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temporary dwellings, comprised of "a tamped earth foundation or podium
at ground level or only slightly elevated...coupled with troughs and
sometimes underground conduits to drain water. .." perhaps accompanied
by a stone wall footing, but with the rest of the structure comprising a
wooden skeletal framework together with bamboo or similar matting or
wattle and daub.
I hesitate, however, to limit the possibilities to but two or three, as further
sources (Wegars, 1993; Spence,1992) nominate other equally possible
methods of construction.
Sisson (in Wegars,1993:53-55) suggests bUilding materials used by
Chinese in the United States were quite varied, the least durable of which,
at Sacramento in California were wood and canvas. Sisson also records
work by Jack, Holmes and Kerr at Palmerston in far north Queensland,
which suggested the use of materials such as thatched grass, bark,
corrugated iron and wood.
Also in Wegars are several references to the construction of dwellings at
least partially below the natural ground surface, while Knapp (1990: 13-17)
refers to construction methods involving excavation of houses completely
below the surface. This method of construction, confined to the north, and
in particular to Henan and Shanxi provinces, involved the excavation of a
pit, sometimes one hundred square meters in area, which served as a
courtyard. Houses were then excavated into the northern, eastern and
western walls of the pit, the southern wall not being used on account of it
being in constant shade. A ramp on the southern side of the pit was used
for access.
Knapp (1990:59) also discusses the principles of fengshui, which suggest
the Chinese would have avoided cutting into a hill for fear of causing
damage to the pulse of the dragon - the portent of fire and ill fortune, and
so perhaps would also avoid any excavation such as a cellar. Perhaps
construction on level ground is not be subject to the same limitations.
6.4 Agricultural Methods
No historical record has been found of the specific agricultural practices
followed by the Chinese at Milparinka. It is clear, however, from the
records of crops produced at various times, that they were quite successful
in growing a variety of fruit and vegetables. Spence (1992) in a chapter on
foods available in China over several centuries also makes it clear none of
the recorded crops were unfamiliar to the Chinese, although, for example,
sweet potato was more likely to be widely familiar than the 'Irish' one
apparently grown at Milparinka. Sweet potato was part of the staple diet of
the poorer residents of coastal south-eastern China by the early 1800s
(Spence, 1992: 168), and of coolies in north China by 1850
(Spence,1992:171).