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Australia during the gold-rush era came from Kwangtung province, and<br />

more specifically the Canton Delta, in southern China. Chinese from this<br />

area also migrated to New Zealand, the United States and Canada. In<br />

contrast, Chinese who migrated to Thailand came from Swatao in the<br />

north-east of Kwantung province, and most of those who migrated to other<br />

South-East Asian countries such as Malaysia, the Philippines and<br />

Indonesia were Hokkien Chinese from Fukien province. Hakka Chinese,<br />

originally from central China, settled in various parts of south China before<br />

also migrated to south-east Asia, and particularly, to Malaysia.<br />

Choy also indicates that migration took place from the northern-most<br />

provinces of China early in the twentieth century, at dates later than are of<br />

interest for the purpose of my research.<br />

I will seek to discuss in my conclusions the possibility that at least some of<br />

the Chinese at Milparinka were familiar with the requirements of agriculture<br />

in an arid red soil environment, and that this familiarity, together with other<br />

features of their subsistence at Milparinka, suggests they may have had<br />

links with Northern China. This would contrast them with the majority of<br />

Chinese then living in Australia.<br />

Many dialects are spoken in China, and 'dialect groups, with the exception<br />

of the Hakkas, correspond to places of origin and prOVide one of the basic<br />

c1assificatory criteria of Chinese migrants' (Choy 1975:5). A second<br />

reference (Yong, 1977:2) indicates that each dialect, because the<br />

differences between dialects presented a complex problem, tended to hold<br />

the loyalty of immigrants from the specific region in which it was spoken.<br />

Choy (1975:11-13) also explains that the lineage system which applied in<br />

China during the nineteenth century also served to draw individuals from<br />

each province together as groups. This system emphasised lineage<br />

solidarity, to the extent that few women were permitted to emigrate for fear<br />

that this would result in the loss of a family from the lineage. He then<br />

continues:<br />

'<strong>The</strong> ideal migrant was one who regarded himself as a member of<br />

his own village but separated by distance. If he was married when<br />

he migrated he would be encouraged to go without his wife but to<br />

return to his home village once in a few years, thereby maintaining<br />

his overseas earnings and keeping in touch with his family. When<br />

his economic condition permitted, he might take a native girl as his<br />

second wife and maintain two households... Here can be found<br />

some of the reasons for the objections in North America and<br />

Australia that Chinese migrants were clannish and non-assimilable,<br />

and that they remitted their earnings instead of spending them in<br />

their place of residence. '<br />

Lineage solidarity also affected the means of migration, with gangs of<br />

labourers working for head men recruited from important lineages in the<br />

same area. Those migrating to seek gold often borrowed money for the<br />

passage from 'friends and relatives both at home and overseas'. <strong>The</strong>

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