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1 Low applicatives and the mapping hypothesis in Sumerian J. Cale ...

1 Low applicatives and the mapping hypothesis in Sumerian J. Cale ...

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In (8), igi normally means ‘eye’ but <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong>se constructions it comes to mean<br />

‘perception’ <strong>and</strong> it is <strong>the</strong> perception of <strong>the</strong> raised possessor that is transferred from <strong>the</strong> perceived<br />

entity to <strong>the</strong> ergative agent of <strong>the</strong> clause. Now <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Old Babylonian corpus that served as <strong>the</strong><br />

basis for my study, <strong>the</strong>re are only sixteen complex predicates that occur <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> particular k<strong>in</strong>d of<br />

possessor rais<strong>in</strong>g construction <strong>in</strong> examples (8) through (11) <strong>and</strong> also <strong>in</strong>clude an <strong>in</strong>alienable noun<br />

as <strong>the</strong> direct object of <strong>the</strong> verb; <strong>the</strong>se are listed <strong>in</strong> (14). Of <strong>the</strong>se sixteen verbal complexes, five<br />

are verbs of direct perception, while seven seem to <strong>in</strong>volve some form of adversity or deprivation<br />

with respect to <strong>the</strong> raised possessor. No verbs of <strong>in</strong>direct perception of <strong>the</strong> ‘look at’ variety occur<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> set.<br />

While Pylkkänen’s typology of <strong>applicatives</strong> <strong>and</strong> her transfer of possession model are truly<br />

<strong>in</strong>sightful, I would like to re-exam<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> syntactic structure that Pylkkänen proposes. Pylkkänen<br />

treats <strong>the</strong> applicative head, <strong>the</strong> *bi- prefix <strong>in</strong> <strong>Sumerian</strong>, as a higher order predicate that takes <strong>the</strong><br />

verbal lexeme, <strong>the</strong> direct object <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> raised possessor as arguments, presumably <strong>in</strong> some k<strong>in</strong>d<br />

of VP shell as <strong>in</strong> (15). The possessive/dative phrase, namely gig ‘wheat’, raises <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong><br />

postpositional phrase immediately above it <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> postpositional phrase as a whole <strong>the</strong>n moves<br />

entirely out of <strong>the</strong> VP. The ergative DP was probably never <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> VP to start with, so we are left<br />

with <strong>the</strong> surface order of constituents <strong>in</strong> (15) with <strong>the</strong> exception of <strong>the</strong> rais<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> possessor<br />

out of <strong>the</strong> VP. The problem with (15) is that it seems to obscure <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>matic relation between<br />

<strong>the</strong> possessor <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> possessed entity, so tak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> possessor rais<strong>in</strong>g construction as a model,<br />

we might end up <strong>in</strong>stead with someth<strong>in</strong>g like (17): with <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction of <strong>the</strong> low applicative<br />

head <strong>in</strong> (17b), igi ‘eye’ starts out as <strong>the</strong> complement of <strong>the</strong> low applicative head with its<br />

possessor coded <strong>in</strong> a dative or postpositional phrase. gig ‘wheat’ moves <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> specifier<br />

8

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