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Malagasy Adverbs Andrea Rackowski McGill University August 1996

Malagasy Adverbs Andrea Rackowski McGill University August 1996

Malagasy Adverbs Andrea Rackowski McGill University August 1996

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In The Structure of <strong>Malagasy</strong>, Volume II , ed. Ileana Paul, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, 1998.<br />

3 > VP > 10 > 9 > 8 > 7 > 6 > .......<br />

This explains the order of the adverbs at least. If pre-verbal adverbs are still in the<br />

Specs of FPs, center-embedding of adverbs must stop at the last available [Spec,AdvP],<br />

being blocked by tsy in [Spec,NegP] from raising any further. The post-verbal reversal of<br />

Cinque’s order in <strong>Malagasy</strong> thus results from this leapfrog movement, which is possible<br />

because of the different composition of pre- and post-verbal adverbs in <strong>Malagasy</strong>. The<br />

two groups behave differently and one reverses its order due to the different location of<br />

the adverbs in the phrase.<br />

The most serious problem with this account of movement is its lack of motivation.<br />

Why should the AdvPs always raise above each other in such a complicated manner?<br />

Again, the motivation for this movement is part of the basic problem of Kayne’s<br />

restrictions. Perhaps their movement is motivated by a need for the heads of the phrases<br />

to check features with one another in a Spec-head configuration. If this is indeed the<br />

case, however, then the need to check is somewhat irregular, since the orders given here<br />

can sometimes be overridden and reversed. A checking requirement would mean that the<br />

FPs raise in a certain way for a certain reason most of the time, but are not required to do<br />

so in all grammatical sentences. For the present, I again leave the problem of motivating<br />

necessary movement to Kayne, suggesting only that is related to the type of checking<br />

relation required in <strong>Malagasy</strong>.<br />

6.4 The Verb Phrase<br />

Now that the adverbs have the correct order, the problem is where the verb must<br />

move to gain its surface position 7 . To get the surface word order in the present tree, the<br />

VP has to move to [Spec,TsaraP], which in turn raises as in (52).<br />

VP movement is demonstrated in (53).<br />

(53) TsaraP<br />

3<br />

Spec Tsara’<br />

VP i 2<br />

tsara ti<br />

6.5 The Object<br />

Object location and definiteness are accounted for in this system by the position<br />

of Agr oP. Objects optionally overtly move out of the VP to Agr oP, or they remain in the<br />

VP and raise to Agr oP at LF. If the object is definite, it raises overtly to [Spec,Agr oP],<br />

and if it is indefinite, it stays in the VP, which is compatible with research on Germanic<br />

languages (Diesing (1992) and Duffield (1995)) in which the definiteness of an NP is<br />

related to its location in or out of the VP.<br />

7 The verb’s location in the sentence cannot be the result of head-movement through the adverb heads<br />

because the object can raise with it. If head-movement were taking place, the only way the object could<br />

raise with the verb would be if NP incorporation had taken place. Object incorporation, however, has not<br />

occurred in <strong>Malagasy</strong>, because the object adjacent to the verb (before adverbs) may be a conjunction,<br />

which is not allowed to incorporate into a head.<br />

16

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