06.04.2013 Views

120 Whither Kashmir? (Part II) - Islamabad Policy Research Institute

120 Whither Kashmir? (Part II) - Islamabad Policy Research Institute

120 Whither Kashmir? (Part II) - Islamabad Policy Research Institute

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

22 IPRI Factfile<br />

expressed wishes - all these from the country which claims to be the<br />

world’s largest democratic secular state.<br />

India’s first head of state, Lord Mountbatten, is on record having<br />

said on Oct 27, 1947, that since the “question of accession [of <strong>Kashmir</strong>]<br />

should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the<br />

state, it is my government’s wish that as soon as law and order have been<br />

restored in <strong>Kashmir</strong>... the question of the state’s accession should be<br />

settled by a reference to the people.” Again, one of India’s founding<br />

fathers and first prime minister, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, whose<br />

government took the <strong>Kashmir</strong> issue to the United Nations, told the<br />

Indian Constituent Assembly on Nov 25, 1947, “In order to establish our<br />

bona fides, we have suggested that, when the people [of <strong>Kashmir</strong>] are<br />

given the chance to decide their future, this should be done under the<br />

supervision of an impartial tribunal such as the United Nations.” On<br />

June 26, 1952, Mr. Nehru told Indian parliament, “If ... the people of<br />

<strong>Kashmir</strong> do not wish to remain with us, let them go by all means; we will<br />

not keep them against their will, however painful it may [be] for us.”<br />

Against these solemn words and relentless struggle of the people of<br />

<strong>Kashmir</strong>, New Delhi today has only two lame excuses: one, the pledges<br />

and the UN resolutions calling for a plebiscite in <strong>Kashmir</strong> have become<br />

outdated; two, what is going on in the <strong>Kashmir</strong> valley is not a people’s<br />

revolt but the result of “cross-border terrorism.” Both arguments are as<br />

self-serving as they are laughable. Time cannot abrogate moral values nor<br />

invalidate the international community’s right to intervene in flash-points<br />

of conflict arising from denial of freedom and involving tyranny and<br />

persecution. We have the recent example of East Timor, where a dispute<br />

was settled through a reference to the wishes of the people under UN<br />

supervision. Indonesia upheld the people’s verdict, however “painful” it<br />

might have been to it.<br />

For <strong>Kashmir</strong>, despite more than a half century’s lapse, all United<br />

Nations resolutions and the Indian leaders’ own pledges remain<br />

unfulfilled but valid because they are based on the time-honoured values<br />

of freedom and inviolability of basic human rights.<br />

<strong>Kashmir</strong> continues to be a flashpoint of conflict. Pakistan and India<br />

have earlier fought two full-fledged wars on <strong>Kashmir</strong>, and they came close<br />

to a third following December 2001’s mobilization of its forces by India<br />

and amassing them on Pakistan’s borders under the plea of combating<br />

terrorism. With both the South Asian neighbours armed with nuclear<br />

weapons, another conventional war on <strong>Kashmir</strong> has the potential to turn

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!