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Malagasy Adverbs Andrea Rackowski McGill University August 1996

Malagasy Adverbs Andrea Rackowski McGill University August 1996

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In The Structure of <strong>Malagasy</strong>, Volume II , ed. Ileana Paul, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, 1998.<br />

(6)a. Da allora, non hanno rimesso di solito mica piu sempre<br />

completamente tutto bene in ordine.<br />

b. Da allora, non hanno di solito rimesso mica piu sempre<br />

completamente tutto bene in ordine.<br />

c. Da allora, non hanno di solito mica rimesso piu sempre<br />

completamente tutto bene in ordine.<br />

d. Da allora, non hanno di solito mica piu rimesso sempre<br />

completamente tutto bene in ordine.<br />

e. Da allora, non hanno di solito mica piu sempre rimesso<br />

completamente tutto bene in ordine.<br />

f. Da allora, non hanno di solito mica piu sempre completamente<br />

rimesso tutto bene in ordine.<br />

"Since then, they haven't usually not any longer always put<br />

everything well in order."<br />

3. Kayne -- Theoretical Background<br />

Here again, I do not offer a complete account of Kayne's book-length theory.<br />

What follows is only a sketch of his main points and the implications that these have for<br />

phrase structure, particularly in <strong>Malagasy</strong>.<br />

3.1 Basic Shape of Syntax<br />

Using a variety of arguments, Kayne arrives at the Linear Correspondence Axiom,<br />

which means basically that syntactic trees may only be right-branching and maximal<br />

projections may only have one element adjoined to them. Kayne takes the one permitted<br />

adjunction to a phrase to be the Specifier of the phrase, which means that no other kind of<br />

adjunction to maximal projection is allowed. Kayne includes many facts and arguments<br />

to support his theory, but for the purposes of this paper, I simply assume it.<br />

3.2 Implications of the theory<br />

Kayne’s system creates a need for much movement out of the SVO order which is<br />

the base in every language. For example, to obtain a language’s surface SOV order from<br />

an underlying SVO one, the object must raise above the verb to some empty position that<br />

is available as a landing site. S-O-PP-V requires that the object and the PP both raise<br />

(together) to a position between the subject and the verb. To get VOS order in a language<br />

such as <strong>Malagasy</strong>, the verb and the object must raise (together in the VP or possibly<br />

separately) to some position above the subject. In this way, all non-SVO surface orders<br />

are generated, and all are the result of movement.<br />

In requiring movement to obtain surface orders, Kayne (1993) forces, by<br />

necessity, the existence of a large number of empty functional categories into which other<br />

elements can move. Kayne-type trees either need empty FPs between each visible FP to<br />

allow movement, or else they need some sort of mechanism by which empty FPs can be<br />

inserted in different (perhaps specific and restricted) positions in the syntax for the<br />

3

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