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1 Low applicatives and the mapping hypothesis in Sumerian J. Cale ...

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Chung <strong>and</strong> McCloskey (2004) or Van Geenhoven <strong>and</strong> McNally (2005). When, however, <strong>the</strong><br />

nom<strong>in</strong>al component is specific <strong>and</strong> moves out of <strong>the</strong> VP, it forms a k<strong>in</strong>d of <strong>in</strong>ternally headed<br />

relative that is causative <strong>in</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g. In <strong>the</strong> end, I use a negative contrastive focus construction <strong>in</strong><br />

comb<strong>in</strong>ation with Dies<strong>in</strong>g’s <strong>mapp<strong>in</strong>g</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis to differentiate <strong>the</strong> applicative <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> causative<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>Sumerian</strong>.<br />

[[Possessor rais<strong>in</strong>g]]<br />

In a language like English, possessor rais<strong>in</strong>g is a relatively limited phenomenon found <strong>in</strong><br />

constructions <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> possessed entity—ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> possessor—has raised out of <strong>the</strong><br />

ord<strong>in</strong>ary, prenom<strong>in</strong>al possessive DP to form an encompass<strong>in</strong>g NP as <strong>in</strong> Kayne’s famous example<br />

<strong>in</strong> (1): “two pictures of John’s.” Kayne is primarily <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> what “of” is do<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> this<br />

construction, <strong>the</strong> parallels with datives of possession <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r languages <strong>and</strong> how this feeds <strong>in</strong>to<br />

his <strong>the</strong>ory of relative clause formation, but <strong>the</strong> reason why this example is important to me is that<br />

it offers a mechanism for attach<strong>in</strong>g a non-specific NP like “two pictures” to a highly specific DP<br />

like <strong>the</strong> possessor <strong>in</strong> (1). The non-specificity <strong>and</strong> consequent absence of a DP superstructure is<br />

particularly clear <strong>in</strong> an existential sentence such as <strong>in</strong> (2). Note that if <strong>the</strong> unraised “John’s two<br />

pictures” were to appear <strong>in</strong> (2), it would yield a pair-list read<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>the</strong>reby demonstrat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

specificity contrast.<br />

Now, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>d of language where possessor rais<strong>in</strong>g is typically described—<strong>and</strong> here I’m<br />

th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g of primarily of Biblical Hebrew ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> Hungarian that has figured so centrally<br />

<strong>in</strong> syntactic research—it is actually <strong>the</strong> possessor that raises ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> possessed entity: <strong>in</strong><br />

fact <strong>the</strong> possessor raises all <strong>the</strong> way out of <strong>the</strong> DP that it specifies <strong>and</strong> forms a separate phrase <strong>in</strong><br />

2

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