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1 Low applicatives and the mapping hypothesis in Sumerian J. Cale ...

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In <strong>the</strong> contrastive focus construction <strong>in</strong> (18), <strong>the</strong> topic ama-bi is a def<strong>in</strong>ite DP <strong>and</strong> acts as <strong>the</strong><br />

quantifier for <strong>the</strong> clause as a whole, <strong>the</strong> focus phrase tilla iri-za-ka-åe nu-am ‘it is not to <strong>the</strong><br />

square of your city’ is <strong>the</strong> nuclear scope <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> clause <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> only rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g part of sentence,<br />

namely bibsared—mean<strong>in</strong>g ‘that <strong>the</strong>y should be made to run’—must be mapped <strong>in</strong>to a<br />

restriction on <strong>the</strong> quantifier ama-bi. The example <strong>in</strong> (18) <strong>the</strong>refore yields someth<strong>in</strong>g like: “As for<br />

<strong>the</strong> mo<strong>the</strong>rs, it is not to <strong>the</strong> square of your [= Gilgamesh’s] city that <strong>the</strong>y should be made to run.”<br />

Now, translat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> topic/focus articulation <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> quantificational language that Dies<strong>in</strong>g uses,<br />

<strong>the</strong> topic, ama-bi, is <strong>the</strong> quantifier; <strong>the</strong> restriction on <strong>the</strong> quantifier is <strong>the</strong> restrictive relative at <strong>the</strong><br />

far right of (18), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nuclear scope—<strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> sentence that is be<strong>in</strong>g asserted ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

presupposed—corresponds to <strong>the</strong> focus phrase that is marked by <strong>the</strong> copula <strong>and</strong> immediately<br />

precedes <strong>the</strong> verb. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> verb bibsared ‘that <strong>the</strong>y should be made to run’ acts as <strong>the</strong><br />

restriction on <strong>the</strong> topicalized DP ama-bi, it must move out of <strong>the</strong> VP so as to avoid existential<br />

closure. I would suggest that <strong>the</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g head of what seems to be an <strong>in</strong>ternally headed<br />

restrictive relative, namely ama, pied-pipes <strong>the</strong> relative <strong>in</strong>to IP as predicted by Basilico’s study<br />

of head placement <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternally headed relatives (1996) <strong>and</strong> is subsequently topicalized out of<br />

<strong>the</strong> relative <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>to clause-<strong>in</strong>itial position. The important distributional fact is that low<br />

<strong>applicatives</strong>, namely <strong>the</strong> verbal complexes that select for a non-specific nom<strong>in</strong>al component as <strong>in</strong><br />

(8) do not occur <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> type of contrastive focus construction <strong>in</strong> (18) apparently because <strong>the</strong> non-<br />

specific bare noun must rema<strong>in</strong> with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> VP if it is to restrict <strong>the</strong> predicate.<br />

[[Conclusion]]<br />

Thus, as long as <strong>the</strong> verbal complex rema<strong>in</strong>s with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> VP, <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>al component is non-<br />

specific, denotes a property, <strong>and</strong> forms part of <strong>the</strong> predicate as part of a low applicative. When,<br />

10

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