 and
assurities of £10 each.
December 20th
(Above) - Joseph L1ande Cox on bail - being a youth did on the said
29th day of October, 1911 at the Chinese Gardens near Milparinka
in the State of New South Wales, did attempt to destroy by fire a
certain wooden fence, the property of Tom Chong Toosey.
Discussed and the accused was discharged.
These extracts help to date a location referred to as Cox's Well, which
according to oral history is perhaps a half mile upstream of the Chinaman's
Garden Well site. They also suggest that in 1911 there was only one
location known as the Chinese Gardens near Milparinka. It follows that the
second site under consideration, that of Chinaman's Well, was then either
unoccupied, or not occupied as a Chinese garden. In 1906, however, the
site of Chinaman's Garden Well was gazetted by the New South Wales
Government as reserved for the Milparinka water supply (NSWGG, 5
December 1906:6642). The site, along with six other small portions along
Evelyn Creek, is marked on the town map held by the New South Wales
Registrar General, but I have been unable to locate any registration
details. Therefor another interpretation of the Police record is possible ­
that the Cox family abandoned Cox's Well some time around 1906 and
took up management of the newly gazetted town water supply at
Chinaman's Garden Well. This of course leads to an interpretation that the
Chinese were either forced to abandon the site or that the original owners
of the well were by then deceased. The interpretation fits neatly with the
statement by Nel Baker that the Cox residence included a cellar, and that
the Chinese gardens were passed when visiting the Cox family.
6.3 Structural Materials
No historical record has been found of the materials used in construction of
the house destroyed by fire at Chinaman's Garden Well, or of those
occupied in later years by George Ling or Lum Hop. The newspaper
accounts of incidents involving these premises suggest at least the first
mentioned house, and that occupied by George Ling were substantial, and
had glass windows.
The other structures presumed to have existed at Chinaman's Garden
Well here may have been built of materials which equated to those used
within the township of Tibooburra and described in a letter to the editor of
The Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount Browne Advertiser as "some
disreputable looking edifices known as Chinese Camps, built of cow hides,
tins, old rags, and other rubbish" (Sturt Recorder, 11 December 1986:2)
Equally they may have been constructed of traditional materials such as
described by Knapp (1990:26-30,36). Knapp suggests the simplest
traditional structure, which would tend to be occupied by the poor or as

temporary dwellings, comprised of "a tamped earth foundation or podium
at ground level or only slightly elevated...coupled with troughs and
sometimes underground conduits to drain water. .." perhaps accompanied
by a stone wall footing, but with the rest of the structure comprising a
wooden skeletal framework together with bamboo or similar matting or
wattle and daub.
I hesitate, however, to limit the possibilities to but two or three, as further
sources (Wegars, 1993; Spence,1992) nominate other equally possible
methods of construction.
Sisson (in Wegars,1993:53-55) suggests bUilding materials used by
Chinese in the United States were quite varied, the least durable of which,
at Sacramento in California were wood and canvas. Sisson also records
work by Jack, Holmes and Kerr at Palmerston in far north Queensland,
which suggested the use of materials such as thatched grass, bark,
corrugated iron and wood.
Also in Wegars are several references to the construction of dwellings at
least partially below the natural ground surface, while Knapp (1990: 13-17)
refers to construction methods involving excavation of houses completely
below the surface. This method of construction, confined to the north, and
in particular to Henan and Shanxi provinces, involved the excavation of a
pit, sometimes one hundred square meters in area, which served as a
courtyard. Houses were then excavated into the northern, eastern and
western walls of the pit, the southern wall not being used on account of it
being in constant shade. A ramp on the southern side of the pit was used
for access.
Knapp (1990:59) also discusses the principles of fengshui, which suggest
the Chinese would have avoided cutting into a hill for fear of causing
damage to the pulse of the dragon - the portent of fire and ill fortune, and
so perhaps would also avoid any excavation such as a cellar. Perhaps
construction on level ground is not be subject to the same limitations.
6.4 Agricultural Methods
No historical record has been found of the specific agricultural practices
followed by the Chinese at Milparinka. It is clear, however, from the
records of crops produced at various times, that they were quite successful
in growing a variety of fruit and vegetables. Spence (1992) in a chapter on
foods available in China over several centuries also makes it clear none of
the recorded crops were unfamiliar to the Chinese, although, for example,
sweet potato was more likely to be widely familiar than the 'Irish' one
apparently grown at Milparinka. Sweet potato was part of the staple diet of
the poorer residents of coastal south-eastern China by the early 1800s
(Spence, 1992: 168), and of coolies in north China by 1850
(Spence,1992:171).

King (1908:nn) reported the use of cellars in the storage of grapes in
northern Shantung province, but my other research has failed to find
additional information in this regard. King also reported the intensive use of
fields, with vine crops, particularly cucumbers, being grown above other
vegetables. He suggested (1911: 36) that apart from the economies thus
obtained in the use of land, the vine crops served to shelter more
susceptible crops from the extremes of weather. Such a system would
have clear application at Milparinka where extremes of heat in summer and
sub-zero overnight temperatures during winter are encountered.
In addition to the terra cotta vessels adjacent to rural properties already
mentioned, King recorded the use of small wells or tanks, and in some
instances, covered earthenware pots, adjacent to fields or village gardens
as receptacles of manures pending use on the crops. From these liquid
was ladled to individual plants in careful proportion (King, 1911:230). That
a similar system was in use at Milparinka is suggested by the incident
involving 'little Annie McLean'.

Chapter 7 SITE DESCRIPTIONS
7.0 Introduction
The historical research undertaken suggests the presence of one Chinese
garden site in the vicinity of Milparinka township. This site was known as
Chinaman's Garden Well and has been located on Peak Hill Station, on
land previously designated a part of Milparinka Common.
Chinaman's Garden Well is on the banks of Evelyn Creek, about 2.4
kilometres upstream of Milparinka. One source indicates that six one acre
holdings formerly existed in this vicinity, two of which were reserved for
water supply purposes in December 1906. Unfortunately no records remain
of the holdings apart from an inscription on the county map currently
(December 1992) held in the NSW Registrar Generals Department. The
historical research, in conjunction with oral history, suggests that in 1911 at
least one of them was occupied by the Cox family, and that another was
occupied by Tom Chong Toosey (Barlow:1988 & NSWPD1). Ownership of
the other holdings is obscure.
If the list of identified Chinese sites is extended to include those suggested
primarily by oral history and location names, a further site, barely
mentioned in the historical records also exists. This is Chinaman's Well,
located on Mount Poole Station. With the exception of an original grant
dating from 1886, and the mention made by Kidman, Chinaman's Well is
unreported in the written records. The well is further removed from
Milparinka than Chinaman's Garden Well, and lies on a tributary of Evelyn
Creek.
The site descriptions which follow are drawn from documentation prepared
during the winter months of 1986 and 1987, with supplemental information
recorded in July 1988, March 1989 and January 1994.
7.1 "Chinaman's Well"
Map 9 shows site features discussed below. This map was prepared from
site survey information gathered in 1987 and 1988, with some additional
plotting being completed in 1989. Since then the activities of stock in the
vicinity have made some changes, primarily to the mounds of "flood debris"
discussed at paragraph 7.1.2.
7.1.1 Location
Chinaman's Well is located on an essentially flat area some distance east
of Evelyn Creek, and about 300 meters upstream of the point where
Bendigo Creek joins with a side channel of the main creek. It is
approximately equidistant from Milparinka and 'Albert', the township

associated with the Warratta quartz reefs. Evaluation of the probable
route to Mount Poole diggings suggests the site is on or close to that route.
To the north-west is rising ground, and to the east the flood plain of
Bendigo Creek.
There is an operating windmill at Chinaman's Well. According to oral
history (Blore: 1985) the bore which this pumps is sunk adjacent to the
original well. Harry Blore, the informant, was responsible for erection of the
mill and associated sheep watering facilities.
7.1.2 Site Features
Beside the windmill already mentioned is a large rectangular stone tank.
The outside of this is formed of roughly dressed stone, and tapers inwards
from bottom to top. The inside, which is cement rendered, is vertical. One
side of the tank is built over the remains of a much smaller tank or cistern
of broadly similar construction. Blore suggested this dates from the original
Chinese occupation of the site. He also suggested that when he was small
(during the 1930s) the remains of a wooden fence still stood around the
area he pointed out as being the site of the Chinese gardens here. Blore
also stated that during the 1970s he was contracted to remove an
accumulation of flood debris from around the tank, and to build new
watering troughs for the sheep. At that time he graded quite a lot of
material from the vicinity of the tank. The material so removed forms a low
mound some distance away. However, examination of mounds remaining
near the windmill and tank, and in particular, of one quite tall mound,
suggested that they may originally have been the floor and walls of tamped
earth structures. If so four or five such structures may have existed in the
vicinity of the well. A short distance west of the well is an area of more
firmly packed earth. Associated with this are a number of post stumps and
some wire netting, suggestive of a small yard or pen.
Adjacent to a depression beside the present windmill are the remains of a
whip, presumably the means by which water was previously raised from
the well. The depression, again according to Blore, was the original well,
and was filled by him with debris during the construction of the new
facilities.
However, the main structural remnant at Chinaman's Well is the ruin of a
stone hut. The is located south-west of the well and appears to have been
a one room structure. Associated with the stone hut is a sparse artefact
scatter.
Photograph 7, a view of the ruin from the east, was taken in 1988.
Photograph 8, taken from the south, dates from January 1994.

7.1.3 Artefact Scatter
The following description of the artefact scatter at Chinaman's Well was
made during a visit to the site in August 1987. The general nature of the
area involved is shown in photograph 9. Since 1987 considerable
disturbance has occurred as the site is being currently used for pastoral
purposes. The disturbance, however, is confined to extensive trampling by
sheep and is probably no greater than that to which it has been subjected
on numerous occasions since the 1890s. The majority of the scatter in
1987 was east and south of the stone hut. It seems that much of it had
been spread by f1oodwaters, as the general spread was from the hut
towards Bendigo Creek. It may be, however, that this disturbance was the
result of the site works by Blore, and that the mound of earth downstream
of the site contains a significant proportion of the artefacts previously
covering the site.
" Within the first fifty meter quadrat is the main, but compartively
sparse, concentration of artefacts. The scatter is mostly glass,
including pale green bottle glass, apparently the base of gin bottles,
amethyst glass which looks like the base of a drinking glass, black
glass and the base of 'beer' bottles. A number of bottles have been
washed further towards the watercourse and some of these are
complete. Also in the scatter is glazed white pottery, and a piece of
stoneware, perhaps a ginger jar. This is beige around the rim, and
has a shallow lip which is more highly glazed. Inside is unglazed
apart from what has spread inside from the exterior glazing process.
The item also has a white glaze on parts of the exterior with what
appear to be blue figures just below the curve of the rim.
"Also in the area is a clear glass bottle about 85mm high and
perhaps 15mm square, which appears to have had a stopper in it,
and the upper portions of quite a lot of bottles which had applied
tops. Most of these are darker green glass. Closer to the survey
origin are three pieces of quarter-inch plate glass, and some
ceramic material which has a Chinese character painted on the
base, a piece of a bowl which has the number thirteen painted onto
its base, and a Chinese medicine vial about 80mm high and 15mm
by 10mm in section.
"Within the same quadrat is blue printed glazed pottery - two or
three pieces of it, and some white plain pottery. About 8.5 meters
south of origin is the base and the applied top a black glass gin
bottle. There are pieces of a stoneware demijohn about 20 meters
east and about 6 or 7 meters north of the origin with another piece
of the same demijohn being located 10 meters to the east. Also in
this general area is a Johnny Walker whisky bottle of recent date.
Towards Bendigo Creek is the base of a brown-glazed Chinese soy
or food jar, a Chinese coin, some buttons, and other fittings which
perhaps come from items of clothing. About 24 meters east of the

hut the artefact scatter thins considerably. Here are a number of
quite large horseshoes, probably from draught horses. fI
Some of the artefacts are discussed in more detail at Paragraph 8.1.7.
7.1.4 Structural Materials
There is quite strong evidence for the presence of four or five structures
constructed of tamped earth at Chinaman's Well. Photograph 12 refers to
this. Associated with the tamped earth are numbers of rocks. Also at
Chinaman's Well is the ruin of a stone hut which could possibly have been
constructed in part below ground level.
Knapp (1990:29,34) states that traditional Chinese tamped earth
construction incorporates the use of rocks to form footings to the walls and
to insulate timbers supporting the roof from damp in the walls.The
(perhaps later) use of stone is consistent with the construction methods
reported by Ritchie (in Wegars 1993:355). It is, however, acknowledged
that neither method is exclusive to the Chinese or diagnostic of a Chinese
site, and that opportunistic use of materials would be more usual. That
stone would need to be imported some distance for use at Chinaman's
Well is a detrimental to the proposed association. The structures are
discussed in more detail at paragraph 8.1.2.
7.1.5 Vegetation
There are few mature trees in the vicinity of Chinaman's Well. Those which
are present are mostly small Eucalyptus tomaldulensis or the common red
river gum, with the next most common being gidgee. Although the latter
are numerous, most are dead, perhaps killed by a parasitic growth which is
also very common in the area. This is probably Lysiana exocarpi (harlequin
mistletoe), having a bright red pencil-like flower, leaves are grouped in
threes up the stem and a yellow to bright orange spherical fruit. There
appear to be two sub-species of gidgee, one with long leaves which are
straight, the other having shorter, curved leaves. Another common plant ­
perhaps more correctly described as a shrub - has a small white flower and
bright green leaves. This is probably western boobialla or Myoporum
montanum, which is commonly found on red earths and in association with
bladder saltbush (Cunningham et ai, 1981 :616). Most specimens of this
appear to be dying, perhaps indicating they appear only after good rain.
During another visit to the site, at a time when rain had recently fallen in
the area, a very lush growth of sp. Chenopodium was present, growing to
a height of perhaps 1.2 meters and covering the entire area.

7.1.6 Soil Samples
Soil samples obtained by use of an auger at Chinaman's Well were tested
in1987. These were taken at 100mm intervals to a depth of approximately
500mm, and found to have a pH range of 7.5 to 8.0. A control sample
from the Evelyn Creek side of the floodway at that site produced a range
from 6.5 to 8.0. By comparison testing of samples derived from the higher
ground within the Milparinka township found pH levels of 6.5 from the
surface to 200mm below. At 200mm a pH level of 8.5 was encountered,
while 9.0 (and a calcarious layer) was found at 360 to 470 mm.
The pH levels at Chinaman's Well are significantly higher than those on
the surface within the European town. The implications of this for the
survival of tin cans and bone at the Chinese sites, and for a significant gap
in the archaeological record, are discussed at paragraph 8.2.4.
7.2 "Chinaman's Garden Well"
7.2.1 Location
Chinaman's Garden Well is sited on the western bank of Evelyn Creek,
about a mile and a half (2.4 kilometers) upstream of Milparinka township.
At this point the main channel of Evelyn Creek is perhaps 1.8 meters deep.
A flood channel has cut to the west of the site, so that although the site is
presumed to have been located between the two watercourses part of it
may have been carried away by the action of floodwaters.
Map 10 shows the location of features discussed below. This map was
prepared from survey data in 1988. Only relatively minor changes had
occurred when the site was last visited in January 1994.
7.2.2 Site Features
Photographs 10 and 11 refer to features of Chinaman's Garden Well. The
main features of the site are a large excavation (photograph 10), 1.5
meters deep, another substantial depression (photograph 11) about 1.2
meters deep, and a low-sided corrugated iron tank set on a low platform.
The corrugated iron tank is located between the two depressions. The
large excavation is distinguished by the presence of a piece of three-inch
(75mm) angle iron, set upright in concrete which in turn is contained by two
mining buckets. At surface level in the north- western corner of the
excavation is some worked stone. Another single piece of worked stone is
adjacent to a ramp which leads into the depression on the south-eastern
corner. The second depression is evidently the site of the well from which
the location takes its name. This is surrounded by immature red river
gums, and by the remains of a fence. At the corner of the depression
nearest the large excavation and the tank are two posts through which

holes about two inches in diameter have been bored. These holes appear
to relate to a windlass, the remains of which (photograph 25) are located
fifty meters downstream in the centre of the site. To the west of the well
depression is the ruin of a small stone structure, the sides of which
measure perhaps 1.5 meters by 1.0 meter. At a point in the creek bank
roughly adjacent to the well are four upright posts, perhaps associated with
a landing used when the creek contained water.
7.2.3 Artefact Scatter
Three artefact scatters suggest the location of structures on the western
edge of the site, between fifty and ninety-five meters downstream from the
well.
The two most southerly artefact scatters each cover an area approximately
ten meters by ten meters. The others, although containing large numbers
of items, are not clearly related to any modification to the soil surface. The
third, which is a little to the north-west of the others is associated with an
area of packed earth, is less clearly defined. The westerly scatter was
more sparse than the others, but appeared to include opium tins, Chinese
medicinal vials, Chinese coins, bottle glass, and pottery. large pieces of a
stoneware demijohn were significant feature of the that scatter.
The possible remains of a fenced area is located between the two
southerly concentrations of artefacts. This is suggested by the remains of
fence posts approximately 75mm in diameter, and stones evidently used to
weight down the fence. The scatter on the downstream side of the posts
or stumps comprised mostly glass fragents, plus a number of opium tins,
and iron items. The upstream scatter appeared to contain a slightly
contained a higher concentration of clothing-related artefacts. North-west
of the upstream scatter, between it and the area of the western scatter,
are a piece of corrugated iron, a post stump, and wire netting.
The site has been disturbed by flooding, but reflects little evidence of
interference by bottle fossickers or souvenir hunters. It is clear, however,
that it has been visited on previous occasions, perhaps during the annual
Milparinka Gymkhana which is held on a ground not far removed from the
site. Some bottles bear evidence of flaking and other impact damage,
perhaps from rifle fire. There is one small excavation. At the Peak Hill
Station homestead are the remains of a wheelbarrow said to have come
from the site, and given the history of flooding, whole bottles and other
buoyant objects have probably been carried away downstream.
7.2.4 Structural Materials
There is no evidence at Chinaman's Garden Well to suggest premises
constructed wholly of durable materials such as stone, rammed earth, or
mud bricks. But there is evidence of the cellar mentioned in the historical

ecord, and of stone foundations in the immediate vicinity of the well. Given
the local propensity for the reuse of materials and bodily relocation of
structures it is possible to assume the 'big house' (refer page 81)
constructed of timber or corrugated iron was located here, and
subsequently completely demolished.
The. main artefact scatters are most likely associated with additional
structures and with Lum Hop's Garden (refer page 82).
7.2.5 Vegetation
The vegetation at Chinaman's Garden Well consists of mature red river
gums and, along the banks of Evelyn Creek, scattered acacia bushes and
coolibahs. At the time the site was first visited a little grass was also
present, but the location was otherwise barren. In January 1994, however,
quite a significant number of saltbush plants had grown on parts of the site.
Adjacent to and just south-west of the westerly artefact scatter are two
very old and tall gidgee trees, perhaps remnants of the gidgee scrub noted
on the 1883 map of Milparinka township, and mentioned by Brock as
acacias (ref page 14).
7.2.6 Soil Samples
A stratified sample of soil from the vicinity of Chinaman's Garden Well was
obtained in January 1994. Although not taken from within the area
presumed to represent the Chinese garden site, and remote from the
identified habitation sites, testing and of comparison to samples obtained
earlier in the township and at Chinaman's Well suggests a similar situation
to that found at the latter site.
SOIL SAMPLES
Ch' mamans , Ga" den IMe 11 • January 1994
Depth pH HCI NaOH Texture
(surface) 8.5 to 9.0 nil moderate very fine
50mm 8.0 to 8.5 nil moderate very fine
200mm 8.5 slight high fine
300mm 8.5 nil low fine
500mm 8 nil moderate friable

CHAPTER 8 ANALVSIS OF ARTEFACTS AND SITE
FEATURES
8.0 Introduction
The problem of site disturbance is highlighted in many archaeological
reports and is clearly an influence at Milparinka. But the Milparinka
Chinese sites are relatively unknown and still quite remote from major
tourist routes. They are also located on privately controlled land some
distance from present roads. As a result few items more recent than 1900
appear to be included in the artefact assemblage. Even so consideration
has been given to the possibility of disturbance, most likely in the years
immediately following abandonment, and perhaps on irregular occasions
since.
At worst the impact of disturbance might parallel that encountered by
Spector (1993:125), at a site in the United States which had been
plundered by amateur archaeologists and collectors over a one-hundred
year period. As a result of that disturbance it was considered impossible to
interpret the artefact assemblage, although it was thought to be that of a
fur (trading) post. Early and mid-nineteenth century items were found in
association with soda cans, tin foil, sherds of plastic cups and 20th century
beer bottles. It was known that the diagnostic artefacts recovered
represented but a small part of the assemblage originally present, and that
large numbers of artefacts had been removed as an outcome of the earlier,
less methodical activities.
At Milparinka it is possible artefacts relating to later periods of site usage
have become closely associated with those from the Chinese period.
There has been flooding, and some deliberate relocation of 'flood debris' at
Chinaman's Well. At Chinaman's Garden Well there has also been
significant flooding, and quite probably removal of all artefactual material in
the vicinity of the well itself. The last is an anticipated outcome of
subsequent use of the well site as the town water supply and residence of
the Cox family. This is discussed in more detail at paragraph 8.2.2. In
addition intervention by subsequent local visitors to the site could be
assumed to have resulted in the removal of "curios" and re-useable
materials. For example, the pastoral lessees at Mount Poole and Peak Hill
stations have removed items such as the wheelbarrow wheel now located
at Peak Hill and presently associated with a range of blacksmithing
implements and a 1930s motor vehicle. Oral history suggests the
wheelbarrow was removed to the homestead many years ago. Its wheel is
immovable on the axle as was common practice at the end of the 19th
century for heavy carts in northern China and Manchuria (King, 1911 :239).
Site disturbance continues to be an issue, with several timbers present at
Chinaman's Garden Well in 1988 and 1989 having since been removed,
perhaps for reuse or firewood.

Chinese assemblages studied by others are discussed at paragraph 8.0.2.
At this point it needs to be emphasised that this information suggests that
unless the Chinese sites at Milparinka are very unusual, they could be
expected to contain a reasonably complex mixture of both Chinese and
European artefacts. In addition, the 'Cox period', discussed at paragraph
8.2.2, is roughly contiguous with the last years of Chinese occupation of
Chinaman's Garden Well. These two factors make it unlikely that any
mixing of the assemblage at Chinaman's Garden Well will be visible. In
regard to Chinaman's Well, the situation is more complex, as there is no
historical chronology from which to draw guidance. Certainly the surface
record is disturbed, but the degree to which it contains material from other
occupation periods is problematic.
At both sites the local propensity for reuse of materials, and for the
hoarding of materials gathered from other locations is a further
complication.
8.0.1 Methodology
During the winter of 1988 one meter grids were surveyed over the sites
identified as Chinaman's Well, Cox's Well, and Chinaman's Garden Well.
The alignment of these grids was determined by the location of a traverse
established along the major axis of the site. Permanent markers (wooden
survey pegs) were placed at fifty meter intersects, and the compass
bearing along the major axis was noted. At each site a major feature was
chosen as a permanent reference point.
Site features were surveyed according to their offsets from the fifty-meter
grid lines, and site plans were developed from these surveys. The contours
of creeks and subsidiary watercourses were noted, but with the exception
of two depressions at Chinaman's Garden Well no attempt was made to
plot other contour details of the sites. As mentioned elsewhere, Cox's Well
was excluded from further analysis. A basic description of that site is
included as Appendix F.
Artefactual material was collected and bagged according to the surveyed
one-meter grid. Statistics relating to the collected material were as follows.
Site Area Surveyed #Quads with #Finds #Items
(Quads -1 Sq.m) Artefacts
Chinaman's Well 17500 28 146 459
Chinaman's Garden Well 15000 73 556 1683
Totals 32500 101 702 2142

In the discussion which follows, the term artefact is used in reference to a
whole object - a bottle, a plate, a spoon. The term find is used to describe
a group of items from one quadrat which to relate to one artefact, and an
item is a single piece of artefactual material. Therefore a find can be
comprised of several items, and several finds could represent one artefact.
Most of the items collected were cleaned and classified. This process took
place in Sydney over a period of three years. During this period bags
containing items which it was though might deteriorate due to changes in
humidity were sealed and placed in a second bag or closed plastic box
which contained a quantity of silica gel. Items which contained residues or
deposits which it was considered might be useful for subsequent analysis
were subjected only to minimal cleaning, and then classified. Classification
involved sorting items from each quadrat into finds. Finds were then
recorded in a Minark V4.12 database and rebagged according to the
record number in that database. The database record number has been
used as the reference to photographs of the finds which are discussed in
paragraphs 8.1.7 and 8.2.7. A summary of the classification results is
tabulated below.
FUNCTIONAL CLASS
Architectural
Non-structural
window glass
Structural
bolt/escutcheonlflat iron
nail
nut/rivet
washer
wire
Agricultural/Pastoral/Craft
Food
Household
hook
lamp
whet stone
wind chime
Kitchenware
bottle glass - non-diagnostic
bottle base
bottle lip or rim
glass stopper
vinegar bottle glass - non-diagnostic
CHINAMAN'S WELL
Nbr Nbr Items
Finds
CHINAMAN'S GARDEN
WELL
Nbr Nbr Items
Finds

TOTAL FINDS
In the process of cleaning one attempt was made to clean a ferrous item (a
non-diagnostic lump of forged iron) by washing with distilled water after the
majority of adhering soil had been removed by brushing with a nylon
toothbrush. Upon drying the item disintegrated into a number of fragments.
No further attempt was made to clean ferrous items using water. After
cleaning by mechanical means alone they were brushed with a 5% solution
in acetone of Paraloid B73 as a means of interim conservation. As has
already been mentioned, analysis of the soil at Chinaman's Well found it to
be highly alkaline, and to contain a high proportion of chlorides.
Disintegration of the ferrous item was most probably due to it having
become impregnated with chlorides. Salt crystals formed within the
material after the wetting and subsequent drying of the item, the formation
of the crystals perhaps caused disintegration. This would be partly in
keeping with a discussion by Sanford (1975) of the disintegration of iron
cannonballs recovered from the sea.
Copper items were also cleaned by brushing. Buttons and other items
which could be satisfactorily dried after a process of wetting were also
subjected to washing with distilled water. Any item, such as a crushed
opium tin, which presented a more complex cleaning task, was cleaned by
dry brushing alone. Ceramic material and glass was generally immersed in
water and allowed to soak for a period before cleaning, once again by use
of a nylon or hair brush.
The percentage of items comprised of the most common materials, and the
numbers of items involved was as follows:
Material Chinaman's Well Chinaman's Garden
Well
Percentage #finds Percentage #finds
Glass 42.2% 62 50.0% 278
Ferrous 25.9% 38 23.6% 131
Cuprous 16.3% 24 7.9% 44
Fine Stoneware 4.8% 7 1.1% 6
Vitreous Stoneware 5.4% 8 0.9% 5
Red Earthenware 2.7% 4 6.1% 34
Appendices H and I provide additional details.
Site features and the artefactual material collected have been subjected to
detailed analysis. Spatial distribution of the material and of structural
remnants was studied with the objective of identifying features mentioned
in the historical record and unrecorded features, and to develop theories
regarding the method of deposition and degree of post-depositional
disturbance. The assemblage of artefactual material was studied to
develop hypotheses regarding the nature of activities undertaken at

specific locations and in an attempt to find out the degree to which the
assemblages correlate with activities mentioned in the historical record.
Cultural characteristics were sought through comparison of the
assemblage to that recorded from known Chinese sites researched by
others, such as Ritchie, McCarthy, Grimwade, and Fagan. The
assemblage was studied to identify evidence of economic and recreational
activities.
A futher aspect considered was the possible presence of artefacts
associated with religious observance, as a comment made by Nel Baker
(personal communication, 1988) regarding the placement of whisky on the
Chinese graves at Milparinka tends to fit the pattern of the Taoist grave
cleaning ritual. In order to interpret the artefactual assemblage for other
indications of ritual observance, information was sought from a number of
sources. This research established that Taoist ancestor worship includes
two basic rituals. The first practice is the grave-cleaning ceremony, part of
which was apparently observed by Nel Baker. This particular ritual is an
annual event, and includes the offering of sustenance to the deceased.
Responsibility for this ritual is clearly delineated as being that of the
persons most obligated to the deceased, but "anyone who has free time
goes to weed and set the graves in order, acting as a representative of the
ancestor's other descendants" (Ahern, 1973:166). Food, generally in an
unprepared state, is placed on the grave, ritual paper money is burnt, and
wine is poured over the surface of the grave (Ahern, 1973:173). That
failure to observe the ritual was believed to have dire consequences for
those responsible may have influenced activities at Milparinka. The second
practice, which it was thought may reflect in the archaeological record, is
the provision of food at a domestic shrine. This ritual involves the
preparation of food of the highest quality, which is offered to the spirits of
a person's ancestors in vessels of high quality on the anniversary of their
death (personal communication Sue Tan, 1994). Ahern (1967:167) does
not refer to such a rigid observance, suggesting that the food offered
would simply be that normally eaten by the family, perhaps with a higher
proportion of meats and delicacies. But more importantly, Ahern suggests
that the obligation of worship at a domestic shrine is not limited to direct
descendants. An obligation could be imposed by the inheritance of land
from a non-relative, or through the receipt of the produce of land once
belonging to a dead person (Ahern, 1973: 153). Thus the Chinese at
Milparinka may have been obliged to offer ritual sustenance at a domestic
shrine to the spirits of their deceased companions, as well as observing
the annual grave-cleaning ceremony.
The sites were also compared with each other in an attempt to identify an
occupation chronology, a sequence of abandonment, and evidence of
acculturation.

8.0.2 Cultural Characteristics of Chinese Sites
Reference was made to reports which resulted from work on Chinese sites
in New Zealand (Ritchie 1986), Oregon (Fagan in Wegars 1993), at Pine
Creek (McCarthy 1986) and at Atherton (Grimwade 1987) for broad
characteristics of the artefact assemblage found at comparable sites. In
each instance the assemblage included both European and Chinese
material, but the frequency of occurrence of specific categories varied from
site to site. With the exception of Atherton, where the report referred to a
temple site, Chinese medicine vials, '!i' or 'cash', and opium-related items
were included in each assemblage.
Atherton (circa 1885 to circa 1920, but with remnant occupancies to
1950s)
high rainfall, strongly acid soils
Beer, whisky and schnapps bottles, few Chinese Ng Ka Py bottles
Chinese medicines
(Chinese) pale blue or celadon glazed bowls dishes teacups and wine cups
Chinese ceramic spoons
Pine Creek (circa 1877 to circa 1910)
low rainfall- soils not classified
Beer, whisky, gin, schnapps, pickle bottles
Chinese medicine vials
European medicines (patent medicines)
(Chinese) celadon, polychrome and cobalt-underglaze bowls, plates, teacups and
wine cups.
Chinese ceramic spoons
Ng Ka Py bottles
Central Otago, New Zealand (circa 1866 to circa 1910)
Beer, whisky, brandy, gin, schnapps, sauce, pickle, vinegar, essence, jam etc.
bottles, Ng Ka Py bottles
Chinese medicine vials
Chinese and European ceramics
Chinese and European table utensils
Oregon, United States (1876-1930)
various European ("American") alcoholic beverage bottle
Chinese alcohol bottles
Chinese medicine vials
Chinese celadon and other ceramic bowls, plates, cups etc.
Few non-Chinese tablewares
General comments regarding the assemblage at Pine Creek and in New
Zealand were also extracted. These were as follows:
Alcoholic beverage bottles comprised over 55% of the sample from Pine
Creek, but the number of bottles which related to European foodstuffs
such as pickles, and Worcestershire sauce was low. The European

foodstuffs used by the Chinese appear to have been substitutes for
traditional items. Large numbers of traditional Chinese alcoholic beverage
jars were located, together with earthenware food jars - ginger jars, soy
sauce, fish paste and others. Identifiable cans included fish, cocoa, and
large cans presumed to have contained vegetables. No meat cans were
found. McCarthy also noted that overall there was very little evidence for
the use of canned items.
In regard to the Central Otago, New Zealand sites, the comment was also
made that glass was the most abundant artefactual material, derived
primarily from bottles, jars and medicine vials. These included an extensive
group related to sauces, pickles, salad oils, vinegars and jams, as well as
Chinese glass relating to medicines. 17.3% of all bottles were classified as
European domestic, while gin, followed by brandy and then whisky, were
the most numerous European alcoholic beverage containers. Wine bottles
were uncommon. Alcohol bottles numbered 807, domestic bottles, 228,
European pharmaceutical bottles, 72, and Chinese glass bottles, 64
(Ritchie, 1986:160-164). Chinese ceramics in Central Otago were
predominantly large food jars, soy and green ginger jars, and Ng Ka Py,
celadon bowls, cups and spoons. Shallow celadon dishes, 'bird and floral'
and 'bamboo' rice bowls were the least common. Of items classed as
relatively rare, one, beige-blue ginger jars (smudge blue type) is of
significance in regard to the Milparinka sites. European ceramics were
almost exclusively utilitarian tablewares. Of these 29% were plain white
'hotel wares', and 67.2% were colour-decorated - transfer-printed, edgepainted
etc. etc. Ritchie provides the following statistical comparison
between Chinese and European wares from Central Otago.
Tablewares European Chinese
Earthenware 238
Porcelain 26 141
Total 264 141
Ritchie reported (:321) earthenwares outnumbered European porcelain at
all sites, and that the ratio was consistently in the vicinity of 8: 1, or 8-11 %
European porcelain. The figures tabulated above suggest tablewares from
the Central Otago sites were 58.8% European earthenwares, 6.4%
European porcelain, and 34.8% Chinese porcelain. Tin cans at the Central
Otago sites were numerous - 1099 in all. The dominant group was the wax
vesta tin, which accounted for 512 units. In a society reliant upon cooking
fires, lamps, and candles the preponderance is unsurprising.
A final group of artefacts which is discussed by Ritchie (:451) and which is
of significance to the Milparinka sites, are those comprised of wire - wire
hooks, pegs, handles. Ritchie suggests the hooks, of which he identified

six types - 's' hooks, pegs with a 'looped head', double-ended hooks 15­
20cm long, lengths of wire, improvised kerosene-can bucket handles, and
"short lengths of chain with a wire hook at one or both ends" - were for
hanging 'things' within the roof area of huts, to keep them out of the way or
away from rodents etc..
8.1 Chinaman's Well
8.1.1 Modern Site Features
Apart from the windmill at Chinaman's Well which was re-erected in 1978
after collapsing into the old well excavation, modern features at
Chinaman's Well comprise sheep watering facilities, a substantial stone
tank, fencing and gates. The construction and repair of these has led to an
undetermined degree of site disturbance.
Additional to the present, modern features the site has been used for
watering sheep, cattle, goats and horses for many years, and evidence of
earlier generations of stock watering facilities abounds. This takes the form
of remnant foundations for watering troughs, old fencing wire, and iron
bore casing. The evidence is highly disturbed, rough coils of fencing wire
complete with wooden posts, being piled on top of the stone hut ruin and
weighed down with an axle shaft, and chunks of concrete foundations and
lengths of bore casing being scattered across the site. In respect to these
items it was considered unnecessary and perhaps impossible to establish
a reliable chronology, and for the purpose of my research they have been
disregarded.
8.1.2 Early Site Features
The windmill at Chinaman's Well is situated adjacent to the well site. When
the sides of the well eroded, the mill collapsed into the excavation. Harry
Blore re-erected the mill in 1978 at which time substantial quantities of
'flood debris' were dumped into the old well. Harry stated this was done
partly to prevent rabbits from using the build-up of debris to gain access to
and drown in the stone tank. However, as already stated, it is very possible
some of this 'debris' was the ruins of tamped-earth structures. Photograph
12 was taken of 'debris' which remained on the site in 1988. By 1994 this
had collapsed and been trampled by mobs of sheep.
A number of other mounds of earth at the site could have had similar
origins to that photographed, and an area of packed earth associated with
a small pen was identifiable in 1988. None of these features were
associated with the surface scatter of artefactual material.
The most prominent older feature of the site is the ruin of a stone hut thirty
meters south the original well. This ruin remains much as it was in 1988,
being protected by a fence between it and the watering facilities, and in

map 13, most glass ('kitchenware') was located in quadrats 002 to 005
west, and 000 north to 004 south. However, the overall range of quadrats
which contained artefactual material classified as kitchen- and table-wares
tends to be more broad, perhaps reflecting the dispersal of artefacts by
f100dwaters and post-occupational site disturbance by station workers,
visitors or stock. This increased dispersion, however, could also be a
product of visibility, fragments of glass, ceramic material and cooking
utensils tending to be less subject to impaction into te surface. These
artefacts also tend to present convenient rifle targets and missiles.
Map 14 shows that analysis of the quadrats from which classes of artefacts
were drawn reveals definite patterns. The greatest weight of ferrous
artefacts came from a group of quadrats 45 to 46 meters south and 64 to
68 meters east of the survey origin. This area contained woodworking and
metal-working tools, a barrel hoop, horse shoe fragments, fragments of
iron and forged iron items. These suggest the location was used as a
workshop.
Quadrats in the group 002 to 008 west by 000 north to 008 south
contained the majority of artefacts associated with clothing and personal
usage, and artefacts which possibly relate to religious or recreational
activities. The distribution of these is shown by map 15. The number of
items involved, however, is small. Quadrat 019s001w also contained a
clothing-related artefact grouping, comprising a four-hole button, a buckle
and part of a pair of braces. Quadrat 008s008w, contained three buttons, a
large press-stud, a Chinese 'cash', and an unidentified item perhaps
associated with a blind-cord. Perhaps these came from a residential
structure built at this actual location, but there is no evidence in the form of
post stumps, obvious changes in the compaction of the surface, mounds or
depressions to support the proposition.
8.1.5 Evidence of Cultural Significance.
The ferrous artefacts at Chinaman's Well are not culturally diagnostic,
comprising a wood drill, a forged iron drop-bar, bolt fragments, a nut, and
horseshoes. Neither are buttons, but some of these are of great interest as
indicators of origin. One button appears to have been coloured black (find
#742) , perhaps for use as a counter or piece for gambling, for draughts or
for some other recreational activity. One of the Chinese 'cash' from the site
(find #736) has been similarly coloured. These are discussed further in
paragraph 8.1.7.
Cuprous items in the samples from Chinaman's Well included the sides,
tops, and bases of opium tins, Chinese 'cash', metal buttons, and two
buckles. A ceramic opium pipe bowl was also located at this site, but is
unprovenanced, having been picked up some hundred and seventy meters
downstream of the survey origin. It seems highly probable this item was

transported away from the main area by f1oodwaters, two whole bottles
having been noted in the same vicinity.
Clearly the presence of opium-related artefacts is significant, as is the
presence of Chinese 'cash'. One of the buckles is also interesting. This
item is fashioned from copper or brass sheet, was originally gold-plated,
and has a toothed key. It appears to be intended for use in association with
a fine fabric such as silk or with a ribbon such as might secure a volume or
album.
All five pieces of red earthenware from the site are fragments of brownglazed
food jars, while twelve fragments of fine earthenware and vitreous
stoneware were parts of small bowls and flatware. The red earthenware is
of Chinese origin, and represents at least three food jars or pots. The bowl
fragments are almost certainly of European or American origin. The
presence of bowl fragments is not necessarily diagnostic of a Chinese site,
but in conjunction with other items in the assemblage the evidence
becomes more persuasive.
Glass items from Chinaman's Well include a Chinese medicine vial and a
perfume bottle of European origin, and two pieces of 8mm thick flat glass,
perhaps from a mirror, but more probably from a glass table top or shelf.
The style of vial and the particular brand of perfume has been noted by
Ritchie and others as being associated with Chinese sites in Central
Otago, New Zealand and in the United States (Wegars, 1993:223, Ritchie,
1986: 194, 196). The plate glass at Chinaman's Well appears to be an
unusual component of a Chinese assemblage. The possibility that it
substituted for window glass cannot be entirely discounted, although at
8mm thick it would be exceptional. No other window glass has been found
at Chinaman's Well, and the window glass at Chinaman's Garden Well
(see page 127) ranges from 2mm to 3mm thick. If the flat glass is from a
mirror, Knapp (1990:63 & 73-74) suggests this could represent an antispectral
device or a device to ward off evil in mutually antagonistic
situations.(See also Wegars, 1993:366). If from a shelf it may have been
associated with Taoist ritual. Much more research into the practice of
'fengshui' and Taoist ritual would be required to discuss the possibilities in
detail. A fragment of similar plate glass is included in the assemblage from
Chinaman's Garden Well (see page 127). Other glass fragments were
from various bottles, inclUding the base of a whisky bottle embossed "6 TO
GALLON", Wolfs Schnapps, 'beer', pickle and 'Worcestershire Sauce'types.
In summary, the artefact assemblage at Chinaman's Well is similar to the
assemblages reported from Arrowtown, Central Otago, New Zealand
(Ritchie, 1986), and Warrendale, Oregon (Fagan, in Wegars, 1993). A
majority of the artefacts present are of non-Chinese origin, but inclusion of
opium tins and opium-smoking paraphernalia, Chinese medicine vials, a
preponderance of hollowwares, and 'Ii' or 'cash' in the assemblage can
reasonably be considered evidence of a Chinese presence.

8.1.6 Evidence of Economic and Recreational Activities
The assemblage of artefacts collected from the surface at Chinaman's
Well is extensive in range if not quantity. But there is scant evidence of
gardening activities. The only item with this possible association was a
ferrous rivet, of the type used to attach the handle of a fork or spade. It
was located in quadrat 003s004w, a vicinity most closely associated with
forged and cast iron fragments, inclUding a cast-iron cooking vessel, and
with bottle glass and brown-glazed red earthenware. Other quadrats in this
vicinity contained additional pieces of brown-glazed earthenware, the
pieces of plate glass, fragments of a wax vesta tin, bottle glass and part of
a small bowl.
The presence of worn horseshoes and horseshoe nails, and of various iron
hinge parts, large bolts, and a latch (photograph 13) in the vicinity of
quadrat 045s065e suggests horses were shod and iron was worked here.
A three-eighths-inch drill bit of the type used with a drill brace in the same
quadrat is suggestive of woodworking activities, while other artefacts in the
vicinity include the eye from a spring, a pintle, nails, iron strapping pieces,
a threaded ferrous rod and a nut. The vicinity was probably the site of a
workshop or forge.
Opium tin fragments were found at Chinaman's Well, but those collected
amounted to but one complete tin. Further fragments and substantially
complete tins have been exposed by the trampling of sheep during the
period 1988 to 1994. These, however, have not been included in the
analysis. As already mentioned, an opium pipe bowl was also recovered
from the vicinity of Chinaman's Well, and two black-painted copper items
comprising a button and a Chinese 'cash' were recorded during evaluation
of the artefacts collected in 1988. The opium tins, buttons, and 'cash' etc.
appear to be more closely associated with the stone hut ruin than any
other site feature but the flat-laid stones. However, If the stones were
interpreted as the threshold of another, long-gone hut, the general flow of
artefacts would continue to emanate from the vicinity of the stone hut.
8.1.7 Discussion of Specific Artefacts
8.1.7a Flatwares
( Item 728)
(refer photograph 14)
This item comprised six fragments of fine earthenware from a relatively
deep eight inch plate by G.W. Turner & Sons, Tunstall, made between
1873 and 1895. The motif is "Asiatic Pheasant", blue transfer-print on
white. According to Ritchie (1988:293) this was a common motif, used by
several manufacturers. Only one of these plates is represented in the
Chinaman's Well f1atwares assemblage, but the same pattern is

encountered on hollowwares from both Chinaman's Well and Chinaman's
Garden Well.
(Items 710 and 747)
(refer photograph 15)
Although from quadrats eleven meters apart, the four pieces which
comprise these items appear to be from two large (more than 15 inches
diameter) flat platters. The pieces are all derived from the base but two
include part of the foot-ring. They bear parts of a black painted
manufacturer's mark, possibly comprised of Chinese or Japanese
characters, plus impressed marks which appear to be Arabic numerals.
(Item 730)
(not photographed)
This item comprises two pieces of the rim of a white platter or plate.
Although not clearly associated with items 710 and 747, the material, rim
circumference, body thickness and the similarities in the way the glaze on
these two pieces has crazed lends considerable weight to the likelihood
that they are from a similar item of tableware. The rim is plain.
8.1.7b Bowls
(Item 672)
(refer photograph 16a)
The rim side and foot ring, plus a little more than half the base of a green
transfer-printed bowl. The motif is perhaps of middle-eastern or Indian
derivation. There is no manufacturer's mark on the piece. Inside the rim is
decorated with a motif which comprises a minor part of that on the exterior.
(Item 689)
(refer photograph16b)
A bowl with green transfer-printed fern motif around the rim below a chain
of leaves. A flower is also included in the motif - perhaps a fuchsia or
lychee. The 'chain of leaves' motif appears also on the inside of the rim.
This piece comprises the rim and side to just above the footring.
(Item 749)
(refer photograph 17a)
This is part of the side and foot-rim of another green transfer-printed bowl.
Only part of the side is present. This appears to be decorated with green
bamboo fronds. On the base is at least part of a manufacturer's mark - the
number 13.
8.1.7c Ginger Jars
(Item 709) (refer photograph 17b) and (item 717) (not photographed)
As with the platter fragments mentioned above, these items, although
separated by eleven or so meters, appear to be from the one ginger jar.

Three pieces are involved, comprising perhaps one-sixth of the rim, the
upper part of one side, and another small piece. The rim is glazed over a
natural brown-beige body, while it would seem the rest of the jar was
dipped in an off-white glaze and subsequently decorated in blue underglaze.
Ritchie (1988:267) describes and illustrates a smudgy-blue-on-beige
jar, which it seems is very similar. Ritchie also mentions that this style of
jar was uncommon in the upper-Clutha-Arrow basin which formed the New
Zealand study area.
8.1.7dFood Jars
(Items 660,682,700,726,763,764,769) (Item 726 only photographed - (refer
photograph 18)
All ten items involved are fragments of the one style of jar. Through
comparison of glaze and matching of rim pieces, remnants of two jars
have been identified. the glaze on one is mid-brown and slightly more
coarse than the other, which is quite dark and glossy. The rim appears to
have been approximately 90mm in diameter and the sides close to straight.
Ritchie (1988:238) describes this style of jar as a "Squat Shouldered Food
Jar". His illustration 5.19a is quite similar. The pieces involved came from
widely separated quadrats, as shown in Map16.
8.1.7e Buttons
(refer photograph 19 )
Five buttons came from one quadrat (008s008w), the balance from quite
diverse quadrats. These are demonstrated on Map 17 .
Item 739
This is a brass press-stud 18mm diameter, and is plain except for a
knurling around the top rim.
Item 742
A 16mm two-hole brass button which is plain apart from some knurling. It
has been painted or finished in black lacquer or enamel, and may have
been coloured as a gambling counter. Ritchie discusses the use of white
and black counters, 'Ii' or 'cash', chessmen and dominoes as gambling
'chips' in the United States. It is very possible this button, and the blackpainted
coin discussed below, were used at Chinaman's Well in a similar
capacity as a black glass counter in the United States (:563).
Item 743
A 17mm four-hole button made from zinc or similar material. It is quite
corroded. Around the rim is the inscription "NE PLUS ULTRA". Ritchie
(:520) lists two 15mm diameter buttons bearing this inscription. Both were
found at Arrowtown, and were considered to have originated in the United
Kingdom.

Item 744
A 14mm four-hole brass button, inscribed around the rim "BEST SOLID
EYELET". Ritchie does not list any buttons with this inscription from New
Zealand, nor is it listed by either Snoek or Coutts. However, as a
generalisation inclusion of the word 'best' in the inscription - e.g. "Best Ring
Edge" appears to be used by Ritchie as suggesting an origin in the United
States.
Item 745
Another 14mm four-hole brass button, but without an inscription. Around
the rim is a line and some knurling. It appears to have been gilded. This
button is also un-mentioned by Ritchie, Snoek or Coutts.
The remaining buttons came from diverse quadrats, and are as follows:
Item 724
A 16mm one-piece four-hole pressed brass button, inscribed "NE PLUS
ULTRA" around the rim. As with item 743, this inscription suggests a
United Kingdom origin (Ritchie:520).
Item 725
This is a 15mm diameter, one piece four-hole brass button, decorated with
seven stars around circumference. It appears to have been gilded. No
button like this one is described in the sources used for information.
Item751
A two-piece brass and (apparently) ferrous button 16mm in diameter,
inscribed around the rim with "Trade Marl(' and two devices. A similar
button was recovered by Snoek from Chinaman's Wells in South Australia.
Snoek describes the devices as a bee and a battle axe, and suggests a
United Kingdom origin for the item. (Snoek, 1984:71 & 106u).
Item 755
A 14mm four-hole pressed brass button, inscribed "ASK FOR CROWNS"
around the circumference. Ritchie found three similarly embossed buttons,
all 14mm in diameter. (:520).
Item 762
A 17mm four hole pressed brass button, inscribed "Double-ring Edge"
around the circumference. This button appears to have been silvered.
Ritchie found five metal buttons with this inscription, all of 13mm diameter,
but makes no mention of silvering. He suggested an origin in the United
States for these. (:520)

8.1.7f Buckles
(refer photograph 20)
Item 690
A single-roller brass buckle with an iron tang. It is 50mm long, 40mm wide.
This style is not illustrated by either Snoek or Ritchie. Having regard to its'
dimensions it could be from a halter. One with similar buckles is illustrated
in Moseman's Catalogue (1889:36)
Item 737
An item of clothing hardware, this is an light-weight ornate pressed brass
double-tang double-roller buckle with an attached sWivelling component. It
is gilded and has the letters "HH" embossed on the inside edge of the
outside roller.
Item 753
Another item of brass clothing hardware, but more coarse than item 737. It
too is perhaps from suspenders or braces.
Item 754
A brass adjuster buckle, perhaps from horse tackle.
8.1.7g Coins
(refer photograph 21 )
Three Chinese 'H' or 'cash' were recovered from the surface at Chinaman's
Well. Reference was made to Beals (Historical Archaeology Vol 14:63) and
subsequently to Coole (1965) in regard to these. Three diameters are
represented by the recovered coins - 27mm, 25mm and 22mm.
Item 736
A 25mm diameter coin. This coin is quite worn and has been painted with a
black lacquer or enamel. It dates from the Ch'ing dynasty, is a K'ang Hsi
(1662-1723) issue, from Kansu province, in the north-west of China.
Item 752
A 27mm diameter coin, Ch'ing dynasty, K'ang Hsi issue (1662-1723) from
Chihli province, in the north of China. Beals states this particular coin, 'is
both typical of the wide-diameter (27mm) K'ang Hsi issues as well as being
one of the types valued by the Chinese for talismanic reasons' (Beals:62) I
have been unable to determine if the talismanic value stems from the
diameter or the mint.
Item 723
A 22mm diameter coin, Ch'ing dynasty, Ch'ien Lung issue (1736-1796),
from Kansu province, in the north-west of China.

All three coins were minted prior to 1800, and as a result are of little use in
establishing a date for the Chinaman's Well site.
8.1.7h Opium-related Artefacts
These items were recovered from widely separated locations at
Chinaman's Well. The opium pipe bowl this is not closely provenanced,
having been handed to myself as the top to a soy sauce bottle by Harry
Blore on an initial site visit. It has, however, been provenanced as coming
from a location at least 73 meters east of the origin, and more than 30
meters south.
Opium Cans
(refer photograph 22)
Items 699, 703, 727 and 746 are two top or base pieces, the sides and
one reinforcing or lid flange strip, representing but one opium can. The lid
or base dimensions are 72mm by 44mm and the sides are 82mm high.
When compared to cans reported by Ritchie (1988:378) these dimensions
are dissimilar, Ritchie reporting only one size - 6.6cm by 4.1cm, with a
height of 9.5cm.
Both top or base pieces have a cartouche impression, one being 'coffin
shape' the other rectangular. The 'coffin shape' cartouche on item 727 is
similar to one reported by Ritchie (1988:381,2), but the rectangular one on
item 746 differs from his illustrations.
Opium Pipe Bowl
(refer photograph 23)
Item 629 is an octagonal shaped rust-brown stoneware opium pipe bowl
with no stem. Although this item was almost certainly manufactured without
a stem, removal of the stem to allow attachment to a metal connector and
perhaps facilitating cleaning was a common practice (Wylie and Fike (in
Wegars, 1993:269» . Two Chinese characters are impressed into one of
the octagon faces, and it measures 47.5mm across the flats of the
smoking surface. The shape is not recorded in Wegars, although a very
similar ten-sided bowl is shown therein (Wegars 1988:276, b).
8.1.7i Glass
Although glass is the predominant material both numerically and by weight
in the artefact assemblage from Chinaman's Well, much of it has been
regarded as non-diagnostic for my purposes. Some items, however, are
quite important, and are discussed below.

Item 711 (not photographed) comprises two pieces of plate glass, with a
slight green tinge, but certainly without any hint of amethyst discolouration
from manganese clearing agents. The pieces fit together and represent
one corner of a sheet of glass 8.3mm thick. The edges which appear to
relate to the corner are rough, showing no sign of grinding, bevelling or
other finishing, but one of the broken inside corners has edge-wear
perhaps reminiscent of grinding or secondary use. Examination of the
surfaces using a 10x magnification did not produce any other information.
One surface of the glass is considerably less scuffed than the other, the
same surface having a slight patination from contact with the soil. The
degree of scuffing is significant, but perhaps no more than might result
from working mobs of sheep over the item. Having regard to the relative
weight of the items I doubt if natural influences would cause them to be far
removed from their point of deposition, but again a mob of sheep might
cause some dislocation. If the glass was used as a missile it would
obviously become far removed from it's origin. Both items came from
001s002w, quite close to the survey origin at this site, and could quite
likely have originated from the stone hut to the north-west. Plate glass was
certainly being manufactured before 1880, but I have been unable to
identify any particular association with Chinese at any other site.
Item 716 (not photographed) is a piece of fine curved amethyst-tinted
glass. It is probably from the body of a wine glass, and if so, includes a
part of the lip, which has been smoothed by reheating during the
manufacturing process. The curvature of this piece suggests a rim
diameter of approximately 70mm.
Item 758 (refer to [line drawing] and photograph 42) is the base of a bottle,
embossed "...0 THE GALLON", from quadrat 000s010w. A similarly
embossed bottle has been included in those illustrated from Chinaman's
Garden Well. The Sturt Recorder carried an advertisement during the mid­
1890s for "Bell Brand Whisky" as follows:
Friday September 13, 1895
P3C6&7
[Advertisement]
"Perfection of Scotch.
Bell Brand Old Mellowed Matured Whisky
'Six Bottles to the Gallon'"
The bottle is comprised of thick black glass, and made in a cup-based
mOUld. No side mould marks are visible. This bottle represents a product
known to have been locally advertised, but if associated with the Chinese
occupancy of Chinaman's Well may suggest the site continued to be
occupied by them subsequent to purchase by Duncan McBryde in 1886
(ret. para 6.5.2).
Item 761 (no photograph) is an incomplete shear-top Chinese medicine
Vial, also from quadrat 000s010w. These straight-sided rectangular-based
vials are clearly associated with Chinese sites elsewhere and regarded as
diagnostic of a Chinese presence. McCarthy (1984) and Ritchie (1986:)

describe them as opium-tincture vials, although Ritchie suggests they may
also have contained other medicinal compounds.
Item 765 (refer photograph 24a[i)) is a small square-sectioned amethysttinted
bottle, once again from 000s010w. The bottle has been made in a
three-piece mound, with the neck and lip being hand-applied, and the
whole apparently re-heated to produce a more smooth finish. It is intended
for use with a cork and probably of European or American manufacture. In
my assessment it originally held small pills.
Finally, item 237 (refer photograph 24a[ii) ) is a perfume bottle, embossed
down the face 'RIMMEL'. A similar bottle was recorded by Ritchie
(1986:194) as being from the Ha Fong rockshelter in Central Otago, New
Zealand. Ritchie commented upon the unexpectedness of the find and
'presumed, in the absence of women, these products were used for male
cosmetic purposes' . I suggest the at least occasional presence of women
such as Matilda Murrilis (see page 81) is the more likely explanation.
8.1.7j Nails
The assemblage of artefacts from Chinaman's Well includes six nails or
spikes. Of these items 632, 637 and 641 came from quadrat 045s065e, the
same quad as contained woodworking tools, horse shoes and other metal
artefacts.
Item 632 (not photographed) is a badly corroded spike 218mm long. It
appears to have been round-shafted and to have had a flat head. The
point is sharp as opposed to chisel-shaped.
Item 637 (refer photograph 24b[i)) is a "Eubank's" wrought nail 95mm in
length, while item 641 comprises two part nails - one is rose- headed, but
too corroded for the shaft to be positively described. The other is the point
of a square-shafted nail. The first is 25mm long, the second 23mm.
Item 719 (refer photograph 24b[ii)) is a small spike 133mm in overall
length. It is rectangular-shafted and wedge-pointed, with a typical
"Eubank's" head. It came from quadrat 000s005w - that is, in a general
direction from the survey origin towards the stone hut, and could possibly
have been related to the hut. If so, it would typically be used for roofing.
The final item is badly corroded and accordingly has been left
undiscussed. Of interest is the relatively large size of the nails found at
Chinaman's Well. This feature of the assemblage is perhaps a product of
relative survival, but even small nails have survived at the other site (refer
para 8.2.7j). A possible interpretation is that the structures at this site
lacked the finishing touches which would necessitate the use of smaller
nails. They may not have had framed windows or shelves, for example. It
is also possible that furnishings in which smaller nails were used were
removed wholly from the site when the occupants left.

8.2 Chinaman's Garden Well
8.2.0 Introduction
As demonstrated by the statistics at paragraph 8.0.1, Chinaman's Garden
Well presented a far larger assemblage of artefactual material than
Chinaman's Well. Chinaman's Garden Well is no longer used, and has not
been in use for many years. The well is defunct, and there is no need for
more than occasional visits by the pastoral lessees. The topography of the
site suggests that f100dwaters tend to back-up here rather than form a
raging torrent. For all of these reasons, the degree of disturbance at
Chinaman's Garden Well is far lower than at Chinaman's Well, and more
can be drawn from the archaeological record. Map 18 provides an
overview of the site.
8.2.1 Recent Site Features
At Chinaman's Garden Well there are no recent site features, but the
historical record confirms the site was probably disturbed quite frequently
by flooding, by visits to the well during its tenure as the Milparinka water
supply, and perhaps during the annual Milparinka Gymkhanas or horse
races. A large water tank at the southern end of the site is said to have
been carried to its present location from further upstream during floods in
the late 1970s, and does not therefore relate to the site at all, while a
solitary small excavation in the centre of the site is probably the outcome
of casual excavation by recent juvenile residents of Milparinka, at least one
of whom was involved in bottle-collecting.
8.2.2 Early Site Features
As in the case of Chinaman's Well, it is reasonably clear that a number of
developmental phases may be represented in the older site features at
Chinaman's Garden Well. Quite apart from the Chinese occupancy, oral
history suggests the Cox family may have lived in the immediate vicinity in
the early 20th century, and other records confirm the site was dedicated for
a town water supply at much the same time. That members of the Cox
family moved to Chinaman's Garden Well to caretake the water supply, at
that time abandoning their residence at Cox's Well, and that this phase in
the occupation coincides with Tom Chong Toosey's fence being burned by
Joseph L1ande Cox, is worthy of consideration.
Photographs of the more prominent features of the well and cellar sites
have been provided in connection with paragraph 7.2.2, while Map 19
shows the relationships involved.
As already discussed, although structural remnants are present, there is
no artefact scatter associated with the well site. Artefacts here are limited
to cut and roughly dressed stone, bush timbers, a stone pedestal for the

circular open-topped corrugated iron tank, and a pole for the support of a
floor over the cellar excavation. These have all been evaluated as
belonging to an occupation by the Cox family which I propose to distinguish
as the 'Cox' period, which was roughly contiguous with that of the last
Chinese residents. But in the absence of evidence for another well and a
second cellar it seems very probable that the underlying elements of the
Cox period date from a period of Chinese control.
At this site artefactual material was concentrated in two main areas, both
of which are downstream of the well site. As at Chinaman's Well some of
the most interesting came from quadrats removed from the main
concentrations. There is clear evidence of flooding, but little to indicate that
the provenance of artefacts has been directly affected by this. Whole, and
therefore buoyant containers would have been carried away completely,
and certainly apart from the one (crushed) opium tin no buoyant items
remained at the time of my evaluation. The flatter topography in the
vicinity, together with the presence of a gully to either side of the site has
probably led to a lesser degree of flood disturbance than at Cox's Well,
further upstream, which is described in the appendices.
Map 20 shows the relationship between site features in the vicinity of the
main artefact scatters. The map also shows the quadrats from which
artefacts were recovered, and the suggested location of various structures.
8.2.3 Spatial Distribution and General Nature of Artefacts
Artefacts were collected from 73 quadrats at Chinaman's Garden Well,
reflecting the greater concentration and quantity of artefacts here. As with
Chinaman's Well, quadrats containing single bottle glass fragments were
generally ignored, and no attempt was made to remove large ethnically
non-diagnostic items such as the windlass barrel (refer photograph 25) ,
barrel hoops, or a bed iron.
The survey origin selected at Chinaman's Garden Well is located south
west of the well excavation, and is marked by a wooden survey peg driven
wholly into the ground surface. It is unlikely to be dislodged by any
agencies known to impact upon the site. The cellar floor support at 013N
29.7E was selected as a permanent reference.
8.2.4 Identification of Structures and Activities
At Chinaman's Garden Well 50% of artefacts were comprised of glass,
23.6% were ferrous, 7.9% cuprous, and 6.1% red earthenware. Details of
this analysis are provided in appendix I.
Cuprous items were the tops, sides, bases and bands from opium tins,
one 'fun' tray and a complete opium tin. Numerically this class of artefacts
far exceeds those found at Chinaman's Well. A complete opium tin

contained a small piece of cotton fabric. This cloth is discoloured with an
as-yet undiagnosed substance, and is almost certainly associated with the
use of opium.
A number of the ferrous items from the site are pieces of fencing wire
which have been shaped for use as hooks, perhaps to suspend items from
rafters. Other pieces appear to have been used to bind bush timbers
together for hut construction or fencing purposes.
Other items of immediate interest were Chinese 'cash', the rim from an
opium pipe bowl, nails, lead seals from liquor and stout bottles. and a
fragment of a perforated zinc sheet. The zinc sheet is too fine to have
been used in a dry blower, and is perhaps from a meat-safe.
Glass from Chinaman's Garden Well included numerous fragments of
European 'patent' medicine bottles. a ground glass stopper as used by
pharmacists and two Chinese medicine vials.
Artefacts classified as architectural were found several quadrats. Analysis
of their distribution produces definite patterns, demonstrated in map 21.
The map shows these to represent two structures, or at least two clearly
separate areas of concentration. The artefacts included window glass,
nails. a keyhole escutcheon, twisted fencing wire, nuts, bolts and washers.
Most tableware and kitchenware items came from quadrats 50 to 59
south, 5 to 12 west of the survey origin; and from quadrats 70 to 75 south
of the survey origin and 4 to 9 meters west, constituting areas of 9 meters
by 7 meters and 5 meters by 5 meters respectively. These quadrats have
been shaded on map 22, and again the two separate concentrations are
apparent. Also in these quadrats were a very large number of ferrous items
with an unidentifiable function, but which could relate to tin cans. Some
bowl and platter fragments were found in quadrats 51 south, 24 and 25
west.
Glass items with medicinal associations came almost exclusively from
quadrats 54-59 south, 8,9 & 10 west, and from 70 to 74 south, 4-10 west.
These are shown on map 23. Personal items such as buttons, cuff-links,
and buckles, and opium-related artefacts came from a similar split of
quadrats, as demonstrated by map 24..
Analysis of the quadrats from which various classes of artefacts were
recovered suggests that two scatters, very similar in general content are
present in the southern part of the Chinaman's Garden Well site. Both
contain opium-related artefacts, both contain kitchenware, tablewares, and
clothing items. In each instance there is an absence of tools or other
artefact which relate to wood or metal-working. On the basis that kitchenand
table-wares, together with clothing items are present, I consider the
scatters are associated with residential occupancy. The presence of
opium-related artefacts, Chinese 'cash', and ceramic material of Chinese
origin, suggests the scatters have associations with the Chinese reputed to

have resided in the vicinity. A detailed plan of the relationships between
the scatters analysed and stumps, barrel hoops and other site features is
demonstrated by Map 25.
Removed from these scatters, at quadrat 054s011w, was the remains of a
watering-can rose. This is probably not associated with the Chinese
occupation period, but with that which is suspected to have overlapped it ­
that period when the well was dedicated for the town water supply. This
assumption is made on the basis that King (1911:74) states that on Honam
Island, near Canton, crops were fed by means of a long-handled dipper,
with each plant being given a measured quantity. Although Ritchie reports
the finding of a watering can rose on a Chinese site in New Zealand, given
the scarcity of water at Milparinka I would not expect any less attention to
conservation of the resource than in China.
Despite mention above of unidentified ferrous material, a noticeable gap in
the artefact assemblage is created by a relative absence of tin cans.
Whole cans might be carried away by f100dwaters or otherwise have failed
to survive either because the soil is more corrosive at the Chinese sites, or
because the cans had at some stage been burned, destroying the tin plate
and facilitating their disintegration. Either possibility would explain the low
representation and generally poor condition of ferrous items in the
assemblage. Sanford's (1975) discussion of relative survival suggests that
in an alkaline environment such as at Milparinka galvanic corrosion of iron
in items comprised or tin plating and iron would result in their quite rapid
decomposition. The process would leave intact only those components,
such as solder, which are comprised of the more noble of the metals
involved.. That hole-in-the-top cans were present is demonstrated by item
31 (photograph 26), which is the ring of solder from the covered hole of
such a can. The assemblage from Chinaman's Garden Well also includes
numbers of seam fragments which may come from rectangular, as
opposed to round, cans. These are too small to be of particular use for
further diagnosis. If from rectangular food cans, they represent a contrast
to Pine Creek, rectangular cans generally being associated with tinned
meat. Work at Pine Creek (McCarthy, 1986:45) and in New Zealand
(Ritchie,1986:335) suggest tin cans should be a significant feature of the
artefact assemblage at Chinese sites. Ritchie found tin cans comprised 20
percent of containers found on selected Central Otago, New Zealand sites.
At Pine Creek tin food cans were from 'assorted canned fish (sardines,
herring, etc.), cocoa, and presumably vegetables...'(McCarthy, 1986:45)
and it was concluded that the Chinese either abstained (from meat)
altogether or butchered captive and wild sources. At Milparinka the latter is
the more likely, although only one fragment of bone was found in the
surface collection of artefacts. McCarthy also commented upon the
absence of bone in the surface collection from Pine Creek, and concluded
this was due to environmental conditions, including the presence of
scavenging dingoes. Elsewhere in arid parts of Australia, especially where
bone is exposed on the ground surface to salt, occasional wetting, and
extremes of heat and cold, there is a tendancy for long bones to fragment
into a myriad of slivers (personal observation). Given sufficient time such a

process would result in the bone being represented only by a localised
concentration of bone apatite, further obscured by the processes of wind
and occasional water erosion. This perhaps explains the absence of bone
in the Milparinka assemblage.
The presence of a group of barrel-hoops in the vicinity of quadrat
075s025w suggests that water and perhaps other matter was stored in
wooden barrels at that location for use in the gardens or for domestic
purposes. These may relate to the overlap period, when access to the
water supply previously controlled by the Chinese presumably became
restricted, but could also have been substitutes for the ceramic containers
noted in China by King in 1908, and used to store organic matter for use
as fertiliser.
8.2.5 Evidence of Cultural Significance
At Chinaman's Garden Well there is clear evidence in the form of Chinese
medicine vials, opium tins and related artefacts, Chinese 'Ii' or 'cash' coins
of a Chinese influence. There is also evidence in the form of Chinese food
jar fragments and, although less persuasive, numbers of bowl fragments. I
am satisfied that the two artefact scatters upon which my discussion
centres are of Chinese origin. Unfortunately, only circumstantial arguments
can be put for the cultural origin of the actual well site, there being no
artefact scatter visibly associated with that site feature.
8.2.6 Possible Location of Garden Beds
The area surveyed at Chinaman's Garden Well is essentially level, with a
flood channel of Evelyn Creek to the west, and another between the level
area and the creekbed. The bed of Evelyn Creek is presently at least 1.8
meters below the level ground. The two artefact scatters are quite close to
the edge of the western flood channel, so that the most likely garden
location is east of the scatters.
The supposed location is further suggested by the position of stumps,
perhaps of fence posts, but, equally possible, of fruit trees or grape vines,
and by a row of stones, reasonably clear in 1988 but now disturbed by
cattle. These stumps or posts can be seen in photograph 27, which was
taken towards the north-west from a point on the main traverse, 75 meters
south of the survey origin. The relationship of these posts to the artefact
scatters is demonstrated in the various maps already mentioned and
discussed. Another site feature which suggests the location of the garden
beds are two post stumps, one of which is sawn timber, and a piece of
corrugated iron. Photograph 28 shows the sawn post in detail, while
photograph 29 illustrates the associations between the components of the
site feature. The corrugated iron evidently extends below the ground
surface, but as no excavation has been undertaken further comment is not
possible.

Some reasonably straightforward testing, perhaps using resistivity survey
or detailed soil analysis, might help to answer the question of garden
areas. As both involve further disturbance of the site, the work has not
been done.
8.2.7 Evidence of Economic and Recreational Activities
The historical record for Chinaman's Garden Well suggests the presence
there of several structures during the last decade of the 19th century.
Some of these can be identified in the archaeological record. These are
the cellar, perhaps the big house, two less substantial residential
structures and perhaps the bough shed. Of these the cellar and the boughshed
have an association with recreational activities. Unfortunately, the
cellar is also clearly associated with later use of the site, perhaps by the
Cox family.
A possible site for the bough shed is north and west of one of the identified
residential sites. Photograph 30 is of this area. The general locality is
indicated on the site plan for Chinaman's Garden Well. It is distinguished
by an area of more firmly packed ground, suggested by the relative
absence of vegetation, and by a number of rocks. This was also the
location of a bed iron, included in the 1988 site survey details, and parts of
a stoneware demi-john. It is also quite close to the quadrat in which the
complete opium tin was located. The bough-shed site is not clearly
associated with significant numbers of artefacts. A few items, including the
remains of a wax vesta tin, protruded from the surface nearby in 1988,
suggesting this part of the site has been buried by the deposition of a layer
of soil or flood debris. It is possible to speculate as to the reasons for this
deposition, when the main artefact scatter identified appears to have
remained exposed since abandonment. One possibility is the presence of
buried structural remnants on the western boundary of the surveyed area.
With the possible exception of the opium-related items and whisky bottles,
none of the surface artefacts from Chinaman's Garden Well have
associations with recreation. Similarly, with the exception of a number of
barrel-hoops which perhaps relate to the storage of water or organic refuse
used for fertiliser, few artefacts can be clearly related to economic
activities. Those which can, a tar ladle and the parts of a watering can,
being of questionable association with the Chinese occupation period.
8.2.8 Discussion of Specific Artefacts
8.2.8a Flatwares
Items 5, 47, 57, 96,115, 157, and 457 are all pieces from flatware which
was also found at Chinaman's Well, in this case the blue transfer-print on
white "Asiatic Pheasant" motif. No photograph has been supplied of these
items. The pieces all appear to be from one plate, while a further piece,

item 95, although also flatware, is a darker blue print of the same pattern.
On that basis it has been assumed at least two units of flatware are
represented.
8.2.8b Bowls, Spoons, Teapots etc.
Bowls
All of these items are white-glazed earthenware either undecorated or with
various transfer-printed decorations. Each of the bowl items appears to
have had dimensions which are similar to what Ritchie describes as a
'standard rice bowl' (: 207) and probably does represent a rice or similar
bowl, while the dish was probably a serving dish.
Items 163, 227,343, 426, and 524 (photograph 31a) are pieces from the
rim and the foot-ring of a broad-rimmed dish. This is the same blue "Asiatic
Pheasant" motif already mentioned under flatware, and found at both sites
under consideration. The dish probably had a diameter of about 240mm.
Item 4 (not photographed) is a small piece of a green transfer print on
white bowl. The motif is identical to one noted at Chinaman's Well, being
fern fronds combined with a chain of leaves.
Items 36 (photograph 31b) is a substantial piece from the rim of a browntransfer-printed
bowl. This bowl is quite steep-sided, approximately 75mm
high, with a rim diameter of about 155mm. The motif consists of a lotus
flower and leaves, with a geometric motif around the outside of the rim
only.
Items 189, 283, 304, and 441 (photograph 32) are also brown-transferprinted
pieces from a steep-sided bowl. In this case the motif is a cherry
blossom and leaves, with a rim decoration consisting of small nondescript
flower motifs alternating with paired leaves and a stem. The rim decoration
is repeated on the inside of the bowl. The rim diameter for this item is 150
to 155 mm, but it is not possible to determine height from the pieces
available.
Item 553 is another brown-transfer-printed hollowware item. (photograph
33) In this instance the rim diameter approximates 120mm and the
decoration, although difficult to determine from the small piece available,
appears to include a fruit such as raspberries or mulberries.
Items 49, 58, 362, and 368 (photographs 32 & 33) are pieces of a brownon-white
transfer-printed bowl, with a rim diameter of 170mm. The motif is
a singing bird, a butterfly and flowers surmounted by a geometric design
around the outside rim. The motif is possibly of Chinese origin, but having
been transfer-printed is assumed to be of Eurpoean manufacture. The

inside rim is also decorated, in this case with a second geometric motif
interrupted by a leaf motif.
Item 94 (not photographed) is a substantial piece of the foot-ring of a
coarse earthenware bowl which probably had a rim diameter in the vicinity
of 150mm. This piece is undecorated but has a numeral, either 6 or 9 on
the base.
Item 552 ( photograph 33) is a blue-transfer-printed piece decorated with
blossom and leaves on the outside, and with a print which is reminiscent of
willow-pattern on the inside. The piece probably represents a bowl with a
rim diameter of 170mm.
Item 551 (photograph 34a) is a final piece of brown-transfer-printed hollowware.
This item is a piece of the rim, which in this case is noticeably rolled.
It is decorated on the inside only, which surface only which would be
generally visible from above. The motif is geometric-abstract and the
outside rim diameter is 200mm. The style of this rim fragment suggests
the vessel was not particularly deep, and that it may have been a sauce
bowl.
Item 156 ( photograph 34b) consists of two pieces from the side of a bluetransfer-printed
bowl. The glaze on these pieces is noticeably more smooth
than on other items discussed. The rim diameter is a little over 150mm,
and the height of the bowl was 65mm. The only decoration is a rope-like
device around the outside rim.
Item 263 (not photographed) is a brown-black transfer print on a more
cream-coloured background. The motif appears to include thistles, and the
shape suggests it is from a cup rather than a bowl. Item 228 is a similar
paste and has a fragment of a similar motif. That item bears the stump of a
cup handle.
Item 48, also not photographed, is the foot-ring of a further bowl. The foot
diameter 60mm, but further diagnosis in not practical.
In summary, fragments of several bowls are present in the assemblage,
but only one cup is represented. All the bowls have a rim diameter of
between 150 and 170 mm, the approximate dimension applicable to a rice
bowl. This does not, however, necessarily suggest a dietary component.
That in contrast only two items in the ceramic assemblage have been
classified as flatware may also be significant as an indication of dietary
type but not of dietary components.
Spoons
Two spoons (photograph 35) are represented in the Chinaman's Garden
Well artefact assemblage. Item 30 is the bowl of a teaspoon or perhaps
of a baby's spoon, originally about 55mm long, while item 52 is the bowl of
a larger spoon. Both are made from copper, but although presumed to

have been silver-plated there is no obvious remnant to support the
proposition. The bowl of the second spoon is 60mm in length and
unusually deep, suggestive of a soup spoon. The shape, however is more
oval than that of a modem-day soup spoon.
As with the comment made regarding the ceramic assemblage, the
presence of spoon, but not of other table implements may be suggestive of
dietary class, but not necessarily of components.
Handle
Item 148 «(photograph 368) is comprised of iron and very similar to the
style of handle often fitted to the filling aperture of Chinese teapots,
although it is acknowledge other descriptions, such as the handle from a
small smoothing iron may also be appropriate. It has a width of
approximately 11 mm, and was evidently intended to fold to one side when
not being used for carrying or pouring. The style of this handle is not like
any recorded by Ritchie or McCarthy.
8.2.8c Ginger Jars
One "ginger jar" (items 37 & 201) is represented in the artefact
assemblage from Chinaman's Garden Well. It has not been photographed.
This is made from quite coarse material, has brown-glazed interior and
externally has been dipped in a green glaze. The foot, which has a
diameter of approximately 60mm ,and the lower parts of the sides are
externally unglazed. Ritchie (1986:259) reports these from New Zealand
sites, and quotes Olsen (1978:35) in suggesting the contents included a
range of foods, such as "preserved chopped garlic, sliced turnip, green
onions, sweet gherkins, green plums, and preserved fish".
8.2.8d Food Jars
(photograph 36b)
Analysis of the fragments, glaze, and body of brown-glazed food jar items
suggests at least three of these jars are represented in the assemblage.
Photograph 8.25 refers to these. Two (items 97 and 123) had relatively
small diameter mouths, 25mm across. These are from soy pots. The
spout of a soy pot is also included in the assemblage (item 382).
A third jar, with a mouth 80mm in diameter is also represented. This
measurement coincides with that illustrated by Ritchie (1986:239) and
described as a small shouldered food jar. These jars are said to have
contained a variety of pickled and salted vegetables and shrimp paste
(Ritchie:242).

Examination of glaze variations suggests that in addition to the above
brown wares another two containers are represented by the assemblage
from Chinaman's Garden Well. The glaze on one (items 262, 147) is a
much lighter colour, best described as a mid-tan. This item has a clearly
defined base ring which has a diameter of approximately 120mm.
Reference to Ritchie (1986: 232-234) suggests this may be the sole Ng Ka
Py jar represented in the assemblage. The colour, although unusual in the
Milparinka assemblage, is within the range suggested by Ritchie. The
glaze on the other fragment ( included in item 98) is quite mottled and
pinholed. Its' colour is midway between the dark brown of most food jars
and the tan already mentioned. Little more can be said of this second
item, as the piece is fragmentary.
Item 500 is a small curved fragment of brown-glazed vitreous stoneware.
Its' dimensions and the manner in which the glaze has been applied
suggest a diameter of 18mm and that it is from the lip of a small bottle. The
body is grey coloured. It is possibly from an ink bottle.
8.2.8e Buttons and other Clothing Fasteners
buttons (photograph 37)
As with the assemblage at Chinaman's Well, quite an array of buttons is
included in the artefacts from Chinaman's Garden Well. As well, clothing
rivets and a cuff-link have been identified and are discussed below.
Items 64 and 93 are both of shell - one of plain shell, is two-holed, while
the other, of mother-of-pearl, is four-holed. Both appear to be from undergarments.
The remaining buttons are all pressed metal, four hole buttons of various
diameters. Two (items 347 & 358) are 14mm in diameter, one plain the
other decorated with a ring of raised dots. Three others (Items 10, 196 and
357) are all 17mm in diameter, and embossed with various wording ­
"BEST SOLID EYELET"(item 10), "BOND ST. COMPY.ADELAIDE"(item
196), "BRIGHT AND HITCHCOCK'S.GEELONG" (item 357) The 'Best
Solid Eyelet" embossing is identical to that found on a button from
Chinaman's Well, but in that case the button was 24mm in diameter. A
United States origin is perhaps appropriate. The other buttons clearly
relate to clothing with an Australian origin, although the buttons could well
have been made elsewhere on behalf of the organisations named.
Three clothing rivets, similar to those now used on Levi Strauss jeans,
form items 197 (one rivet) and 220 (two rivets). Ritchie describes these as
brass studS, and indicates they were commonly associated with men's
trousers (:515). Both items 220 are un-adorned, but item 197 may have
been stamped around the circumference. No legend is visible.

The cuff - link (item 320) is shown at the top of photograph 38. This item
formed from seven pieces - two faces, to obverses, and a link, all made
from copper, and two eyes, probably made from brass. The faces are
embossed with a diagonal geometric device similar to that which appears
around the rim of one bowl fragment (item 36) and other devices, and
engraved. It bears remnants of gold-plating.
8.2.8f Buckles
(photograph33)
Item 39 is a buckle, made from bronze, and probably associated with
harness. Item 406, which has not been photographed, is ferrous, and
although it has the appearance of a buckle roller, may be something
entirely different but unidentified.
8.2.8g Coins
(photograph 38)
Only two coins are included in the artefacts from Chinaman's Garden Well.
Of these, one is a half.
The complete coin is item 367 - 22mm in diameter. Reference to Coole
(1965) has identified this coin as being from the Ch'ing dynasty, Ch'ien
Lung (1736-1796) issue, from a mint in Kansu province, in the north-west
of China.
Item 73 appears to have been deliberately broken. It is 27mm in diameter,
from the K'ang Hsi (1662-1723) period of the Ch'ing dynasty, and perhaps
one of the coins regarded by the Chinese as being of talismanic value. It is
in quite good condition, and the break is clean and un-worn. The coin was
minted in Kansu province, in the north-west of China. This coin was
perhaps intended as a means of identification, one part being retained in
China, the other by the sojourner in Australia. Discussion with various
informants has failed to confirm the likelihood of this interpretation, despite
the present day use of complimentary circular devices termed "Yin and
Yang" as tokens of mutual esteem.
8.2.8h Opium-related Artefacts
The range of artefacts from Chinaman's Garden Well associated with the
use of opium is quite comprehensive.
Tabulated below are items relating to opium tins, after which other items
are discussed.

Item#Top
26
50 •
72
107
109
229
247
359
373 • •
Base Body Lid flange Body reinforcmt Notes
• • • • • complete can
•
• •
• ••
parts only
part only
Item 51a & 51b (photograph 39a & c) is another piece of the lid from item
50, together with a small piece of cotton cloth. The dimensions of this
piece of cloth are approximately 48mm and 34mm, and it was probably
used to secure an opium pipe bowl to the brass coupling piece of the pipe
stem. This practice is mentioned in Wegars (1993:264).
Item 319 (photograph 39b) is an opium "fun" tray, a tray used for serving a
standard opium measure, which was one 'fon'. It has the faint impression
of a cartouche similar to those found on some opium cans, and has
probably been fashioned from the base of an opium can. It has become
flattened, and measures 38mm by 37mm. Originally it had sides 6.6 to
7.0mm high, and a base measurement of around 26mm square.
Item 186 (photograph 39d) is either the top lip of a small lamp glass, quite
possibly from an opium lamp, or the top lip of a small vase. In either case
the item was probably not more than 100 or 120mm high. The glass is
amethyst-coloured, and the rim has an outside diameter of around 42mm,
with an inside diameter of 35mm.
Item 28 (photograph 40a) is the rim from a terra-cotta coloured opium pipe
bowl. It appears to have been scored around the circumference before
being broken from the bowl. It has an outside diameter of 17mm, and a
height of 6mm.
Item 554 (photograph 40b) is a fragment from the base and side of an
opium pipe bowl. It is the same colour as item 28, and perhaps comes from
the same bowl. It is engraved with a character, which is as yet unidentified.
8.2.8i Glass
The sides, tops and bases of numerous bottles were recovered at this site.
These have been subjected to limited analysis. Some more significant
items are included in the following discussion. Also discussed are items of
glass other than bottle-glass.
Item 419 is the concave base of a whisky bottle, embossed "WALKER'S
KILMARNOCK WHISKY". It is of green glass. The item does not have any
obvious mould marks, but further analysis of other bottle glass from the

site may identify related pieces from which a further assessment can be
made.
Item 259 (photograph [line drawing and bitmap] 41) is the base of a large
whisky bottle. It is dark green ('black') glass from a cup-based mould, and
of quite crude manufacture. The base is embossed "P(?) DAWSON
DUFFTOWN GLENLlVET". There is evidence that this find has been
flaked.
Item 349 (photograph [line drawing and bitmap] 42) is another whisky
bottle - in this case complete except for the lip and part of the neck, which
may be included elsewhere in the assemblage. This bottle is embossed on
the base "6 TO GALLON". A version of this slogan has already been
discussed in connection with a bottle base from Chinaman's Well,
associated with Bell Brand whisky. This product was available in
Milparinka during the mid 1890s, but note there is a subtle difference, in
that the embossed slogan has changed from "6 TO THE GALLON"..
Item 265 (not photographed) is the rim of a pickle bottle, 46mm in
diameter. This rim diameter suggests a bottle which was mid-sized,
perhaps containing 8 ounces of product.
Item 241 (photograph 43a) is a small piece of plate glass, 8.5mm thick. It is
more green than the larger piece of similar glass found at Chinaman's
Well. The presence of plate glass at both the Milparinka Chinese sites is
an enigma. I suspect it is associated with religious observance, but have
found no reference to such an application. To my knowledge it has not
been reported at other Chinese sites in Australia or New Zealand.
Item 243 (photograph 43b) is from the side of a perfume bottle. Reference
to Ritchie (1986:194) has enabled identification of the bottle as being from
Roger & Gallet, of Paris. Item 550 is very likely the base of the same
bottle, and measured 62mm by 18mm.
Item 8 (photograph 44) is comprised of four window-glass fragments, 2mm
thick. Similar window glass was found in a number of other quadrats. Apart
from being very thin, a straight line has been scored on each side of the
four pieces. It is not possible to categorically state the reason for the
scoring, but it could relate to keying putty to the glass or fixing the glass
into leadlight channel. No remnant putty was noted adhering to the glass,
and no leadlight channel was recovered from the site.
8.2.8j Wire hooks etc
(photograph 45)
Several items fashioned from wire were found at Chinaman's Garden Well.
These range from hooks or hangers, and a tent peg, to wire which
probably came from a "Kidman gate" - a panel of fence which can be
lowered to the ground to form an opening. These panels are often found
on rural properties, and consists of two bush poles, one at each end of the

panel, between which three to five strands of wire are strung. One of the
bush poles is bound to the fixed fence using more fencing wire. To close
the gate the lower end of the second bush pole is placed in a wire loop
which is attached to the base of the main fence post at the other side of
the opening, raising the free pole upright and slipping a further loop of
fencing wire (which is attached to the top of the main fence post) over its
top. Although attributed to Sir Sidney Kidman, such gates have widespread
application in outback Australia.
The remaining wire items, which are those photographed, represent hooks
for hanging 'things' from the walls and roof rafters of a hut, and loops of
wire, perhaps bound to fence posts to support wire netting. Ritchie found
's' shaped hooks such as represented by item 322, and pegs such as item
340 on Chinese sites in Central Otago, New Zealand (see para 8.0.2).
8.2.8k Nails
(photograph 46)
Nails of various sizes and types were included in the Chinaman's Garden
Well assemblage. Their basic properties are tabulated below.
Item# Shaft Length DiaIWidth Head Dia Point Note
9 wire 39mm 4.5mm rhomboid 6.0mm sharp
11 wrought 60mm 6.0-4.0 mm flat rectgl 8.5mm chisel
(tapered)
29 wire 62mm 11mm flat rectgl 9.0mm sharp
42 wire 99mm 5.0mm 4 facet/apex 9.0mm sharp(?)
wire 90mm 5.0mm 4 facet/apex 9.0mm sharp(?) bent
wrought 55mm 6.0mm 4 facet/apex 8.5mm chisel
wrought 62mm 6.0mm (missing) chisel bent
wire 45mm 3.0mm (missing) sharp
wrought 43mm 4.5mm flat oval 8.0mm chisel(?)
cut 28mm 3.0-2.0mm spur 4x2mm cut a 'brad'
132 wrought(?) 52mm 5.0mm flat 6.0mm sharp(?) corroded
198 wrought 39mm+ 6.0mm 4 facet/apex 11.0mm (missing)
(broken)
298 wire 43mm 3.0mm rhomboid 4.0mm sharp
302 wrought 64mm 5.0mm 4 facet/apex 9.0mm chisel
wire 53mm 4.0mm flat/4 ribs 7.0mm sharp bent 90°
wire 52mm 4.0mm crude (?) (?) sharp bent 90°
335 wire 65mm 4.5mm f1at/ 5 ribs 8.0mm sharp
374 wrought 63mm 6.0mm 4 facet/apex 9.0mm chisel
472 wire 50mm 3.0mm 4 facet/apex 5.5mm sharp
495 wrought 63mm 6.0mm 4 facet/apex 7.0mm chisel
510 wire 50mm 3.5mm 4 facet/apex 5.0mm 2 facet

8.2.81 Other Structural Items
(photograph 47a &c)
Item 41 is a brass keyhole escutcheon, and item 274 a strip of sheet lead
14mm wide which has been twisted to reduce it's length and pierced at
one end. Item 274 is probably a counter-weight, and having regard to its'
dimensions, may have been fashioned locally as a substitute for the
counterweight of a casement window.
8.2.8m Medicinal
(photograph 47b & d)
Two glass items from Chinaman's Garden Well, apart from those already
described in other groupings, are associated with medicines or
pharmaceutical preparations.
Item 103 is the lower part of a ground glass stopper, such as used to close
an apothecaries or acid jar. The finish is far superior to that on, for
example, the stopper from a lea & Perrins Worcestershire Sauce bottle.
Item 236 is a Chinese shear-top straight-sided medicine vial of the style
also found at Chinaman's Well, and reported at other sites by Ritchie
(1986) , McCarthy (1986) and in Wegars( 1993). This item is almost
complete, and is 52mm high.
8.2.80 Other Items
(photograph 48)
Item 164, originally classified as hollow-ware is quite different from the rest.
It is a quite small piece of porcelain, which has been hand-painted on the
outside only. Colours of green, pink, yellow, tan, and black are
represented, and the motif appears to have been of blossoms. There is
also some evidence that gilt was included in the decoration. The
impression is of Quing dynasty polychrome porcelain (Valenstein,
1989:plates 38, 39), possibly from a wine cup..
Item 288 is a piece from the rim of a celadon-ware vessel. The rim has an
outside diameter of 60mm, and probably comes from a vase or small pot.

PARTS SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
9.0 Introduction
The historical research has established that in 1880 an hotel was built on
flat land beside Milparinka waterhole by Duncan M'Bryde, then the owner
of Mount Poole run. Construction was completed just prior to the discovery
of gold in the general vicinity, and with the resulting influx of diggers the
township called Milparinka developed along the higher ground on the
western bank of the waterhole. Apart from a short period in 1881 when the
population was perhaps 700 persons, the township never comprised more
than 150 to 200 persons. But it serviced additional small groups of goldseekers
in surrounding locations. Three hotels, stores, the police station,
a newspaper, post and telegraph office, coaching offices, and the
waterhole were the main features of the town. The waterhole was not an
adequate source of water.
Arriving with the first influx of gold diggers were a number of Chinese.
9. 1 Summary of the Historical Record
9. 1. 0 Introduction
The information obtained from the historical record regarding the Chinese
at Milparinka suggests their initial rejection and forced exclusion from the
goldfield. The Chinese retreated to Milparinka and commenced to grow
vegetables and fruit. This produce was perhaps partly for their own
consumption, but certainly was also sold 'at reasonably remunerative rates'
to the European community which evolved a mile and a half away. This
Chinese 'camp' may, in the mid-1890s have been similar in form to
Chinese 'camps' at Hay, Narrandera, Wagga Wagga, Deniliquin and
Albury, but much smaller in size.
Oral history has suggested that at Milparinka there was only ever one
Chinese Garden. The written record supports this assertion and identifies
the site as that of Chinaman's Garden Well. However, contrary to the
written record, one source of oral history (Blore: 1986) stated the site of the
garden was Chinaman's Well. Certainly the archaeological evidence
strongly suggests the presence of Chinese at the latter site in addition to
Chinaman's Garden Well.
Accounts of structural methods and materials used in China, and by
Chinese in New Zealand, the United States, and at several locations
elsewhere in Australia, suggest a variety of materials which may have
been used in constructing Chinese dwellings at Milparinka.

9.1.1 Chinaman's Garden Well
The Chinese established a small community Chinaman's Garden Well
where good water was available forty-five feet below the surface. The
community may have been present in 1882 and the evidence suggests the
growing of vegetables there at least from the following year. The Chinese,
by establishing their community at Chinaman's Garden Well obtained a
monopoly over the only reliable source of palatable water in the immediate
vicinity of Milparinka. The site, however, was on the floodplain of Evelyn
Creek, and was subjected to inundation on at least two occasions.
In the 1890s Chinaman's Garden Well was a focus of the Chinese
community, and a place where gatherings of Chinese from the European
town, from the surrounding stations, and from the 'camp' itself took place.
These gatherings occurred at least at Chinese New Year, and on May
Day, and were occasions when alcohol was consumed and gambling took
place. Fan Tan was clearly one of the gambling games involved.
There was a house here used by women who some members of the
European community inferred were prostitutes. A cellar and a bough
('bow') shed were also present. These were the site of the drinking and
gambling sessions.
The gardens produced a variety of vegetables, and in early years at least,
fruit. Grape vines were present, and it is possible some of the produce
was sold through a store in Milparinka known as 'Cocky's Store', owned or
operated by Tom Gox. There is no indication as to how the store got it's
name, but it is perhaps a reference to the relationship of the store to the
'cockies' grOWing vegetables and the like a mile and a half away. According
to the Collins English Dictionary (3rd Australian Edition) in idiomatic
language a 'cocky' is 'a farmer whose farm is regarded as small or of little
account'.
Vegetables from the gardens were also sold by the Chinese direct to
residents of the European town, and the Chinese appear to have
scavenged the town, perhaps using materials thus obtained to produce
fertilisers for their crops. That Tom Gox advertised foodstuffs which
included ham and eggs suggests pigs and fowl were also kept, although it
is equally possible Tom Gox kept fowl near his premises in the European
township, and that pig meat was purchased from the Baker family. The
historical record, however, makes no mention of fowl in the township.
The vegetables and fruits grown included grapes, potatoes, apples,
peaches, pears, melons, tomatoes, cabbage, carrots and turnips.
Research into Chinese agricultural traditions suggests the possibility that
the grape vines and perhaps the melon vines and tomato plants originally
sheltered the other crops from excessive exposure to the sun.
There is nothing in the historical record to suggest the plan of the Chinese
camp or gardens. There is no suggestion that all structures known to have

existed were contemporaneous, or that those known represent the whole.
More than one tank was present, but the manner of their construction is
unknown. It was possible for a small child to fall into these. The tanks were
associated with the gardens themselves, but there is no clear connection
between the garden or gardens and specific structures. It is possible Lum
Hop's garden was associated with one structure, that another structure
was associated solely with the well, and that a third structure, occupied in
1894 by Un Gee Joy, although adjacent to Lum Hop's, was not associated
with either the well or Lum Hop's garden.
9.1.2 Chinaman's Well
Short of giving credence to the patently deficient recollections of Sir Sidney
Kidman, I am unable from the written historical record to suggest
Chinaman's Well was ever occupied by Chinese. In fact there is a
complete absence of specific references to the site in the general historical
record.
The location was granted to Duncan McBryde as improved crown lands on
16 January 1886, when McBryde was the owner of Mount Poole station. At
that time the plan showed an unnamed well but no other improvements.
The land was transferred from McBryde to Alexander Scott in 1899, and to
Sidney Kidman in 1908.
However, it is just possible three incidents recorded in the Milparinka
Police Charge and Summons Book for 1897 took place in the vicinity of
Chinaman's Well. These incidents were recorded as follows:
8/11/1897 Alex Lang v King Yan - trespass on enclosed lands
8/11/1897 Alex Lang v King Yow - leaving gate in fence open
27/11/1897 Alex Lang v King You - removing horses from the run without
giving notice
Unfortunately there is no suggestion as to where these offences took
place. They could have occurred at Chinaman's Well, or at Chinaman's
Garden Well, which also adjoined the Mount Poole holdings, or at any
location where a gate existed. King You lived at the 'Chinaman's Garden'
in 1897, the location presumed to be Chinaman's Garden Well. King Yow
and King Yan could very easily be variants of King You, and it is quite
possible King Yan, King You, and King Yow were the one person. It is
interesting to note that Alex Lang, although at one time owner of Mount
Poole station, was never officially recorded as having an interest in the
lease which specifically incorporated Chinaman's Well.
I am inclined to the possibility that Chinaman's Well was abandoned by the
Chinese at the time Duncan McBryde acquired a lease over the site in
1886, but have found no historical evidence to support the proposition.

9.1.3 Chinese Involvement in Gold Mining
The Chinese at Milparinka were certainly involved in alluvial mining. They
were probably at least as successful as their European counterparts, but
do not appear from the written record to have been involved at all with the
quartz reefs at Whittabrinah or Warratta. This is despite suggestions in
oral history (Adams: 1985) to the contrary.
9.1.4 Chinese Retail Premises
A store selling bakery items and other foodstuffs, and sweets, was
operated by Chinese interests at Milparinka for perhaps the last 15 years
of the 30 or so years under consideration. This shop also advertised the
sale of fresh fruit, and could have been one outlet for the produce of the
Chinese Gardens. The store was also a restaurant, probably catering to
the needs of coach passengers.
9.2 Conclusions regarding Occupation Chronology,
Abandonment and Acculturation
9.2.0 Introduction
Analysis of the artefacts from Chinaman's Well and from Chinaman's
Garden Well has produced little evidence to support the development of an
occupation and abandonment chronology. The general impression has
been gained that items relating to later periods may be present in' the
assemblage at Chinaman's Garden Well, but that these are generally
macro artefacts. Included in this category are items which were left on site
- a windlass barrel, a bed iron, a tar ladle, and part of the handle to a
watering can. There appears to be a high degree of consistency in the
assemblage subjected to evaluation, strongly suggestive of discrete
groupings rather than randomly mixed scatter. The same cannot be said of
Chinaman's Well, where the degree of site disturbance is such that the
record could equally contain items from other occupation periods and
casual visitations. For example the presence of a Johnny Walker Whisky
bottle at the time of the first site visit, and the remnants of fencing, a
derelict Austin truck, and a (crushed) green enamel bucket, none of which
have been included in the discussion.
Fortunately the area of each site thought to be more closely associated
with Chinese occupation periods, and from which artefacts were
recovered, is removed from the non-Chinese area. Accordingly it is
possible to argue that the surface scatter under consideration is almost
exclusively associated with the Chinese occupation. This is especially so
at Chinaman's Garden Well.

9.2.1 Chinaman's Well
At Chinaman's Well there is some evidence for a lifestyle which seems to
contrast with that generally assumed to have been the norm in the far west
of New South Wales. This evidence is confined to the presence of a piece
of a wine glass, a French perfume bottle, and a substantial piece of plate
glass. Apart from a notable absence of tin cans and bone, the balance of
the assemblage is broadly similar to that found at Chinese sites at Pine
Creek, on the Palmer River, in New Zealand and in the western United
States. Unfortunately these are but glimpses into a past which cannot be
satisfactorily reconstructed. The plate glass may relate to a mirror, a shelf
upon which a household shrine stood, or to an entirely unassociated
period. That similar glass is located at Chinaman's Garden Well only adds
to the mystery. The piece of a wine glass, the perfume bottle, the base of a
nobbler glass, and the presence of gilded and silvered buttons, blackened
buttons and coins, and a fancy light-weight buckle could be combined to
present a picture which is quite incorrect. That the site is unmentioned in
the historical record adds to the dilemma.
Also at Chinaman's Well are a number of site features, in the form of
earthen mounds, for which there is not yet a satisfactory explanation.
Reference to early maps of the route from Wilcannia to the Mount Poole
gold field shows two mud huts lower down the route of Evelyn Creek, but
nothing is indicated in the vicinity of Chinaman's Well. Chinaman's Well,
however, would fit neatly into the series if the spacing of the two huts
which are known was extended upstream. Thus it is very possible that the
earthen mounds represent the remains of tamped earth structures. These
structures would date from the earliest occupation of the site, and do not
appear to be associated with the artefact assemblage evaluated by my
research.
However, the ruined stone hut at Chinaman's Well can be linked directly
with the scatter of artefacts subjected to analysis, and because of this, with
Chinese occupation of the site. No detailed analysis of the hut has been
completed, as to do so would involve disturbance of the bUild-up of soil
and the tangle of wire and old fence posts which presently protect it from
interference. However, it seems that the entry was on the eastern wall,
adjacent to its' juncture with the northern one. A fireplace may have been
sited adjacent to the entry. With a fireplace adjacent to the entry rather
than opposite it, and with the doorway placed in the shorter wall of the
structure, the layout would conform to that of Chinese huts evaluated by
Ritchie in Central Otago, New Zealand (Ritchie, 1986:102-106).
The artefact scatter was probably dispersed from within the hut by
floodwaters. The general direction of the scatter from the hut is in keeping
with the flow of f100dwaters in the vicinity. The distance items are displaced
from the hut seems to relate to their relative buoyancy, with the opium pipe
bowl being well removed along with whole bottles; broken food jars etc.,
being less removed; and clothing items being quite close to the ruin. The

dispersal of Chinese coins and opium tin fragments also fits into this
pattern.
Included in the glass items is the "6 to the gallon" whisky bottle. The date
this brand of whisky was first made or imported into Australia has not been
established. However, it was certainly available in 1895 at Milparinka, and
is also found at the other site being considered. It is most likely associated
with the Chinese occupation, as Chinese items came from the same
quadrat, but could represent the superimposition of artefacts from a
subsequent occupancy.
Quite apart from the stone hut is another scatter, comprised almost
exclusively of ferrous artefacts. This scatter seems to represent a
workshop area.
Contrary to the conclusion suggested by the outcome of historical
research, the artefact assemblage at Chinaman's Well contains nothing to
suggest the site was abandoned significantly earlier than Chinaman's
Garden Well. It is worthwhile also noting that the historical record contains
nothing conclusive in this regard, it being but supposed that Chinaman's
Well was abandoned at about the time it was acquired by the lessee of
Mount Poole (Sturt's Depot Glen) Station. Chinaman's Well is well
removed from present roads, and the historical research suggests that it
has been for many years. It is, however, located adjacent to one of the
travelling stock routes, and could therefore have been visited quite
frequently by drovers and other pastoral employees. It is sufficiently
remote from the road between Milparinka and Tibooburra to be inoffensive.
It has an artefact assemblage which contains a number of items possibly
associated with gambling, and it has what are thought to be the ruins of a
number of small mud huts. But even if the assemblage is disturbed, it does
not suggest the presence of more than one or two Chinese. The residents
appear to have worn clothes which were less suited to gardening than to
leisure. They had items in their possession which related much more
clearly to gambling and entertainment than did the residents of the other
site. There is a complete silence on the subject of Chinaman's Well in a
very conservatively managed local press. Perhaps Chinaman's Well was
the site of a place of entertainment of some description. I suggest the site
was eventually abandoned under duress. Although the archaeological
record is confused, that many items of use, such as drills and clothing
were left behind supports the proposition. But there is no other evidence.
9.2.2 Chinaman's Garden Well
Chinaman's Garden Well has proven the most valuable for analytical
purposes of the sites under consideration. Substantial damage was
probably inflicted upon the site subsequent to dedication of the well for
town water supply purposes in 1906, but it seems this damage was limited
to the vicinity of the well itself. There was no surface scatter of artefacts

associated with the actual well, although two items, one part of a windchime,
the other a bottle base, were noted in the general vicinity.
Further removed from the well was the substantial artefact scatter which is
clearly associated with the Chinese occupation. Although the site has been
flooded on a number of occasions the velocity of the f100dwaters does not
appear to have been sufficient to dislocate the items analysed. A possible
explanation for this is that substantial deterioration of the items, especially
anything made of organic material, had already taken place, that many
bottles had already been broken, and that the structures in which they
were housed had already collapsed or been substantially vandalised. The
processes involving active interference could have commenced quite soon
after abandonment. With the removal of reusable materials and the
destruction of any intact ceramics or glass items the incentive for further
site visitations would diminish.
The nature of the scatter here suggests abandonment, particularly of the
more northerly of the two structures. The inclusion in the assemblage of a
whole opium tin, complete with a scrap of cloth, and the presence of a
coin almost certainly associated with personal identification suggest that
the site was not vacated, but that the owner of the items died. Further, the
inclusion in the assemblage of bottles from expensive whisky, Chinese
porcelain of quite high quality, of Celadon-ware and of a quite good quality
bowl may be suggestive of Taoist ritual. If the occupant of the structure at
Chinaman's Garden Well was alive when it was abandoned items
associated with the ritual would most likely have been removed to facilitate
continuance.
The artefact assemblage at Chinaman's Garden Well, apart from some
nice ceramics, is generally more utilitarian that at Chinaman's Well. There
are no gilded or silvered buttons, no gambling counters, no gilded buckles,
and no wine glasses or nobblers. The artefacts outnumber those at
Chinaman's Well, while their nature suggests structures which contained
Windows, and perhaps domestic furnishings, even if rather crude and
utilitarian. The number of bowls and the volume of opium can fragments at
Chinaman's Garden Well suggests either a longer occupancy period or
larger numbers of residents than at Chinaman's Well. Chinaman's Garden
Well site is definitely the site mentioned in the historical record. It is the site
where gatherings of Chinese from the town and perhaps from some of the
surrounding properties took place, where they fought over gambling debts,
and where Europeans tended to cause occasional difficulties. This is
where the grapes were grown which prompted Thomas Wakefield
Chambers to write lengthy diatribes against the prices charged. This is
where water was sold to the Europeans at two shillings and sixpence a
hundred gallons, and probably where Tom Chong Toosey's fence was
burned. It seems women such as 'Long Tom' and 'Matilda Murrilis' lived
with the Chinese at Chinaman's Garden Well, but there is no record of any
children being born to them.

On the basis of the above discussion I suggest Chinaman's Garden Well
was the last site abandoned by the Chinese at Milparinka, and that the
more northerly scatter at Chinaman's Garden Well represents the
residence of the last of a particular group.
Unless the superimposition of artefacts from later periods at Chinaman's
Garden Well is particularly severe, the presence there of clothing rivets
and relatively unadorned pressed brass buttons suggests the residents
adopted Euro-American work clothes. The presence of mother of pearl and
shell buttons suggests the adoption of similarly-oriented underclothing. The
buttons found are similar to those from sites investigated by Snoek,
Ritchie, and Coutts. They are certainly not exclusive to Chinese sites, and
are most likely of European, American and Australian origin. That the
assemblage from Chinaman's Garden Well includes a gold cuff-link may
suggest adoption also of more formal European attire, which would be in
keeping with suggestions made by Hong-Kingston (1981:65), but in
contrast to the conclusion reached by Fagan (in Wegars, 1993:226). Fagan
found that during off-duty hours Chinese cannery workers at Warrendale,
Oregon changed into traditional clothing. It is perhaps significant that the
gold-plated buckle (item #737) from Chinaman's Well could possibly be
associated with traditional Chinese attire, but that none of the finds at
Chinaman's Garden Well could have such an association.
In respect to foodstuffs the evidence strongly suggests continuation of
traditional dietary preferences, with the presence of at least one soy jar
and two or three Chinese food jars. Pickle, Worcestershire sauce and
vinegar jars are represented in the assemblage from both sites. These
represent European substitutes for traditional foodstuffs. Finds from
Chinaman's Well include traditional medicine bottles, but there is no
evidence for the utilisation of European remedies. Adherence to traditional
medicines in addition to the adoption of European remedies is evident at
Chinaman's Garden Well. Neither site contains remnants of Ng Ka Py
bottles - the traditional Chinese alcohol bottle. This last observation is a
definite contrast to the assemblages reported from New Zealand, the
Northern Territory, and Oregon.
The tableware assemblages from Chinaman's Well and Chinaman's
Garden Well contain far fewer Chinese items than have been found by
others. In Central Otago, New Zealand and in the Northern Territory there
was a preponderance of Chinese material. At Milparinka there is a relative
absence of Chinese tablewares. Several bowls are represented, but only
one (#58-362-368) is likely to be of Chinese origin. One platter which
possibly bears a Chinese base mark is represented in the Chinaman's Well
assemblage, but this item also bears an impressed Arabic numeral. There
are no Chinese tea cups, no ceramic spoons. There is but one fragment of
celadon ware, and although this may represent a wine cup, it is atypical in
having a quite robust rim. There is a polychrome porcelain fragment which
may have come from a Chinese wine cup. Both these items are from
Chinaman's Garden Well. At Chinaman's Well the items associated with
alcohol consumption are of non-Chinese origin.

The presence at Chinaman's Garden Well of buttons from Adelaide and
from Geelong, and of one similar to a button found in the Coorong of South
Australia by Snoek. may be suggestive of the direction from which the
residents arrived at Milparinka. But to canvass such a suggestion on the
basis of three buttons is a little too speculative.
In summary, there is evidence of increasing acculturation if the two sites
are compared on the basis of the artefacts present in the assemblage, and
if Chinaman's Well was in fact abandoned significantly before Chinaman's
Garden Well. There is also evidence of adherence to traditional practices
and consumption patterns and for the use of opium at both sites. I am
inclined to consider the opium was used as a pain-killer, for numbing
feelings of loneliness, perhaps for solace generally. There is nothing in
either the historical or the archaeological record to support a proposition
for recreational use, and certainly nothing in the police record to suggest
persecution in this regard. The relative absence of Chinese tablewares
and complete absence of Ng Ka Py jars may be a product of the
remoteness of the site or of increased acculturation. The Chinese at
Milparinka may have had little choice but to adopt European tablewares
and alcoholic beverages, or it may simply be that they had lived in outback
Australia for a much longer period than those Chinese studied elsewhere
had lived in New Zealand, Oregon or the Northern Territory. That they
adhered quite closely to traditional foodstuffs, despite adoption of the
European clothes, and the use of European-sourced eating utensils and
building materials is in keeping with the findings of others. At Milparinka,
however, the shift appears to have been more pronounced.
There is no satisfactory evidence in either assemblage for the presence of
vegetable gardens, although clearly this was the case at Chinaman's
Garden Well, and was probably so at the other site. Examination of the
items held at Peak Hill homestead may alter this situation, but their
provenance is quite uncertain.
9.3 Who Were the Chinese at Milparinka?
At least some of the Chinese who lived at the Chinese gardens at
Milparinka had been living and working in Wilcannia at the time gold was
discovered at Mount Poole and Mount Browne. In the course of a
discussion with Associate Professor Mabel Lee of the University of Sydney
it was suggested that names used by the Chinese were likely to have been
adopted upon arrival in Australia. It was also suggested that a name found
in association with both Wilcannia and Milparinka would very probably
relate to but one individual, Several names, including those of Hung Loy
and Charlie Bow, or close variants of them, can be linked to the two towns.
The historical record shows that the Chinese observed Taoist rituals in
offering sustenance to their deceased companions, while the
archaeological one suggests the format of those offerings. When the last

of the group died, most probably at Chinaman's Garden Well, the
expensive whisky, fine porcelain and Celadon-wares which may have been
associated with the rituals remained in his residence, and the tending of
the Chinese graves at Milparinka ceased.
A question which arose during my research was the origin of the Chinese
at Milparinka. My curiosity was aroused by their knowledge of arid land
agriculture. While most of the Chinese who came to Australia were from
the reasonably well-watered areas of Southern China, the archaeological
record suggests that the Milparinka Chinese may have originated from the
arid lands in the north or the north-west of China. The evidence derives
from their knowledge of dry-land farming, their ability to produce crops from
highly alkaline soils, the use of a cellar, perhaps the configuration of their
wheelbarrow wheel, and the origin of coins recovered from the sites.
In his record of an extensive tour of China in 1909 or 1910 F.H. King noted
groups of small, almost windowless houses built of earth brick in Chihli
province (King, 1911 :227-338) and that 'for nearly an hour we had travelled
up the river before there was any material vegetation, the soil being too
saline...but beyond this crops in the fields and gardens, with some fruit and
other trees, formed a fringe of varying widths along the banks.' The
Chinese at Milparinka were almost certainly familiar wiith the methods
required for successful cultivation of saline soils. In 1883 they were
producing peaches and pears from their gardens, and a year later picked
their first crop of grapes (Mines, 1883). King noted the use of water for
irrigation in Chihli province as elsewhere, and that a typical series of crops
was 'cabbage, followed by melons and then radish the same season'.
Cabbage and melons were included in the produce of the Chinese garden
at Milparinka. King recorded the 'skill and practice of storing and
preserving such perishable vegetables as pears and grapes...' and that
'the growers depend simply upon dry earth cellars which can be maintained
at very uniform temperature, the separate fruits being wrapped in paper'
(King, 1911:343). A cellar was a feature of the 'Chinaman's gardens' at
Milparinka, and was used by the Chinese for gambling. (ref page 79).
Quite possibly that cellar was first built as a means of prolonging the
storage life of grapes and other produce of the gardens. If so the
technology may have originated in northern China. In another work King
(1910:95) discusses the use of alkali soils for the growing of grapes, with
gypsum being used in conjunction with mulches to counter the salinity.
Gypsum was certainly available in the vicinity of Milparinka.
King also (1911 :239) noted the use of wheels fixed rigidly to the axles,
especially in Manchuria. The wheel now located at Peak Hill homestead is
fashioned in this manner from iron or steel. Although the general layout of
the wheel is similar to those illustrated by Simpson (1988:15) on a
Canadian vineyard plough, and a portable kerosene engine (Simpson,
1988:120) the fixed axle remains of specific interest.
Of the coins from the Milparinka Chinese sites, three were minted in Chihli
province, while the others are from Kansu, the most north-westerly part of

China. Chinaman's Well and Chinaman's Garden Well both had coins from
these provinces. There are no coins from southern China. It is noted that
66.4% of the coins evaluated by Ritchie (1986:572 ) were from Northern
China - specifically from the vicinity of Beijing, and that the Milparinka
sample is exclusively from remote provincial mints in northern China may
simply be a product of visibility in the surface scatter.
I acknowledge that the evidence is tenuous but it is sufficient to canvass
the possibility of a northern China origin for the Chinese at Milparinka.
Perhaps the opportunity will arise for assessment of this proposal from
further work at their garden sites.
9.4 Community Relationships
9.4.0 Introduction
The principal objective of my research was to study the relationship
between the Chinese and European communities at Milparinka. The
underlying expectation was that Milparinka failed because of a lack of
integration between different sectors of the population living within and
around the town. My proposal was that, had the community had an
adequate co-operative network, Milparinka may have acquired strategic
resources which, together with the town's favoured treatment as a centre
of government administration might have allowed it to continue as an urban
centre. Although attention was particularly directed to the Chinese as a
clearly identifiable group, and as preliminary assessment showed they
controlled significant resources, the outcome of the research shows that
significant fragmentation existed within the European community alone.
9.4.1 Relationships within the European Community
Milparinka had great difficulty in generating co-operation on community
projects. Perhaps it lacked a critical social mass as well as suffering a
scarcity of resources. The historical record shows several instances
where projects may have failed simply because they did not serve the
personal interests of various residents. For example, the erection of a
public hall would have produced competition with Bamess' "newly
furnished building", mentioned at paragraph 5.7. That these projects
would have provided community facilities in competition with those already
provided privately complicates any evaluation of this factor. The projects
also failed because the community was unable to generate sufficient cash
to futher the various causes - the hospital, the hall, the water supply. But
another factor may have been procrastination. While Milparinka dallied
about the location of the hospital, Tibooburra built one. While Milparinka
sent representations to government officials seeking a solution to
community issues such as the management of the town common,
Tibooburra embarrassed people into compliance. Tibooburra may have

developed a more pragmatic attitute to the law. Comparisons such as
these have not been addressed, as they are outside the scope of this
thesis.
But even without comparisons to Tibooburra the attitudinal difficulties come
to the fore. Milparinka suffered from a chronic shortage of water, but it
seems the attitude was that 'the Government' should resolve the problem.
That a group of ageing Chinese controlled the best and most reliable
supply did not help the situation.
9.4.2 Relationships between the Chinese and European
Communities
The archaeological record indicates a limited flow of European goods most
probably from the European town to the Chinese. This flow included
clothing, spirits ('6 to the Gallon' whisky), tinned foods, wax vestas, pickles,
kerosene, and medicines, all of which were available from the European
storekeepers at Milparinka. Several of the bottles from the Chinese sites
are those generically described as 'beers', which my research has
confirmed were used for a variety of goods, including beer, vinegar
(Arnold,1987:27) and Peppermint. Various bottles which relate to
European medicines have also been identified. Some of these may have
contained preparations such as laudanum (Opium Tincture) and chlorodine
(Chloroform and Morphine Tincture), both of which were used in the
general community.
(Photograph 49 is of a 'beer' bottle bearing remnants of a label which
reads 'PEPPERMINT', taken in January 1994 on the site of the Kandie
Hotel, between Wilcannia and Milparinka. No research has been
undertaken into the closure of this hotel, but advertisments in The Sturt
Recorder show that it certainly operated during the 1890s, under a
licensee named Henry W Major.)
At both Chinese sites being considered there is strong archaeological
evidence for the use of goods originating from China, which my research
has failed to demonstrate were available from the European storekeepers
at Milparinka. It is, of course, possible that Tom Gox, sold Chinese soy and
salted vegetables etc., but if so, this only confirms co-operation between
the Chinese. It is also possible that the Chinese medicines and opium used
by the Chinese was purchased locally, but nothing in the historical record
suggests this was the case.
The archaeological record also strongly suggests that the Chinese wore
clothing of a style which would have been generally available. Information
regarding the origins and the style of fasteners used on clothes available
through Baker's store in Milparinka would be required before any definite
conclusions could be drawn regarding purchases by the Chinese from that
source. But the oral history suggests a reasonably good relationship

existed between the Baker family and the Chinese, and by inference,
clothing acquired by the Chinese quite likely originated from Baker's store.
Perhaps some of the bowls and other tablewares identified on the Chinese
sites also came from that source.
The Chinese at Milparinka certainly used the European Court system, both
willingly in respect to the recovery of debts, and unwillingly when an
altercation in their community attracted attention from the Police . They
also made use of the European newspaper to air their grievances when
their mining camp was destroyed.
In summary the outcome of my research demonstrates that there was a
two-way flow of goods and services between the European and Chinese
communities at Milparinka. The activities of the Chinese at Milparinka were
broadly similar to those of Chinese communities elsewhere in rural New
South Wales, except that at Milparinka, as already stated, the Chinese
sold water to the European community as the opportunity arose, and
because of this may have been in a position of considerable significance.
At Chinaman's Garden Well they were involved in a broad range of
business undertakings, including vegetable and fruit growing, perhaps
labouring when the opportunity arose, storekeeping, gambling, and
prostitution. At Chinaman's Well the record is less clear. Within the town
itself was a Chinese eating house which supplied bakery products, and
perhaps eggs.
That the Chinese supplied not only water at almost twice the price of any
other, but also fruit and vegetables which they continued to sell 'at
reasonably remunerative rates' throughout the period under consideration,
was a source of considerable friction in the community. The Chinese had
a 'monopoly in garden produce', and it is surmised that until 1906 they had
a monopoly over Chinaman's Garden Well, the only source of potable subsurface
water not locked up by a pastoral lease. But the impoverished
nature of the town limited the extent to which residents were able to trade
with the Chinese. The failure of the community was not necessarily due to
a lack of co-operation between the different elements of the community,
though racial prejudice could hardly have helped. The Chinese probably
worked very hard to maintain their supply of vegetables. At first they
supplied the gold-rush community, and lived reasonably well. But by the
early 20th century the impact of rabbits upon the far west, together with the
increasingly impoverished nature of the township they served, and their
own increasing age, reduced the viability of their enterprise.
The period under consideration in my research represents the last twenty
or so years in the lives of a group of ageing Chinese. They were remnants
of those Chinese who came to Australia seeking gold during the 1850s and
1860s. One of their number was aged sixty in 1898. Their activities
dwindled over time, and the presence at Chinaman's Garden Well of
numerous artefacts with medicinal associations may suggest ill health.
Many of the European bottle fragments are of a type used to contain
patent medicines such as cough and rheumatism remedies. Opium was

also clearly used by the residents, but whether this is a reflection of an
addiction or of its use for medicinal and pain-killing purposes has not been
resolved.
9.5 Synthesis
The outcome of my research does show that the community at Milparinka
lacked cohesion in the pursuit of activities such as the production and
distribution of foodstuffs, the control and supply of water, and in the use of
communal facilities. The community was unable to sustain itself and did
not expand into a truly "urban" form. I have concluded that a number of
factors led to the demise of Milparinka. Besides the lack of cohesion, two
are outstanding. The first was the general economic collapse of the early
1890s, and its accompanying bank failures. This contributed to the town's
failure to build a hospital, and saw the closure of several businesses,
probably including the stores operated by T. W. Chambers, Heuzenroder,
Geyer, and Bigmore. The second destructive influence was the First
World War, which saw the young men who were the town's future
business proprietors enlist en-masse. Many of these did not return to the
town. The last Chinese death probably coincided with the middle years of
the First World War. The demise of the Chinese gardeners compounded
the impact of the War upon Milparinka. Their well fell into disrepair,
perhaps because 'the Government' or the 'Public Watering Places Branch'
'wouldn't do anything about it'. The Chinese had managed without
Government help...
The Chinese at Milparinka created a market niche for themselves and
protected it quite successfully for perhaps thirty-five years. They were an
ageing remnant of those Chinese who came to Australia to seek their
fortune on the goldfields. As the Chinese at the gardens died and were
buried in the south-west corner of Milparinka cemetery, lack of recruitment
meant the collapse of their enterprise.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival Sources
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1. Correspondence files, Milparinka
153
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Melbourne
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Vol C3 p1655)
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1921
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1894
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NSWRG
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Woore
Baker 1988
Barlow 1988
Blore 1987
Kuerschner 1989
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2. Land Titles Branch - indexes of purchasers 1883-1887
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John Chadwick WOORE (in Mitchell Library,
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Interview with Evelyn Kuerschner at Broken Hill,
New South Wales - March 25, 1989.

Appendix A CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS of Attacks
upon Chinese Miners on the Buckland River and at Lambing Flat.
A.1 Buckland River (Victoria)
'The presence of so many hundreds of Chinese on the Buckland
has long been a source of great annoyance to the European
population, and the recent unprecedented increase to the number of
celestials have been gradually creating a feverish and dangerous
state of excitement among our own countrymen. On all sides the
European miners find themselves cramped by the ubiqUity of the
long-tailed Asiatics, who do not confine their operations to merely
fossicking and cradling, but are sinking after the most improved
European fashion. As five-sixths of the barbarians are not merely
without their protective tickets, but have not even purchased the
miner's right, the Europeans feel perhaps more aggrieved than they
would do if they met on equal terms. This feeling of hostility has
increased until it has broken out into acts of open violence. A
fortnight since one or two Chinamen were assaulted by a party of
Europeans and deprived of their caudal appendages. This was but
the prelude of a more deliberate attack. On Thursday last, about ten
in the evening, a party of ten or a dozen men suddenly rushed a
small outlying picket of twenty or thirty Chinamen, who had just
commenced sinking on a new piece of tolerably good ground. The
slight huts of the Celestials were demolished in a trice, causing the
owners to fly like so many sheep, pelted in their hasty retreat by a
shower of stones. We regret to hear of such acts of violence, and
we are sorry to add that four of the Chinamen were more or less
seriously injured. Having routed their enemy, the rowdy mob in
possession of the field celebrated their victory by making a bonfire
of the windlasses. buckets, tools, &c., which remained as trophies.
Since then the Chinamen have been too frighted to return to the plot
of ground in question, which is now being worked by Europeans'
(Ovens and Murray Advertiser, quoted in Age, Melbourne, 20 May,
1857, and by Cannon, 1982, VoI2:351)
'The diggers, chiefly Americans, assembled about one hundred
strong. Having divided themselves into two parties, one took the
right and the other the left-hand branch of the river, having made up
their minds to clear the Buckland of the Chinese popUlation, which
must have numbered at least two thousand. They accordingly
commenced with 'Out you go, John'. John was obliged to go, and to
prevent their returning, they burnt their tents, stores &c., and drove
them before them like sheep, occasionally giving them a touch from
behind with a waddy (not very gentle), like a drover in Smithfield
Market. The River Buckland runs between two high ranges,

consequently the Chinese who had no retreat, either to the right or
left, went straight along the course of the river. When the diggers
came to the large Chinese camp on the Lower Buckland, a few
Celestials showed fight, several shots were fired, and four
Europeans, it is said, were wounded; but poor John had to
amputate nevertheless. They then set fire to the Joss House, a
really good building, which eost about £200. Everything in it was
destroyed and burnt, as were all the Chinese stores, and about
three hundred tents. Where resistance was offered John would get
knocked down. One poor woman, the wife of a Chinaman, got
knocked down with a stone, her forehead much cut, and her eyes
blackened. The European diggers, who did not join the others, were
pressed wherever they eould be found, and some English
storekeepers were threatened and cautioned against harbouring
Chinese, or identifying any of them. Frank Seott, the publican, was
threatened to have his house burnt down, because he gave shelter
to a few married Chinamen for the night. ..Two storekeepers
(English) were enticed outside their stores, under the pretence of
protecting a woman in a row. and were taken to some out-of-theway
place, and there pounced on, got an awful thrashing, and were
told it was for sticking to Chinamen. Other stores were robbed, and
plunder was going on right and left...
Monday night, 6th July,1857
Since writing my last letter, Captain Price has arrived with a
detachment of police, much to the satisfaction of us all here, and
they report the most frightful scenes on the road up - Chinamen
worn out with hunger and exposure, dying on the road. One poor
fellow was found lying near a fire in the bush, with his foot burnt off,
others in a dying state from starvation, many were rushed into the
river at the crossing-place of the Buckland and it is believed that
some were drowned. Two poor fellows were found this afternoon
(Monday) - one lying down hid under the banks of the river, nearly
dead; the other was also found hid in a hole where he had crept into
out of the way, and the earth had fallen in, and when found he was
in a sitting position but eould not extricate himself. Frank Seott, the
publican, found him and gave him food, and told him to go to his
house, but the poor fellow was afraid, and sneaked away. Captain
Price is busy taking accounts of their losses, and the men whom
they know as being amongst their assailants. One Chinaman alone
has sustained a loss of over £1,000. One poor fellow nearly had his
finger cut off to get his ring, another had taken from his belt three
ounces of gold. Some few stragglers are returning to extract the
dust from their rich piles of wash dirt; but many have had it washed
for them by the friends they left behind. The excuse raised by the
European diggers for the steps that have been taken to rid the
Buckland of the Chinamen, is their unnatural and filthy habits.
Constable Duffy reported the abuse to Captain Price. On the lower
flat the river was literally dammed up with Chinamen's swags, who

in their hurry at crossing, and being rushed from behind with sticks
&c., had lost them - I am fearful that it is not all over yet, for there
are amongst the expelling diggers a few desperate men, and one
should not be surprised to find them resist the police, and show fight
rather than be taken. I believe that when the question was first
proposed, they meant no violence, but a lot, who are always to be
found, not only on the diggings, but everywhere, deeming it a good
chance for plunder, joined in, and turned it to account, and even the
Chinese were found robbing one another...
But whatever may be the upshot of the affair, whether the Chief
Secretary will dispatch a company of soldiers to quell the outbreak
now that it is over, and to reinstate the Chinese in the possession of
their claims, we cannot guess. But of this we are pretty certain that,
from the 4th of July, 1857 the very name of Buckland will be a
'brownie, I to haunt the minds of each Chinaman who, if not himself
present, shall hear of the scenes of horror that occurred at that
place on Saturday last.' (Argus, Melbourne, 14 July, 1857, quoted
by Crowley, 1982, voI2:354).
A.2 Lambing Flat, New South Wales (near Young)
In connection with the Lambing Flat attacks (termed 'riots' by the
newspapers of the day and most historians), Crowley has collected the
following account:
'On Sunday, the 30th June, the residents of Tipperary Gully were
aroused by the cries of "Roll Up," and in the course of a very short
time upwards of a thousand men, armed with bludgeons and
pickhandles, no firearms as yet appearing, were assembled round
the "No Chinese" standard. Forming themselves into a rude kind of
order of march, and with a band of music, which appears to have
been thoughtfully provided for the occasion by the leaders of the
movement, at their head, shouting, yelling, and singing, the crowd of
rioters took the road to Lambing Flat, a distance of some four or five
miles. Arrived there, every Chinese resident in the township on
whom hands could be laid was attached and maltreated, the chief
object of ambition being to secure the long tails of hair with which
the Chinese are accustomed to ornament their heads. The main
body was here joined by numerous others, who came flocking in
from all quarters, until the number assembled amounted to at least
three thousand persons. Finding themselves so strong, and being
determined to make a clean sweep of the Mongolians now that they
were about it, they now turned their attention to the Chinese camp
situated on the spot and within the area allocated to them by the
Commissioner in accordance with the regulations previously made,
and apparently agreed to by the diggers. This was at once attacked
and carried, the Chinese being driven off, under circumstances of
great barbarity in some cases, and in all cases without being
permitted to take with them any portion of their property. It has been

said also that many of them were robbed of various amounts of gold
and cash; and that mixed up with the crowd of rioters were numbers
of women and children all actively engaged in plundering the
property of the runaways of everything valuable, or convertible, prior
to carrying the remainder to enormous fires that were kept up with
such kind of fuel. In the meantime, the band, placed in a
conspicuous position, enlivened the scene by playing spirit-stirring
airs, to an accompaniment of yells and shouts that would have done
credit to a New Zealand war dance. Excited with their triumph,
heated with their violence towards unresisting captives, and
possibly thirsting for plunder, of which this last attack had given
them a taste, a wild and savage yell of joy was raised, when
someone suggested Back Creek as the next spot to visit. Shouting,
firing (for guns were now pretty generally produced), singing,
laughing, and cheering, the body of rioters moved off towards Back
Creek, a locality about six miles from where they then were, and
where it was known that there were several hundreds of Chinese at
work. Information of the projected attack was, however, taken over
to the Chinese in this locality, who, hastily packing up the most
valuable and portable portions of their property, hurriedly made off
from the spot. The rioters were not long behind them, and on
coming up, a savage yell of disappointment rose up from the mob
when they found that their prey had escaped. The tents, goods, &c.,
left behind were fired, after having been carefully looked over for
plunder; and such articles as would not burn were destroyed by
being broken with axes. Whilst this had been going on, a number of
the rioters, who were mounted on horseback, galloped forward on
the track of the retreating Mongols, overtook them not much more
than a mile away, headed them, and rounded them up in the same
way as a shepherd-dog would do a flock of sheep. Information of
the surround was sent off to those behind, who, eager for their prey,
were already on the road. Here ensued a scene such as, thank
heaven!, it seldom falls the lot of a British journalist to record.
Unarmed, defenceless, and unresisting Chinese were struck down
in the most brutal manner by bludgeons provided for the occasion,
and by pick handles. The previous excitement had done its work,
and now the wretched Mongols were openly and unblushingly
searched for valuables, and robbery was committed without the
slightest attempt at concealment. Very few of the poor creatures
here attached escaped with their pigtails, none of them without
injury of some kind, whilst every article of the property they had
endeavoured to take with them was plundered of all that was
valuable, and then burnt. Some of the acts of barbarism said to
have been committed here were such, that Englishmen can scarcely
be brought to credit that their countrymen could be guilty of them ­
for who amongst the British people could ever believe that men of
their own country - Britons, would take the Chinese pigtails with the
scalp attached. That this was done in more than one instance there
can be no doubt, since the possessors of these trophies made no

attempt at concealment of them, but rather prided themselves on
their possession.
Some of the scenes that then took place are thus described by our
special correspondent:- Men, or rather monsters, on horseback,
armed with bludgeons and whips, with fiend-like fury, securing the
unfortunate creatures by taking hold of their tails and pulling their
heads so that they came with their backs to the horse and their
heads upon the saddle, and then cutting or rather sawing them off,
and leaving them to the fury of the others who surrounded them.
One unfortunate Chinese boy went down upon his knees, the tears
ran down his cheeks as he lifted his hands and pleaded for mercy: a
ruffian, with a bludgeon sufficient to kill a giant, with one blow felled
him to the ground. Another unfortunate creature, a cripple, was
trying to crawl away into the bush - he could not walk - and
endeavouring to take a blanket; it was ruthlessly torn from him, and
carried to a fire where their property was being consumed. Here
was to be seen another propped up against a tree, his forehead laid
open, and the blood running down his face - truly terrible to behold.
But these details are sickening. I have only mentioned what came
under my own notice. Were I to narrate only a tithe of the atrocities
committed that day, that have been communicated to me, it would
fill a volume. Mr. Henley, the Chinese interpreter, in a letter he has
addressed to the Governor, detailing his view of this outrage,
mentions the following:- A European woman with three small
children, who is the wife of a Chinaman, was sitting in her tent
rocking her baby in the cradle. The lawless mob burned down her
tent , and the cradle wherein he infant was sleeping. Her own and
children's clothing were torn to pieces by a lot of vagabonds, who
counselled together for the violation of the woman and the murder
of the children, but were prevented by the timely interference of
some of their number less hardened than the others.' (Sydney
Morning Herald, 20 July 1861, quoted by Crowley, 1982, vol 2:434­
436)

Appendix B TRANSPORTATION
B.O Introduction
Carriers and coachlines naturally played a major part in the development
and survival of Milparinka. From the initial rush to Mount Browne until
sometime during or shortly after World War I the town was a major change
for coaching operations, and the difficulties of transportation are a
recurring theme in local newspapers, and in mining and other official
records.
Up to three coaching companies and a variety of carriers served the town
and the surrounding pastoral stations at anyone time. Camel- and horsedrawn
stage coaches, occasionally replaced by pack-horses, buggies and
traps operated regular passenger and mail services. These were displaced
only slowly, the change commencing around 1916 when a motorised
'Charabanc' began out of Cobar to Milparinka. Records from Milparinka
Public School suggest these were probably part of an extensive network
which Morrison Brothers developed centred on Broken Hill shortly after
World War 1. By 1891 coaches from Wilcannia connected at Cobham
Lake with a service from Broken Hill. The Wilcannia coach continued on to
Milparinka and to Tibooburra. From Milparinka it was possible also to travel
to Bourke via Wanaaring by coach, and to Thargomindah via Tibooburra.
Goods were carried along similar routes using bullock, horse and camel
teams. Camels were also used in 'strings' as pack animals throughout the
period covered by my research. Bullock teams were used extensively in
less dry periods, but horse teams appear to have been uncommon.
B.1 Mail Coaches
A number of references suggest travel by coach was not always pleasant.
However, Ne! Barlow, who was a passenger on one of the last to operate
from Milparinka to Cobar, stated that the sensation of coach travel was not
one of being bounced around as of rocking - we 'just sat and hung on and
look(ed) out and slept' (Nel Barlow, personal communication, 1988).
Morrison Brothers owned one of the first coaches to operate from
Wilcannia to the Mount Browne diggings in 1881. The route continued to
be used by this organisation in competition with Kidman and Nicholas
('Cobb and Co') until at least December 1898 (Sturt Recorder, 10
December 1898:2)

Another coach, owned by J.A.Scott operated to Wanaaring and Bourke at
8 a.m. every Saturday, arriving at Wanaaring on Monday and Bourke the
following Wednesday (Sturt Recorder, 10 December 1898:2).
Regardless of the company operating the coach routes, a complex network
had developed by 1896. Coaches operated from Milparinka along routes
which connected the town with Adelaide via Broken Hill, with
Thargomindah via Warri Warri and Tibooburra, with Wilcannia, with Mount
Browne, and with Bourke via Wanaaring.
Mishaps with coaches and their drivers were reasonably common. One
occurred in November 1898 when the driver of a mail coach, waiting at
Bancannia Hotel, noticed an approaching storm. The horses were taken
out, and as the wind struck one side of the coach was lifted off the ground.
'The driver, Mr. Jas Looney, at once put his weight upon the coach and
prevented an overturning. While he was thus hanging on the wind started
the coach in motion, but fortunately it ran into the posts in front of the hotel,
and so its further progress was stayed' (Sturt Recorder 12 November
1898:2)
On another occasion the mail coach was swept downstream while
attempting to cross a flooded creek. 'Upon looking around to see what he
could do the driver saw smoke and immediately set off to the spot from
where it was issuing, clothed in hat and boots as all his other garments
had gone; he found two men at a campfire who were rather astonished to
see him nudis veritas and thought he must be mad...'(Sturt Recorder, 1
April 1899:2) Given the date of this partiCUlar report, however, it might be
treated with some caution.
As suggested by the last incident, wet weather caused the most significant
difficulties for coach transport. Coaches regularly became bogged during
wet weather on the Coally Flat and in the vicinity of Wonnaminta
waterhole, and the road in these localities became extremely rutted and
dangerous. Evelyn Creek at Milparinka also presented an occasional
obstacle to coach traffic. One of the more spectacular of these was in late
January 1894, when a sudden storm in the vicinity of Mount Poole caused
a flood 'fUlly half a mile wide' on the river flats below Milparinka (Sturt
Recorder, 2 February, 1894:2). On another occasion, in November 1896 a
travelling photographer swam the creek while it was in flood, but warned
that crossing a 'flowing creek in a strong current interspersed with growing
timber bush and debris was an altogether different matter' to swimming a
long distance in open water (Sturt Recorder, 20 November 1896:2).
Despite the difficulties, however, serious accidents to coaches or carriers
seem to have been very rare.

B.2 Camels and General Carriers
In far-western New South Wales during the late 19th Century camels were
synonymous with general carriage. Although bullocks and horses were
used, the camel was by far the most reliable draught animal. In most years
there was a shortage of water and feed along transportation routes.
Camels could travel further without water than the alternate draught
animals, and would eat a more broad range of forage.
Despite their utility, camels were barred from the Milparinka Common. The
rules of Milparinka Common were framed to incorporate the motion passed
at the meeting of trustees on 24 April 1891 - 'That all camels be excluded
from Milparinka Common. That persons in charge of camels travelling on
the road leading through Milparinka Common shall give the herdsman
twenty-four hours notice of his intention to enter upon such common with
his camels. That any infringement of the two foregoing rules in regard to
camels shall subject the person so infringing to a penalty not exceeding ten
pounds' (Sturt Recorder 10 September 1898:2).
In Chapter 1 mention was made of the 'Afghans' as a group within the
community at Milparinka about which little historical information has been
identified. That which has been accumulated is concerned almost
exclusively about their involvement with transportation and hawking, and in
particular with their use of camels as 'beasts of burden'.
In the late 1890s several articles appeared in the Sturt Recorder
highlighting the problems created by camels. Because of rules such as
those applying to Milparinka Common, the cameleers had a restricted
choice as to where they could camp. As the Wanaaring mail coach came
across a string of camels camped on the road for the night the road
reserves were clearly one of the options adopted for overnight stops. On
this particular occasion the horses, which react badly to camels at the best
of times, bolted. It took the coach driver about four miles to bring the
horses under control. (Sturt Recorder 10 September 1898:3)
String camels or 'camel trains' were used extensively to carry wool. This
means of transport was relatively inexpensive, and in 1896 the Bourke
Carrying Company, which at one time owned 879 camels, was formed
specifically to carry wool from stations in the far west
(Rajkowski,1987:111). Rajkowski suggests The Bourke Carrying Company
was a joint venture between Abdul Wadi (later 'Wade') and the Pastoralists
Union. Because Milparinka was at the junction of several routes leading
from these remote stations to railheads and river ports, the town was
subjected to visits by large numbers of string camels. The camel drivers
continued to bring their charges onto Milparinka Common without giving
'the proper notice'. Mahommet Droze brought thirty-two camels onto the
common on 17 November 1898 without notice (Sturt Recorder, 26
November 1898:2). This was a small number by comparison to the
hundred and seven which had passed through the town en route for

Western Australia on 7 July 1894 (Sturt Recorder, 13 July, 1894:2), but
most strings seemed to be comprised of about forty camels.
Gool Mahommet, an Afghan hawker who chose to ignore the rules let his
three camels feed on the common for a few hours. In consequence he was
fined three shillings and sixpence, but to this were added 'costs of the
court' of nine shillings and eight pence. (Sturt Recorder, 10 September
1898:2) The fine was not large, but the opportunity cost of having to attend
court at Milparinka some days or weeks after the offence was committed
was considerable. Another 'Afghan', Mahommet Croze, brought thirty two
camels onto the common without giving the proper notice. He was fined
twenty shillings when brought before the Milparinka Police Court (Sturt
Recorder, 26 November 1898:2).
Gool Mahommet was one of several 'Afghans' to be granted hawking
licenses by the Milparinka Licensing Court. Mongul Sin, another hawker,
was granted a license by the court in January 1898. Thomas Hill (licensee
of the Albert Hotel) and F.C. Bamess (whose occupation at the time is
unknown, but who in 1892 had been a stonemason) acted as his
bondsmen (Sturt Recorder, 8 January 1898:2). The next year Patti Yungh
and Rabba Singh were granted hawking licenses by the court (Sturt
Recorder, 7 January 1899:3)
The Afghan cameleers appear generally to have worn traditional clothing,
and in the case of the haWkers, seem to have 'put on a show' when
arriving in the township. Nel Barlow, in a discussion of life at Milparinka
prior to the first World War said
"... it was a great day the days the Afghans came though ... we'd get
a school holiday and the camels would march down the street and
the ghans would be all dressed up with their elaborate turbans and
the camels would be all decorated up with bells and rugs and you
know ... it was a great day and they'd march through the streets and
we'd all get a school holiday...[they didn't come all that
often]...they'd bring food .. you know big bags of flour and sugar all
that and there would be some of them like be hawkers and bring
materials and had materials and it would be a great day. Everybody
would dress up and go down to see the hawker open up all his
goods... Down towards the creek there used to be a plain there but I
think there's trees on it now... they used to camp there" (Nel Barlow,
personal communication, 1988).
The plain was part of Milparinka Common, but by the time which Nel
remembered, camels had become recognised for their worth and were
perhaps grudgingly accepted by the European population. Unfortunately
the nature of this camp, and its location, make it very unlikely that any
archaeological evidence remains for its existence.
During good seasons bullock teams and some horse teams attempted to
compete with the camel trains. But a good season for horses and bullocks

was also one for camels, and the inability of the european carriers to match
the low rates charged by the 'Afghan' camel men was an source of
discontent in Milparinka where at least two families owned bullock and
horse teams at some time.
By the early 20th century the Europeans too had adopted the camel as the
primary draught animal, with camel waggons becoming a feature of several
photographic essays and well remembered by my informants. Camels
continued to be used by 'Afghan' hawkers until the 1950s, well after the
period of my research, and oral history suggests they continued to camp
on the Milparinka Common.

Appendix C SUMMARY OF LAND DEALINGS in town of
Milparinka
MILPARINKA TOWN ALLOTMENTS
Changes of ownership/mortgages/etc. per NSW Reglstrar-General's records
VoI FoI Sec Lot Date Transferred to OCCUpation Notes
703 209 1 11 18840509 Frederick Connors hotelkeeper' Milparinka
703 209 1 11 18850317 morgagecl to Edmund & Richard brewers
Resch
703 209 1 11 18880604 CorneIIUs Clune publican eold by Resch
8XlII'Ci$ing power of
sale
703 209 1 11 18880605 mortgaged to Edmund Resch brewer of Wilcannia
703 230 1 12 18831020 John Sander8H Sgt of Police
703 201 1 13 18840509 Alfred Bigmore storekeeper sold 18830910
703 201 1 13 19180219 public trustee by transmission
703 202 1 14 18840509 Alfred Bigmore storekeeper sold 18830910
703 202 1 14 19180219 public trustee by transmission
703 206 1 15 18840509 Mary Collier married woman
703 195 1 16 18840509 Alfred Harry AIdworth merchant sold 18830910
703 195 1 16 18910912 Agnes lda Smith wife of J A Smith. law clerk of
Sydney
703 212 1 17 18840221 WUliam J088ph KelIy miner MUparinka
703 212 1 17 18840509 Jerimlah Foster hawker Milparinka
107 96 1 19 18921101 Benjamin John Bamess (grant upon purchase of Improved
5 Crown Lands within proclaimed
goldfield)
701 192 1 20 18840509 John Boreham sold 18830910
747 74 2 1 18850323 Selmar Heuzenroder
747 74 2 1 18860608 Carl Ferdinand Hugo Heuzenroder storekeeper Milparinka
747 74 2 1 18920222 August Christian Geyer storekeeper Wilcannia
747 74 2 1 18980131 Alfred BIgmore storekeeper Milparinka
747 74 2 1 19180219 public trustee
747 74 2 1 19160508 Frederick BIore Jnr teamster Milparinka
735 148 2 2 18841219 CarI Ferdinand Hugo Heuzenroder
735 148 2 2 18920222 August Christian Geyer storekeeper Wilcannia
735 148 2 2 18980103 Alfred Bigmore storekeeper
735 148 2 2 19180219 public trustee
735 148 2 2 19160526 George BIore grazier MUparlnka
757 171 2 3 18859815 Henrry Wallece Hogg, Carl
Heuzenroder & samuel Penrose
729 129 2 4 18841110 Thomas Ottaway
729 129 2 4 18850130 Joseph Waiter Lush merchant Melbourne
729 129 2 4 18850417 mortage London Chartered Bank
729 129 2 4 18871115 mortgage discharged

729 129 2 4 18871229 Charles Godde Lush merchant Metbouma
729 129 2 4 18880410 mortgage Meroantilll Bank of
Australia
729 129 2 4 18990329 mortgage discharged
729 129 2 4 18990329 RoblIrt Blake Whitaker gentleman Brighton
763 197 2 5 18841215 Charles Gedd8 Lush merchant Metbouma
763 197 2 5 18851016 Waiter Chartes Palmer
763 197 2 5 18860616 mortgage City of Melbourne Bank
763 197 2 5 18990323 RoblIrt Blake Whitaker gentlernan Brighton
763 197 2 5 18990330 mortgagll discharged
865 125 2 6 18871115 Alfred BigmOl'll
865 125 2 6 19160219 public trustee by transmission Nr A229204
865 125 2 6 19160501 A1bl1rt MoCLure grazier Milparinka
814 217 2 7 19610418 Silverton Road Transport
8
814 217 2 7 19720926 Jennill Grace Gartand married woman North Rocks
8
814 217 2 7 19841011 Kenneth David & Rayl_ Petrioia
8 Ogitvey
814 217 2 7 19880509 Gerhard Bruno & Gertlnde
8 Katherina Eobel
814 217 2 7 19880509 mortgage Weatpao Banking Carpn
8
767 136 2 7 not found George Blore .. (grant)
747 55 2 8 18850323 John Cramsie John Clarke Bowden .
& Arthur WoocIfall
509 173 2 9 19391116 Leslie James Baker (half shara) grazier Thaldarpa (ref 735138)
6
509 174 2 9 19391116 John Forbes Baker (half share) grazier Theldarpa
6
727 157 2 10 18841016 Alfred HerblIrt AIdworth
727 157 2 10 18960114 mortgaged to John Hall marine swveyor
727 157 2 10 18960619 discharge of mortgage
703 203 2 11 18840509 Alfred Bigmore storekeeper sold 18830910
703 203 2 11 19160219 public trustee by transmission
703 224 2 12 18831020 Samuel Herbert Parr bank clerk
703 224 2 12 18910912 Edward Hobbs bmiard marker Dubbo
703 239 2 13 18831020 Emma Striff widow
703 239 2 13 18891220 George Btore hotelkeeper - by transmission
703 239 2 13 19100509 Henry Joseph Bonnett landowner
703 239 2 13 19130716 Mary Ann Bonnlltt widow -by transmission
703 239 2 13 19140619 caveat A112258
703 205 2 14 18840509 George Blore contractor
703 205 2 14 19100509 Henry Joseph Bonnett land owner
703 205 2 14 19140716 Mary Ann Bonnett widow
703 2.07 2 15 18840509 MaryCollier married woman
703 214 2 16 18840509 IsaaoGiH biUiard marker
703 225 2 17 18831020 George Penrose minor
728 201 3 2 19411213 Willism Clarenoe Bonnett grazier (by auction)
4
728 201 3 2 19601018 Evelyn Black married woman Milparinka
4
703 216 7 1 18840509 Cart Fardinand Huge Heuzenroder merchant

237 83 8 20 19130526 Roderick Murch8$Oll & Samuel gentlemen Melbourne (ref grant
0 McCulloch 793244)
795 209 8 21 18860519 ComeIius Clune
795 209 8 21 18880925 Mary Ann Clune wife of Cometius Clune with a
power of appointment
703 211 8 22 18840509 Frederick Connors hotelkeeper Milparinka
703 211 8 22 18850317 morgaged to Edmund & Richard brewers
Resch
703 211 8 22 188B0604 Cometius Clone publican sold by Resch
exercising power of
safe
703 211 8 22 18880605 mortgaged to Edmund Resch brewer of Wilcannia
703 219 8 23 18840509 Eesignton George King bookeeper Mt PooIe
703 219 8 23 18860301 Henry Edward Sullivan freeholder Port Augusta
703 204 8 24 18840509 Alfred Blgmore storekeeper sold 18830910
703 204 8 24 19160219 public trustee by transmission
703 232 8 25 18831020 John Sanders## Sgt of Police
703 233 8 26 18831020 John Sanders## Sgt of Police
703 234 8 27 18831020 John Sanders## Sgt of Police
7(57 169 9 1 18851130 John Saunder8
703 221 Portion 1 18831020 Alexander McAuley boerding house keeper
703 221 Portion 1 18890601 Carl Ferdinand Hugo Heuzenroder storekeeper
703 237 Portion 2 18831020 William Reglnald Slanley & John
Senders
703 200 Portion 3 18840509 Salina Clara Bame8s married woman sold 18830910
720 172 Portion 4 not Ioctd Ouncan Elphenstone McBryde-
703 238 Portion 5 18831020 William Reginald SlanIey storekeeper
703 238 Portion 5 18841010 Edmund Resch brewer Wilcannia
703 235 Portion 6 18831020 John Sandersll# Sgt of Police
703 236 Portion 7 18831020 John Sanders## Sgt of Police
703 240 Portion 8 18831020 Samuel Edward Neile & Frederick miners
Karas
703 241 Portion 9 18831020 Samuel Edward Neile & Frederick miners
Karas
703 226 Portion 10 18831020 Percillal Oakley Penrose minor
703 191 Portion11 18840509 Alfred Henry AIdworth Merchant sold 18830910
703 191 Portion11 16910912 Agnes lde Smith wife of J A Smith, law clerk of
Sydney
703 192 Portion 12 18840509 Alfred Henry AIdworth Merchant sold 18830910
703 192 Portion 12 18910912 Agnes lde Smith wife of J A Smith, law clerk of
Sydney
703 193 Portion 13 18840509 Alfred Henry AIdworth Merchant sold 18830910
703 193 Portion 13 18910912 Agnes lde Smith wife of J A Smith, law clerk of
Sydney
703 194 Portion 14 18840509 Alfred Henry AIdworth Merchant sold 18830910
703 194 Portion 14 18910912 Agnes Ida Smith wife of J A Smith, law clerk of
Sydney
n9 116 Portion 33 not Ioctd Ouncen Elphenstone McBryde-
- reference found Index of Purchasers 1883 etc - Registrar GeneraIa Dept -15.6.1992
## not indexed in Index of Purchasers 1883 eto • Registrar Generals Dept. 15.6.1992

Appendix D GOODS ADVERTISED FOR SALE by E.C.Chambers
when ceasing business.
Sturt Recorder, Tibooburra and Mount Browne Advertiser
Milparinka,
Friday June 2nd, 1893
P3C6&7
[Advertisement] E.C.Chambers, General Storekeeper, Milparinka begs to
announce to his numerous friends and patrons that he is positively giving
up business and selling off his varied stock at prices far below cost.
Blankets, flannel drawers, men's unders, men's merino drawers, trousers,
tweed suits, felt hats, men's blutchers, men's lace-ups, men's half hose,
(?)pants, men's crimean shirts, men's cotton shirts, boy's cotton shirts,
lawn handkerchiefs, double width calico, prints, dress material, table
damask, glass cloth, towels, white counterpanes, corsets, linen, linen
diaper, ribbons, haberdashery, saddle serge, coloured table cloths,
woolmats, door mats, tents, mattresses, hessian, green window blind,
American cloth, buckets, axes, axe and pick handles, broom and hammer
handles, American brooms, perforated zinc, shovels, picks, tin dishes,
wash bowls, frying pans, grill irons, nails in great variety, paints, oils,
turpentine, horse-shoes, horse-shoe nails, grindstones, bolts and nuts,
copper rivets, copper nails, roofing bolts, kerosene lamps, bread knives,
bread trenches, English pump leather, chamois leather, saucepans, tea
kettles, camp ovens, augers - 5/8 - 12/- per dozen, files of all sorts,
hammers, adzes, screw wrenches, mallets, bellows, brushes, axle grease,
groceries, cutlery, patent medicines, stationery, saddlery etc.etc. And
numerous articles not enumerated in this advertisement. Sale will continue
for one month.

Appendix E SMALL BUSINESS, EDUCATION AND
SUNDRY SERVICES AT MILPARINKA
E.1 Chemists.
H.B.Given, MPSA was an advertiser in the first issue of the Tibooburra
Telegraph on May 13,1890. He was also one of the group which posed for
photographs in front of Heuzenroder's Store in about 1883. He died at
Milparinka in 1893 and was therefor in business at Milparinka for at least
ten years.
There is not a large volume of information regarding Mr. Given, that which
is available being gleaned from his newspaper advertisements, his
obituary, and Coroner's inquest into his death.
Harry Given was a member of the Pharmaceutical Societies of Victoria and
New South Wales, and had been dispenser at the Bendigo Hospital for
four years (Sturt Recorder, 2 June 1893:2).
He arrived on the Goldfield in 1881 shortly after the Mount Browne and
Tibooburra Rushes, and apparently 'proved on many occasions of great
value to the sick and ailing, whom he often attended without the prospect
of fee or reward' (Sturt Recorder, 11 August 1893:2). The jury at the
inquest into his death on 8 August 1893 returned a verdict that 'the said
Henry Bennett Given came to his death at Milparinka on 7 August 1893,
from the effects of poison (to whit strychnine) taken by himself on the same
day while of unsound mind.' (Sturt Recorder, 11 August 1893:2).
Within twelve months 'H.L.Garriques, MPS (USA) Consulting and
Dispensing Chemist late of the Apothecaries Company Broken Hill, and
Thargomindah Hospital, Queensland' could be consulted at his rooms in
Loftus Street Milparinka, two doors below the 'Recorder office'. Mr.
Garriques specialised in dentistry - 'teeth extracted and stopped painlessly,
with or without cocaine'(Sturt Recorder, 7 December 1894:2), and was
married at Milparinka on 12 September 1897 (Sturt Recorder, 19
September 1897:2).
The Sturt Recorder reported that Harry Garriques left Milparinka on 15
January 1898, and expressed the hope that he would return when the
prospects for the quartz reefs at Warratta looked more promising. The
article implied that Mr. Garriques may also have had some knowledge of
the chemistry associated with recovery of gold from quartz (Sturt Recorder,
15 January 1898:3). I have found no record to indicate when his business
ceased.

E.2 Lime Kiln.
ndix E Small business, services etc.
An article in the Tibooburra Telegraph dating from June 1890 indicates
George Blore established a lime kiln in the vicinity of Milparinka. As this
precedes by five months the addition of stables by Blore to the Albert Hotel
the kiln may have been a temporary enterprise set up to facilitate these
and other improvements to the hotel. Certainly this one reference is flimsy
evidence upon which to suggest a lasting enterprise.
A drover named John Ferguson was charged with the theft of three pairs
of blankets which had been taken down to the kiln 'to cover it up from the
rain' and which had been subsequently hung up to dry (Tibooburra
Telegraph, 10 June 1890:2).
E.3 Milparinka Public Library.
As already mentioned, Alfred Bigmore operated a pUblic library at
Milparinka. Its existence is indicated in two references. The first is an item
in the Tibooburra Telegraph 'We were rather surprised on coming here to
find that such a thriving and industrious place as Tibooburra should have
no public library... Milparinka has the advantage of us in that respect. It
contains a pUblic library which though small is ample for the requirements
of the town' (Tibooburra Telegraph, 24 June 1890:2), the second is an
advertisement in the Sturt Recorder - "Milparinka Libraryl Alfred Bigmore,
Librarian. Subscriptions 101- per annum or 3/- per quarter" (Sturt Recorder,
2 June 1893:4).
Bigmore's library may have continued to be available to the community
until his death around 1914.
On November 4, 1890 the Tibooburra Telegraph (page 3) contained the
following advertisement:- "J.C.Tippet, Tailor and Outfitter, Milparinka. Suits
from £3/10/-, trousers from £1/51-. Style, fit and workmanship guaranteed.
Patterns of the most fashionable tweeds and coatings always on hand.
ladies riding habit and ulsters a specialty".
Tippet's name appeared again on January 27, 1891, but by February 1895
his business had been replaced by that of Edward Bateman (Sturt
Recorder, 22 February, 1895:2). Bateman moved into new premises in
loftus Street during January 1897 (Sturt Recorder 8 January, 1897:3) and
in August the same year advertised "For Sale - Dress Coat and Vest.
Fashionable cut. English make. Measurement 38 inches. Nearly new.
Cheap." (Sturt Recorder, 6 August 1897:3).
Bateman advertised again in December 1897, and still gave his occupation
as a tailor in February 1899 (Sturt Recorder, 4 February 1899:3). Although

there is no record as to when his business ceased, there is no further
mention of a tailor in Milparinka.
E.5 Bakery.
For a period in 1893 at least a bakery and general store was operated by
the lessee of the Government Well at Milparinka, as F.C.Bamess
advertised separately as lessee of the well, and as a baker and general
storekeeper -"Picnics and Wedding Parties catered for."(Sturt Recorder, 2
June 1893:1). It is possible this business was a step in the transformation
of W.C.Palmer and Co., to 'Cocky's Store'. Cocky's Store certainly started
as a bakery.
E.6 Butcher.
William Baker operated a butchering business in Milparinka for several
years. His advertisements first appear in 1893 (Sturt Recorder 2 June
1893: 1) while he was licensee of the Albert Hotel, and his business has
already been mentioned in connection with that enterprise. However, upon
selling the hotel in 1894 he continued as a butcher, in conjunction with the
general store also already mentioned, and when a rush occurred to Little
Bendigo in 1895 he extended his delivery cart circuit to incorporate the
new locality (Sturt Recorder, 5 April 1895:2). He last advertised in the Sturt
Recorder in February 1897, and when present at a public meeting in
February 1899 he gave his occupation as storekeeper (Sturt Recorder, 4
February 1899:3). It is probable that his butchering business ceased during
1897 or 1898.
E.7 Saddler and Harness-Maker.
Also in 1893 a saddler & harness-maker, William Jordan operated from
Milparinka (Sturt Recorder 2 June 1893). Four years later William Baker
had opened a shop adjoining his store premises which specialised in this
work (Sturt Recorder, 8 January 1897:3). It might be speculated that this
represented the assumption of Jordan's business, but was more likely a
diversification of Baker's butchery, already mentioned. The Jordan family
continued to live in the township, and at one stage advertised 'Jordan's
Superior Brew of Exmouth Hop Beer.. .' (Sturt Recorder,25 December
1897: 1) They may have continued as saddlers and harness-makers for
some years, as William Jordan was still resident at Milparinka in 1907
(Aust Post 1).
Adding to the likelihood that William Baker's saddlery represented a
diversification of his butchering business is the presence of Robert Baker,
tanner, at the meeting in February 1899 (Sturt Recorder, 4 February
1899:3).

E.8 Blacksmiths.
John Stewart, General Blacksmith and Wheelwright advertised 'horses
shod and all general work done on the shortest notice' when his
advertisements first appeared in the Sturt Recorder (19 January 1894).
Sturt appears to have been displaced by T.J.Burt when the latter
advertised 'TJB begs to inform his numerous friends and the general public
that he has taken the old shop, where all kinds of Smith's and
Wheelwright's work will be executed upon the shortest notice, in best time
and at the lowest charges. Horse-shoeing a specialty (Sturt Recorder, 24
August 1894: 1).
"TJB's" advertisement again appeared in January 1895, but by 31 May the
blacksmith advertising was 'T & J Godier, Blacksmiths and Wheelwrights,
Milparinka and Tibooburra'(Sturt Recorder, 31 May 1895:3).
In January 1897 the Sturt Recorder contained an advertisement "To Let ­
The Old Blacksmith's Shop, Milparinka - Apply T.W.Chambers", and
almost two years later John Thomas, Blacksmith and Wheelwright, late of
Silverton Coach Factory begged to announce that he was about to open a
shop at Milparinka (Sturt Recorder, 22 October 1898:3).
On Friday 19 February 1897 the Sturt Recorder had advertised 'For Sale
by Auction at an Early Date' goods which included a range of blacksmithing
equipment, perhaps suggesting the demise of Burt's business.
E.9 The New South Wales Post Office
A postal route was established in April 1879 between Wilcannia and Mount
Poole (then 'Sturts Depot Glen' holding), held by Duncan McBryde. This
route was via Gnalta, Noontharungie, Wonominta, Morden, Cobham Lake,
'Coelly', and with the discovery of gold, Milparinka. On 16 July 1881, six
months after the discovery of gold, the post office was transferred from
Mount Poole to Milparinka, and on 27 May 1890 a telegraph line from
Wanaaring to Milparinka was inaugurated. The route of this telegraph
(liThe Cut Line") became a new postal route in 1895.
For only a few years from 1890 the post office at Milparinka had an official
postmaster. At the time it operated from premises owned by
T.W.Chambers consisting of a two roomed corrugated iron cottage to
which a verandah had been added on three sides. The cottage was
described by as inspector in a report dated 21 June 1891 as 'the meanest,
dirtiest and most uncomfortable place in town', and on 1st November 1891
the post office moved into a stone cottage owned by Cornelius Clune. This
may have been a cottage officially sold to him in 1893 (see para 5.2.3),
and was located three hundred yards from the former post office premises.

A endix E Small business, services etc.
The office remained there until 30 June 1901 when it was moved to
purpose-built premises adjacent to the police station and barracks.
The stone cottage used for ten years from 1891 was also subject of
complaint, with the postmaster writing to his superiors in March 1898 that
"The quarters ... are situated between two slaughter yards to which area
attached pig and cow pens, one less than fifty yards and the other less
than one hundred yards distant. .." (NSWP02)
In 1907, just six years after moving into an official post office building
adjacent to the Police Station, Milparinka Post Office once again become a
contract office, operating from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m. A petition protesting the
change of status was signed by fifty-four persons, only three of whom were
residents of the town.

A endix E Small business, services etc: ..
useable parts of the building being removed for use elsewhere almost as
soon as it became unoccupied. The official records (NSWDE1) contain no
indication that children of Chinese descent attended the school.
E.11 Clergy
Apart from the Revd E. C. Ganly already mentioned, my research indicates
only three clergymen who may have had brief associations with the
community at Milparinka.
Clergy generally appear to have been based at Wilcannia, with a parish
which included not only Milparinka, but Mount Browne, Tibooburra, and the
ephemeral townships of Warratta or 'Albert' and New Bendigo.
The Reverend Henry Bradshaw, the Church of England minister from
Wilcannia held services at both Tibooburra and Milparinka in late August
1895. He also visited Mount Browne, and at the time it was expected the
Reverend A.J.Greenwood, from Deniliquin would be 'taking up his abode'
at Tibooburra. (Sturt Recorder, 6 September 1895:2)
Two weeks later the 'Recorder' announced that "The Reverend F. Hynes,
Wesleyan Minister from Wilcannia, will preach at Tibooburra on 22nd inst
and at Milparinka on the 29th" (Sturt Recorder, 20 September 1895:3).
However, the surge of interest in the ways of the Lord, at least on the part
of the news media, appears to have been short-lived. No further note of
visiting or resident clergy was made by the Sturt Recorder until March
1897 when the Revd E.C.Ganly received mention (Sturt Recorder, 19
March, 1897:3). This was followed on 17 June 1897 by a meeting of the
Church Committee 'held for the purpose of receiving the Treasurer's report
and clearing up matters since the Revd. E.C.Ganly's departure' (Sturt
Recorder 25 June 1897:2). A building fund of fifty-four pounds eighteen
and sixpence was to hand, together with a stipend fund of five pounds
eight and sixpence. The meeting agreed to deposit the building fund 'in the
Savings Bank in the name of Mr. John Ducat (the local Mining Registrar)'
and to forward the balance of the stipend fund to 'Mr. Ganly when the
whereabouts of that gentleman be ascertained.' A bicycle was to be placed
in the care of Mr. Cornthwaite ( a storekeeper in Tibooburra ) which
suggests that town had been the primary residence of Revd Ganly. Revd
Ganly was transferred to Moama, on the Murray River.
One of Revd Ganly's last functions at Milparinka was to 'read the Church of
England service at the grave' of Arthur Leigh Chambers, youngest son of
Thomas Chambers.
The final clergyman visitor mentioned by the Sturt Recorder was the
Reverend Father Paul Zundolovich, a catholic priest who was scheduled to
hold services at Milparinka on Saturday 22nd April 1899, and at Tibooburra
the next day. The Sturt Recorder indicated he would also be visiting the

Appendix F "Cox's Well"
F.O Introduction
Cox's Well is located perhaps five hundred meters upstream of Chinamans
Garden Well. Historical evidence suggests that it post-dates the
firstmentioned sites. and that it is not of direct significance to my research.
However. features of the site, particularly those located on the Mount
Poole side of the boundary, suggest it has an earlier un-recorded history.
F.1 Location
The site runs along the western bank of Evelyn Creek upstream from it's
junction with an unnamed creek one hundred or so meters south of the
Mount Poole - Peak Hill boundary fence. This fence approximates the
former boundary of Mount Poole Station with the Milparinka Common. The
limits of the site have not been clearly defined.
At this point Evelyn Creek rounds an area of raised ground, and as a result
is forced into a more narrow channel. This makes the site rather more
susceptible to flooding.
The creek which joins Evelyn Creek from the west is very sandy. The
southern bank of this is about one and a half meters high, while that on the
northern side is between two and two and a half meters high. On the
northern side artefacts and some logs protrude from the bank, suggesting
that the increased height represents an accumulation of flood debris.
The more downstream parts of the site are badly eroded by f1oodwaters,
with at least fifty percent of the potential site area having been damaged.
On the Mount Poole side of the boundary the damage is less apparent.
Only a very sparse surface scatter of artefacts was noted when the site
was first visited in July 1987.
F.2 Structural Materials
At Cox's Well are the remains of a stone chimney and another small stone
structure. The evidence suggests the balance of any structures here were
built of either corrugated iron, which could be dismantled and bodily
relocated, or of less durable materials such as hessian, calico, skins or
woven matting. Floodwaters appear to have destroyed much of the site,
and to have removed any evidence of stumps or foundations.

F.3 Vegetation
Trees at Cox's Well are Red River Gums and Coolabahs. There is a
sparse scatter of grass but little saltbush.
F.4 Artefact Scatter
Protruding from the bank of the side creek are pieces of wire, and bits of
corrugated iron. The bank itself is comprised of fine soil overlying more
coarse material. Glass and pottery fragments appear to be eroding out of
the bank, and in the sandy bed of the creek are numerous metal
fragments, including items associated with harness and with the use of
wire rope.
The main features of the site are an eroded gully perhaps a meter and a
half deep, and the remains of a stone chimney.
The collapsed chimney has been constructed of crudely shaped stone.
Sitting on top of the stone is an axle which could possibly have been built
across the fireplace from which to hang a cooking utensils.
In the gully to the west of the chimney is some corrugated iron, the ring
from the hub of a wooden wheel, the lid from a circular cast iron pot, a
piece of sheet iron, and some black glass bottles. One of these is
reminiscent of a whiskey bottle.
Also in this erosion gully is an apple green glass bottle of similar
dimensions but with a very deeply indented base, pieces of a bed frame,
and some pottery, one piece of which has a green applied pattern and is
reasonably distinctive. There are also some pieces of iron - best described
as significant LUMPS of iron - and another piece of iron which appears to
be some kind of a shaft.
On the western bank of the gully are the remains of a hundred-gallon
ship's tank, some more iron and a heavy metal plunger about six inches
across which may relate to pumping apparatus.
There is another erosion gully which starts on the eastern side of the
chinmey ruin. This gully contains few surface artefacts, but upstream and
to the east of it is an extensive scatter of iron, some of which seems to be
associated with a wool press. Other items are files, a rasp, a roofing bolt,
and pieces of worked iron perhaps associated with a cart or dray. There
are also very small fragments of a bowl, decorated outside and in. The
decoration is of a bunch of grapes.
Further upstream are other artefacts. Part of a bottle protrudes from a
lump of soil, and closer to Evelyn Creek are more white pottery fragments,
and pieces of bottle glass. An axe head lies adjacent to the fence.

Fifty meters upstream of the chimney ruin is the lid of a brown teapot. This
lid is similar to one illustrated in Graham (1979:facing 33) said to date from
1888, but otherwise un-provenanced. A little further on is a cast iron pintle
-probably from the front axle-bed of a dray.
Another fifty meters upstream is the ruin of a second stone structure. The
construction method, which appears to have utilised gypsum as a bed
between the stones, is common to Chinamans Well and to Milparinka. A
'cash' coin is adjacent to this ruin, together with some nails, building
spikes, some unmarked white pottery, and the remains of what may be
hamess. The stone used in this structure is a mixture, comprising
sandstone, ironstone and slate.

Appendix G ANALVSIS OF GLASS BOTTLES
G.1 Introduction
European bottle glass from the Milparinka Chinese sites was evaluated on
the basis of several criteria. At the most broad level bottles were classifed
by manufacturing technique, with close attention being paid to minor
variations in broad approaches to manufacture. Analysis was then
extended to functional classification, and to a combination of provenance,
function and techinque.
The minimum number of bottles from the two sites under consideration is
35 only, derived from the number of bottle bases identified in the
assemblage. The number of bottle lips identified was 23. Most bases and
lips came from Chinaman's Garden Well, reflecting the greater
concentration of exposed artefacts at that site. With two exceptions, both
of which came from Chinaman's Well, all bottles were made using
technologies stated by others to have fallen into disuse by 1920. The
techniques incorporated a wide range of subsets, comprised of different
applications of basic manufacturing processes. These are demonstrated by
the typologies provided on a following page. Variations were noted in the
treatment of both lips and bases. Some bottles were evaluated as having
been made using techniques which fell into disuse during the 1870s and
early 1880s, but most were made using techinques which spanned the
period from 1880 to 1920. Three bottles were made by the Australian
Glass Manufacturers, a company which commenced business in 1930, and
at least four were dip-moulded, a technique said to have been obsolete by
the 1870s. The dip-moulded bottles came equally from Chinaman's
Garden Well and Chinamans Well. The AGM bottles were from
Chinaman's Well, the site which continues to be used to date. Given that
they are two whisky bottle bases, and the base of a sauce bottle - perhaps
tomato sauce or something similar - they very likely represent the
deposition of more recent material.
A further observation regarding the assemblage from Chinaman's Well is
the presence of two bottles manufactured by AGM using a hinge-bottomed
mould, which technique is said to have been replaced by three-piece and
cup-bottomed moulds by the 1880s (Baugher-Perlin, 1982). These are the
Whisky bottle bases mentioned as being of recent date - from Dewars
Whisky. Two interpretations are possible - firstly that AGM used obsolete
technology, or secondly, that the AGM embossed on the base of the
bottles is not an indication that the manufacturer was Australian Glass
Manufacturers, but a company with the same initials which supplied bottles
to Dewars, perhaps in the United Kingdom. If so, they may not be of recent
date at all.

G.2 Manufacturing Techniques
The evaluation of manufacturing techniques, using dates obtained from a
variety of sources, but assuming the original interpretation of the AGM
bottles is correct, produced the following broad result:
technique entrydste ex/tdste lip or base types nbr of
bottles
dip body mould 1821 1880 bases 3 7, 13 14 5
paste (turn) mould 1870 1920 bases 1, 2, 10, 11, 16
13 14 15
post-bottom mould 1820 1900 bases 1, 3, 4, 6, 11, 14
13,14, 18
cup-bottom mould 1820 1900 bases 6, 12, 13, 16, 10
17
hinge-bottom 1750 1880 baseS 3
mould
lettered base 1850 present bases 3,5,9,12,13,16 7
panels
sand-tipped pontil 1800 present bases 6, 10, 11, 16, 14
17
bare iron pontil 1845 1880 base 14 1
applied ring 1840 1913 lips 3, 8, 10, 11 7
applied lip 1850 1913 lips 1, 2, 4,5,6,7,9, 17
12 13
semi-automatic 1881 1913 base 8 2
machine
automatic machine 1903 present base 9 2
auto machinesemi-automachineapplied
Hp
applied ring neck
barH'on ponlil mark
sand.pontIl mark •
IeIIering on base
hinge-bolIom mould
cupobollom mould
polIt-boIlom mould
paste (turn) mould
dip body mould
Bottle Characteristics
0 5 10 15 20
number of occurences

Significant features of the bottle assemblage are:
• the prominence of applied lip and applied ring neck treatments, and the
presence of sand pontil marks which mayor may not be associated
with the application of the neck and lip parts.
• the frequency with which paste turn-mould, post-bottom and cupbottom
moulds occur in the assemblage of bottle bases.
• the relative infrequency of bare-iron pontils, semi-automatic and
automatic bottle machines.
The most frequently occurring features could be expected to be found on
bottles manufactured between 1820 and 1920. Very few of the bottles
appear to have been manufactured much later than the end of the First
World War, while analysis of bottle lips suggests this date might be further
refined to 1913. Paste moulded bottles and the various post-moulds with
embossed lettering point to dates of manufacture subsequent to 1850.
The analysis of bottle parts thus confirms most were made either prior to or
around the time that the sites were occupied by the Chinese gardeners.
The absence of more recent bottles at Chinaman's Garden Well, and, with
some explainable exceptions, at Chinaman's Well tends to confirm that
artefact assemblages from the sites do not include material from
disassociated periods.
But having established with reasonable certainty the date of the bottles
included in the assemblage, it is necessary to consider another factor
before continuing with the assertion that the bottle glass was deposited at
the sites during the Chinese occupation. This is the observation that a
proportion of the glass has been flaked, suggesting that it was reused by
Australian Aborigines. That the number of neck and base pieces is
disproportionate to the volume of glass from the walls of bottles may be a
product of visibility, but may also be a product of the importation of bottle
bases and lips for rework. If so some of the glass may have come from
station refuse dumps. That at Mount Poole, for example would perhaps
date from the early 1860s. Countering this is the close association
between the bottle fragments and other surface artefacts such as opium
tins and Chinese ceramics. Persons more qualified than I may be willing to
suggest there was a close association between the Chinese at Milparinka
and at least some Australian Aborigines, which would explain quite
satisfactorily the proximity of the finds.
On a more general note, the analysis of bottles from Milparinka may
demonstrate that obsolescence of a manufacturing technique in Europe or
America does not necessarily mean it was totally abandoned in Australia,
or that bottle importers and manufacturers in Australia tended to hold large
stocks of bottles and to have a much longer phasing-out period. The
smaller overall market size, its sparse distribution, and distance from major
competitors, may all have impacted upon the bottle stocks held and the
adoption of replacement techniques by Australian bottle manufacturers.

Tabulated outcome of Bottle Base and Lip Provenance Analysis
Site Provenance Description Lip or Base #item Date Range
Type s
Chinaman's
Garden Well 051s025w Bough Shed bOO 1 1820 - 1900
052s012w intermediate b05 1 1750 -1880
054s to 059s Hut site lip5 1 1850 -1913
b01 1 1870 -1920
b02 7 1870 -1920
b03 2 1821 -1880
b04 2 1820 -1900
bOO 1 1820 -1900
b07 1 1821 -1880
b10 2 1870 - 1920
b13 1 1820 -1900
b15 1 1870 - 1920
b16 1 1850 - date
b17 1 1800 - date
lip1 3 1850 - 1913
Iip2 3 1850 - 1913
Iip3 3 1850 -1913
Iip6 1 1850 -1913
lip7 1 1850 -1913
Iip8 2 1850 -1913
Iip9 1 1850 -1913
Iip10 1 1850 -1913
lip11 1 1850 - 1913
lip12 1 1850 -1913
069 to 074s Hut site lip4 1 1850 -1913
Iip12 1 1850 - 1913
Iip14 1 1850 - 1913
bOO 2 1820 - 1900
b08 1 1881 -1913
b11 1 1800 - date
b12 1 1850 - date
Chinaman's Ooon to oo3s stone hut
Well proximity bOO 1 1800 - date
b07 1 1821 -1880
b17 1 1820 -1900
b18 1 1820 -1900
Iip3 1 1850 - 1913
Iip13 1 1850 -1913
003soo3w lip3 2 1850 - 1913
043s063e workshop b02 1 1870 -1920
lip3 1 1850 -1913
008n033e modem b05 2 1750 -1880
b09 2 1903 - date

Bottle Lip Profiles
Type 1 Type 2 Type 3 Type 4 Type 5
Type 6 Type 7 Type 8 Type 9 Type 10
Type 11 Type 12 Type 13 Type 14
Bottle Neck Profiles
Convex Flare Straight Bell
\
\
I

Bottle base variants (sheet 1 of 2)
spun
Type 1 Type 2 Type 3
Type 4 TypeS Type 6
\
\
Type 7 TypeS Type 9

APPENDIX H DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
Chinaman's Well
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
# of artefacts: 147
CU 24 16.3% FE 38 25.9%
FSW 7 4.8% Gl 62 42.2%
PC 1 0.7% REW 4 2.7%
SS 1 0.7% STONE 1 0.7%
VSW 8 5.4% ZN 1 0.7%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION
# of artefacts: 147
UN-IDABlE 6 4.1% UN-IDFIED 10 6.8%
O-CUlT 12 8.2% H-HOlD 2 1.4%
TW 10 6.8% KW 64 43.5%
MED 3 2.0% A-STRUCT 6 4.1%
A-NONST 4 2.7% PER 13 8.8%
CRAFT 4 2.7% AG-PAST 3 2.0%
TRANS 10 6.8%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 459
CU 26 5.7% FE 193 42.0%
FSW 10 2.2% Gl 204 44.4%
PC 1 0.2% REW 6 1.3%
SS 1 0.2% STONE 1 0.2%
VSW 16 3.5% ZN 1 0.2%

Frequency table for: FUNCTION
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 459
UN-IDABLE 64 13.9% UN-IDFIED 40 8.7%
O-CULT 20 4.4% H-HOlD 2 0.4%
TW 18 3.9% KW 259 56.4%
MED 3 0.7% A-STRUCT 7 1.5%
A-NONST 9 2.0% PER 13 2.8%
CRAFT 4 0.9% AG-PAST 4 0.9%
TRANS 16 3.5%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 9900.51
CU 115 1.2% FE 3373 34.1%
FSW 244 2.5% GL 5113 51.6%
PC 10 0.1% REW 81 0.8%
SS 337 3.4% STONE 128 1.3%
VSW 497 5.0% ZN 1 0.0%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 9900.51
UN-IDABlE 552 5.6% UN-IDFIED 325 3.3%
O-CULT 104 1.1% H-HOLD 7 0.1%
TW 534 5.4% KW 5449 55.0%
MED 70 0.7% A-STRUCT 191 1.9%
A-NONST 446 4.5% PER 73 0.7%
CRAFT 546 5.5% AG-PAST 50 0.5%
TRANS 1554 15.7%

Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted total: 84
BOT 28 33.3% BOT-B 19 22.6%
BOT-L 5 6.0% BOT-W 2 2.4%
BOWL-S 4 4.8% FLAT 2 2.4%
GLASS 1 1.2% JAR 10 11.9%
JAR-O 1 1.2% LID 1 1.2%
PLATTER 2 2.4% POT-K 1 1.2%
TUMB 1 1.2% UN-IDABLE 5 6.0%
UN-IDFIED 2 2.4%
Frequency table for: F-ARCHIT
Weighted total: 18
GL-P 1 5.6% NAIL-H 1 5.6%
NAIL-M 4 22.2% PINTLE 1 5.6%
RIVT 1 5.6% ROD 1 5.6%
SPIKE 1 5.6% SPRING 1 5.6%
UN-IDFIED 1 5.6% W 2 11.1%
WASHER 1 5.6% WIRE 2 11.1%
Frequency table for: F-PERSON
Weighted total: 15
BOT-P 1 6.7% BUCKLE-B 1 6.7%
BUCKLE-O 2 13.3% BUT-2 1 6.7%
BUT-4 7 46.7% BUT-O 1 6.7%
P-STUD 1 6.7% UN-IDFIED 1 6.7%
Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
Weighted total: 2
IUN-IDFIED 1 I 50.0% lW-STONE 1 I 5.0% l

Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
Weighted total: 7
D-BIT 1 14.3% GRIND-S 1 14.3%
HORSE-S 2 28.6% WIRE 3 42.9%
Frequency table for: F-OCULT
Weighted total: 11
BOX19.1% 1 9.1% COIN 3 27.3%
OPIUM-BL 2 18.2% OPIUM-N 1 9.1%
OPIUM-P 1 9.1% OPIUM-S 2 18.2%
UN-IDFIED 1 9.1%
Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted total: 348
BOT 107 30.7% BOT-B 74 21.3%
BOT-L 8 2.3% BOT-W 2 0.6%
BOWL-S 4 1.1% FLAT 4 1.1%
GLASS 1 0.3% JAR 15 4.3%
JAR-O 1 0.3% LID 1 0.3%
PLATTER 8 2.3% POT-K 52 14.9%
TUMB 1 0.3% UN-IDABLE 62 17.8%
UN-IOFIED 8 2.3%
Frequency table for: F-ARCHIT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 25
GL-P 2 8.0% LATCH 1 4.0%
NAIL-H 1 4.0% NAIL-M 5 20.0%
PINTLE 1 4.0% RIVT 1 4.0%
ROD 1 4.0% SPIKE 1 4.0%
SPRING 1 4.0% UN-lOFtED 1 4.0%
W 3 12.0% WASHER 2 8.0%
WIRE 5 20.0%

Frequency table for: F·PERSON
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 15
BOT·P 1 6.7% BUCKLE-B 1 6.7%
BUCKLE-O 2 13.3% BUT-2 1 6.7%
BUT-4 7 46.7% BUT-O 1 6.7%
P-STUO 1 6.7% UN-lOFtED 1 6.7%
Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 2
I.....U_N...... -I.... OF....,;,I_EO__....-l=__1...,j1""""""""50....0_oA.... o lW-STONE
Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 13
1 I 50.% I
O-BIT 1 7.7% GRINO-S 1 7.7%
HORSE-S 7 53.8% WIRE 4 30.8%
Frequency table for: F·OCULT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 19
BOX 3 15.8% COIN 4 21.1%
OPIUM-BL 2 10.5% OPIUM-N 1 5.3%
OPIUM-P 1 5.3% OPIUM-S 2 10.5%
UN-IDFIED 6 31.6%
Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted by: A·WGHT
Weighted total: 6539.53
BOT 1054 16.1% BOT-B 2942 45.0%
BOT-L 495 7.6% BOT-W 96 1.5%

BOWL-S 197 3.0% FLAT 58 0.9%
GLASS 4 0.1% JAR 289 4.4%
JAR-O 10 0.2% LID 11 0.2%
PLATTER 242 3.7% POT-K 604 9.2%
TUMB 33 0.5% UN-IDABLE 459 7.0%
UN-IDFIED 46 0.7%

Frequency table for: F-ARCHIT
Weighted by: A·WGHT
Weighted total: 1592.32
GL-P 400 25.1% LATCH 325 20.4%
NAIL-H 14 0.9% NAIL-M 45 2.8%
PINTLE 65 4.1% RIVT 3 0.2%
ROD 135 8.5% SPIKE 61 3.9%
SPRING 123 7.8% UN-IOFIED 238 14.9%
W 3 0.2% WASHER 61 3.8%
WIRE 118 7.4%
Frequency table for: F-PERSON
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 103.36
BOT-P 52 50.3% BUCKLE-B 24 23.5%
BUCKLE-O 10 9.5% BUT-2 1 1.4%
BUT-4 8 7.3% BUT-O 1 0.9%
P-STUD 3 3.1% UN-IDFIED 4 4.0%
Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 130.69
IIo-iU....N..... -ID....F_IE_D_-='- 2 .-1.......... 1..... 8°Ic..... o I.....W.....-.....
Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
Weighted by: A·WGHT
Weighted total: 1040.21
ST....O_N....E__==--.....I=ooo.....1-..2-.8.... 1 .....
98......2....%......
D-BIT 77 7.4% GRIND-S 337 32.4%
HORSE-S 576 55.4% WIRE 50 4.8%
Frequency table for: F-OCULT
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 92.98
BOX 2 2.0% COIN 9 9.6%
OPIUM-BL 12 12.8% OPIUM-N 5 5.0%
OPIUM-P 37 39.4% OPIUM-S 24 25.9%
UN-IDFIED 5 5.1%
0 l

APPENDIX I DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS CHINAMAN'S GARDEN WELL
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted total: 556
# of artefacts: 556
BONE 1 0.2% COTTON 1 0.2%
CU 44 7.9% FE 131 23.6%
FEW 33 5.9% FSW 6 1.1%
GL 278 50.0% LD 2 0.4%
M-O 13 2.3% OPC 1 0.2%
PC 2 0.4% REW 34 6.1%
SHELL 2 0.4% SLATE 1 0.2%
STONE 1 0.2% UN-IDFIED 1 0.2%
VSW 5 0.9% ZN 0 0.0%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION # of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 1 Weighted total: 555
UN-IDABLE 19 3.4%
UN-IDFIED 45 8.1% O-CULT 36 6.5%
H-HOLD 8 1.4% TW 48 8.6%
KW 294 53.0% MED 19 3.4%
A-STRUCT 44 7.9% A-NONST 16 2.9%
FOOD 1 0.2% PER 12 2.2%
CRAFT 5 0.9% AG-PAST 5 0.9%
TRANS 3 0.5%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL # of artefacts: 556
Weighted by: #ITEMS Missing values: 0 Weighted total: 1683
BONE 1 0.1% COTTON 1 0.1%
CU 58 3.4% FE 602 35.8%
FEW 45 2.7% FSW 6 0.4%
GL 863 51.3% LD 2 0.1%
M-O 25 1.5% OPC 1 0.1%
PC 2 0.1% REW 52 3.1%
SHELL 2 0.1% SLATE 15 0.9%
STONE 2 0.1% UN-IDFIED 1 0.1%
VSW 5 0.3%

A endix I Descri five Statisitics CGW
Frequency table for: FUNCTION # of artefacts: 556
Weighted by: #ITEMS Missing values: 1 Weighted total: 1682
UN-IDABLE 174 10.3% UN-IDFIED 194 11.5%
O-CULT 74 4.4% H-HOlD 17 1.0%
TW 72 4.3% KW 95 59.2%
MED 26 1.5% A-STRUCT 62 3.7%
A-NONST 29 1.7% FOOD 1 0.1%
PER 15 0.9% CRAFT 5 0.3%
AG-PAST 14 0.8% TRANS 4 0.2%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL # of artefacts: 556
Weighted by: A·WGHT Missing values: 0 Weighted total: 19882.54
BONE 1 0.0% COTTON 4 0.0%
CU 316 1.6% FE 4414 22.2%
FEW 658 3.3% FSW 391 2.0%
Gl 13426 67.5% lD 76 0.4%
M-O 48 0.2% OPC 2 0.0%
PC 8 0.0% REW 522 2.6%
SLATE 5 0.0% STONE 1 0.0%
VSW 9 0.0%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION # of artefacts: 556
Weighted by: A-WGHT Missing values: 31 Weighted total:
19851.54
UN-IDABLE 436 2.2% UN-IDFIED 883 4.4%
MED 223 1.1%
O-CULT 231 1.2% H-HOlD 160 0.8%
TW 1010 5.1 % KW 15373 77.4%
A-STRUCT 656 3.3% A-NONST 104 0.5%
FOOD 1 0.0% PER 65 0.3%
CRAFT 492 2.5% AG-PAST 131 0.7%
TRANS 87 0.4%

Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
# of artefacts: 556
Weighted total: 385.00000
BARRELH 3 0.8%
BOT 168 43.6% BOT-B 51 13.2%
BOT-L 24 6.2% BOT-MM 4 1.0%
BOT-W 1 0.3% BOWL-S 22 5.7%
CAN 25 6.5% CAN-W 1 0.3%
CUP-L 2 0.5% FLAT 1 0.3%
FOIL 3 0.8% HAND 1 0.3%
HOLL 6 1.6% JAR 41 10.6%
JAR-O 1 0.3% JUG 1 0.3%
PLATTER 8 2.1% POT-K 2 0.5%
SPOON 1 0.3% SPOON-O 1 0.3%
STOPPER 2 0.5% UN-IDABLE 2 0.5%
UN-IDFIED 14 3.6%
Frequency table for: F-ARCHIT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 488 Weighted total: 68.00000
BOLT 2 2.9% ESCUT 2 2.9%
FLAT-I 1 1.5% NAIL-H 1 1.5%
NAIL-M 19 27.9% NUT 2 2.9%
RIVT 2 2.9% UN-IDABLE 11 .5%
UN-lOFtED 4 5.9% W 14 20.6%
WASHER 4 5.9% WIRE 14 20.6%
WIRE-F 2 2.9%
Frequency table for: F-PERSON
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 543 Weighted total: 13.00000
BOT-P 1 7.7% BUCKLE-B 1 7.7%
BUCKLE-O 1 7.7% BUT-2 1 7.7%
BUT-4 6 46.2% LINK 1 7.7%
RIVET-C 2 15.4%

Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 549 Weighted total: 7.00000
HOOK 2 28.6% LAMP 2 28.6%
UN-IDFIED 1 14.3% W-CHIME 1 14.3%
W-STONE 1 14.3%
Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 554 Weighted total: 2.00000
I UN-IDFIED 1 I 50.0% I WEDGE 1 I 50.0% I
Frequency table for: F-OCULT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 521 Weighted total: 35.00000
B-CASE 1 2.9% BOX 1 2.9%
C-CASE 1 2.9% COIN 2 5.7%
MATCH-B 3 8.6% OPIUM-BL 5 14.3%
OPIUM-F 1 2.9% OPIUM-FC 1 2.9%
OPIUM-N 3 8.6% OPIUM-PF 2 5.7%
OPIUM-R 7 20.0% OPIUM-S 6 17.1%
OPIUM-SB 1 2.9% OPIUM-T 1 2.9%

APPENDIX H DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
Chinaman's Well
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
# of artefacts: 147
CU 24 16.3% FE 38 25.9%
FSW 7 4.8% GL 62 42.2%
PC 1 0.7% REW 4 2.7%
SS 1 0.7% STONE 1 0.7%
VSW 8 5.4% ZN 1 0.7%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION
# of artefacts: 147
UN-IDABLE 6 4.1% UN-IDFIED 10 6.8%
O-CULT 12 8.2% H-HOLD 2 1.4%
TW 10 6.8% KW 64 43.5%
MED 3 2.0% A-STRUCT 6 4.1%
A-NONST 4 2.7% PER 13 8.8%
CRAFT 4 2.7% AG-PAST 3 2.0%
TRANS 10 6.8%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 459
CU 26 5.7% FE 193 42.0%
FSW 10 2.2% GL 204 44.4%
PC 1 0.2% REW 6 1.3%
SS 1 0.2% STONE 1 0.2%
VSW 16 3.5% ZN 1 0.2%

Frequency table for: FUNCTION
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 459
UN-tDABLE 64 13.9% UN-lOFtED 40 8.7%
O-CULT 20 4.4% H-HOLD 2 0.4%
TW 18 3.9% KW 259 56.4%
MED 3 0.7% A-STRUCT 7 1.5%
A-NONST 9 2.0% PER 13 2.8%
CRAFT 4 0.9% AG-PAST 4 0.9%
TRANS 16 3.5%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 9900.51
CU 115 1.2% FE 3373 34.1%
FSW 244 2.5% GL 5113 51.6%
PC 10 0.1 % REW 81 0.8%
SS 337 3.4% STONE 128 1.3%
VSW 497 5.0% ZN 1 0.0%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION
Weighted by: A-WGHT
Weighted total: 9900.51
UN-tDABLE 552 5.6% UN-lOFtED 325 3.3%
O-CULT 104 1.1% H-HOLD 7 0.1 %
TW 534 5.4% KW 5449 55.0%
MED 70 0.7% A-STRUCT 191 1.9%
A-NONST 446 4.5% PER 73 0.7%
CRAFT 546 5.5% AG-PAST 50 0.5%
TRANS 1554 15.7%

Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted total: 84
BOT 28 33.3% BOT-B 19 22.6%
BOT-L 5 6.0% BOT-W 2 2.4%
BOWL-S 4 4.8% FLAT 2 2.4%
GLASS 1 1.2% JAR 10 11.9%
JAR-O 1 1.2% LID 1 1.2%
PLATTER 2 2.4% POT-K 1 1.2%
TUMB 1 1.2% UN-IDABLE 5 6.0%
UN-IDFIED 2 2.4%
Frequency table for: F·ARCHIT
Weighted total: 18
GL-P 1 5.6% NAIL-H 1 5.6%
NAIL-M 4 22.2% PINTLE 1 5.6%
RIVT 1 5.6% ROD 1 5.6%
SPIKE 1 5.6% SPRING 1 5.6%
UN-IDFIED 1 5.6% W 2 11.1%
WASHER 1 5.6% WIRE 2 11.1%
Frequency table for: F·PERSON
Weighted total: 15
BOT-P 1 6.7% BUCKLE-B 1 6.7%
BUCKLE-O 2 13.3% BUT-2 1 6.7%
BUT-4 7 46.7% BUT-O 1 6.7%
P-STUD 1 6.7% UN-IDFIED 1 6.7%
Frequency table for: F·HOUSE
Weighted total: 2
I....U_N... -ID......F""""IE....,D_..........._ .......... 1 *=01... 5.... 0...... 00/

Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
Weighted total: 7
D-BIT 1 14.3% GRIND-S 1 14.3%
HORSE-S 2 28.6% WIRE 3 42.9%
Frequency table for: F-OCULT
Weighted total: 11
BOX19.1% 1 9.1% COIN 3 27.3%
OPIUM-BL 2 18.2% OPIUM-N 1 9.1%
OPIUM-P 1 9.1% OPIUM-S 2 18.2%
UN-IDFIED 1 9.1%
Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted total: 348
BOT 107 30.7% BOT-B 74 21.3%
BOT-L 8 2.3% BOT-W 2 0.6%
BOWL-S 4 1.1% FLAT 4 1.1%
GLASS 1 0.3% JAR 15 4.3%
JAR-O 1 0.3% LID 1 0.3%
PLATTER 8 2.3% POT-K 52 14.9%
TUMB 1 0.3% UN-IDABLE 62 17.8%
UN-IDFIED 8 2.3%
Frequency table for: F·ARCHIT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 25
GL-P 2 8.0% LATCH 1 4.0%
NAIL-H 1 4.0% NAIL-M 5 20.0%
PINTLE 1 4.0% RIVT 1 4.0%
ROD 1 4.0% SPIKE 1 4.0%
SPRING 1 4.0% UN-IDFIED 1 4.0%
W 3 12.0% WASHER 2 8.0%
WIRE 5 20.0%

Frequency table for: F-PERSON
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 15
A endix H Descri tive Statistics CWL
BOT-P 1 6.7% BUCKLE-B 1 6.7%
BUCKLE-O 2 13.3% BUT-2 1 6.7%
BUT-4 7 46.7% BUT-O 1 6.7%
P-STUD 1 6.7% UN-IDFIED 1 6.7%
Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 2
I UN-IDFIED 1 I 50.0% lW-STONE 1 I 50.% I
Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 13
D-BIT 1 7.7% GRIND-S 1 7.7%
HORSE-S 7 53.8% WIRE 4 30.8%
Frequency table for: F·OCULT
Weighted by: #ITEMS
Weighted total: 19
BOX 3 15.8% COIN 4 21.1%
OPIUM-BL 2 10.5% OPIUM-N 1 5.3%
OPIUM-P 1 5.3% OPIUM-S 2 10.5%
UN-IDFIED 6 31.6%
Frequency table for: F-VESSEL
Weighted by: A·WGHT
Weighted total: 6539.53
BOT 1054 16.1% BOT-B 2942 45.0%
BOT-L 495 7.6% BOT-W 96 1.5%

BOWL-S 197 3.0% FLAT 58 0.9%
GLASS 4 0.1% JAR 289 4.4%
JAR-O 10 0.2% LID 11 0.2%
PLATTER 242 3.7% POT-K 604 9.2%
TUMB 33 0.5% UN-IDABLE 459 7.0%
UN-IOFIED 46 0.7%

APPENDIX I DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS CHINAMAN'S GARDEN WELL
Frequency table for: MATERIAL
Weighted total: 556
# of artefacts: 556
BONE 1 0.2% COTTON 1 0.2%
CU 44 7.9% FE 131 23.6%
FEW 33 5.9% FSW 6 1.1%
GL 278 50.0% LD 2 0.4%
M-O 13 2.3% OPC 1 0.2%
PC 2 0.4% REW 34 6.1%
SHELL 2 0.4% SLATE 1 0.2%
STONE 1 0.2% UN-IDFIED 1 0.2%
VSW 5 0.9% ZN 0 0.0%
Frequency table for: FUNCTION # of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 1 Weighted total: 555
UN-IDABLE 19 3.4%
UN-IDFIED 45 8.1% O-CULT 36 6.5%
H-HOLD 8 1.4% TW 48 8.6%
KW 294 53.0% MED 19 3.4%
A-STRUCT 44 7.9% A-NONST 16 2.9%
FOOD 1 0.2% PER 12 2.2%
CRAFT 5 0.9% AG-PAST 5 0.9%
TRANS 3 0.5%
Frequency table for: MATERIAL # of artefacts: 556
Weighted by: #ITEMS Missing values: 0 Weighted total: 1683
BONE 1 0.1% COTTON 1 0.1%
CU 58 3.4% FE 602 35.8%
FEW 45 2.7% FSW 6 0.4%
GL 863 51.3% LD 2 0.1%
M-O 25 1.5% OPC 1 0.1%
PC 2 0.1% REW 52 3.1%
SHELL 2 0.1% SLATE 15 0.9%
STONE 2 0.1% UN-IDFIED 1 0.1%
VSW 5 0.3%

Frequency table for: F·VESSEl
# of artefacts: 556
Weighted total: 385.00000
A endix I Descri five Statisitics CGW
BARRELH 3 0.8%
BOT 168 43.6% BOT-B 51 13.2%
BOT-L 24 6.2% BOT-MM 4 1.0%
BOT·W 1 0.3% BOWL-S 22 5.7%
CAN 25 6.5% CAN-W 1 0.3%
CUP-L 2 0.5% FLAT 1 0.3%
FOIL 3 0.8% HAND 1 0.3%
HOLL 6 1.6% JAR 41 10.6%
JAR·O 1 0.3% JUG 1 0.3%
PLATTER 8 2.1% POT-K 2 0.5%
SPOON 1 0.3% SPOON-O 1 0.3%
STOPPER 2 0.5% UN-IDABLE 2 0.5%
UN-IDFIED 14 3.6%
Frequency table for: F-ARCHIT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 488 Weighted total: 68.00000
BOLT 2 2.9% ESCUT 2 2.9%
FLAT-I 1 1.5% NAIL-H 1 1.5%
NAIL-M 19 27.9% NUT 2 2.9%
RIVT 2 2.9% UN-IDABLE 11 .5%
UN-IDFIED 4 5.9% W 14 20.6%
WASHER 4 5.9% WIRE 14 20.6%
WIRE-F 2 2.9%
Frequency table for: F-PERSON
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 543 Weighted total: 13.00000
BOT-P 1 7.7% BUCKLE-B 1 7.7%
BUCKLE-O 1 7.7% BUT-2 1 7.7%
BUT-4 6 46.2% LINK 1 7.7%
RIVET-C 2 15.4%

Frequency table for: F-HOUSE
# ofartefacts: 556
Missing values: 549 Weighted total: 7.00000
HOOK 2 28.6% LAMP 2 28.6%
UN-IDFIED 1 14.3% W-CHIME 1 14.3%
W-STONE 1 14.3%
Frequency table for: F-CRAFT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 554 Weighted total: 2.00000
I-..;U_N..... -ID;;.,;F_IE_D..................!-__...-..;.,.1I 50.0% IWEDGE
Frequency table for: F-OCULT
# of artefacts: 556
Missing values: 521 Weighted total: 35.00000
1 I 50.0% I
B-CASE 1 2.9% BOX 1 2.9%
C-CASE 1 2.9% COIN 2 5.7%
MATCH-B 3 8.6% OPIUM-BL 5 14.3%
OPIUM-F 1 2.9% OPIUM-FC 1 2.9%
OPIUM-N 3 8.6% OPIUM-PF 2 5.7%
OPIUM-R 7 20.0% OPIUM-S 6 17.1%
OPIUM-SB 1 2.9% OPIUM-T 1 2.9%