Inqaba ya basebenzi Number 2 April 1981 - DISA

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STAGE' THEORY ON TRIAL The # two-stage' idea completely fails to recognise that capitalism itself is the enemy of democracy- The workers and peasants want democracy in order to get rid of the very problems that capitalism has loaded on their backs—poverty, homeless* ness, land hunger, a shortage of jobs. To tackle these evils means precisely to tackle capitalism—and this brings the toiling masses into head-on collision with the rich. No government can both defend the interests of the capitalists and carry out the demands of the people. That is why the ZANU-ZAPU government in Zimbabwe has been unable, despite its enormous popular support, to solve the land question, to end starvation wages, to provide jobs for the unemployed, or even to abolish white privilege- Over the coming months and years Zimbabwe will face a stark choice— either break with capitalism, or see even the democratic content of the revolution turn increasingly to sand. The Lancaster House agreement signed by ZANU and ZAPU entrenches white political privilege, safeguards the property of the capitalists, and forbids any expropriation of the land. It was signed when the power of the colonial regime had been weakened but not broken and when there was a real possibility of South African intervention. It reflected the interests of the capitalists internationally who wanted to slow the pace of the Southern African revolution and were prepared to bring the white ruling class to heel before their power was smashed. The only alternative to the Lancaster House agreement was a strategy moving beyond guerilla warfare to the mobilisation and arming of the working masses in Zimbabwe to seize power in Salisbury, and to call on their South African brothers and sisters to help stop an apartheid intervention. This strategy was not favoured by the ZANU or ZAPU leaders, or by the governments which backed them. But this does not mean that the Zimbabwean workers and peasants have to accept the terms pf Lancaster House. An active struggle is needed
to bring the privileges of the whiles to an end. and to clear the way to bring the industries, mines and farms into the hands of the working people. Capitalism (the private ownership of the factories, mines, farms and banks) and white privilege are bound up together in Zimbabwe. It is the rich whites, the local monopolies and multi-national companies, who own these means of production. Safeguarded by the Lancaster House agreement, the capitalists demand (he continuation of their privileges in politics, education, health and elsewhere. A break with white privilege cannot come about through increased aid (welcome though Ihis will be) bui through a break with the capitalist system which demands these privileges continue- It is on this point that the "two-stage" approach of the ZANUZAPU leadership has caused the government to falter* Economy During the lirst few months ol the Mugabe government it was clear that the workers and peasants would give il some lime of grace. But right from the oulsei the workers in the lactones, mines and municipalities put forward demands to implement the promises of the election campa iun. There has been the biggest outbreak of strikes since the Second World War. It is this action by the workers, and not the initiative of the government, which has forced up wages. A continued demand abroad for the exports of the mining industry— gold, nickel, ferrochrome and asbestos—made it possible for the capitalists to make some wage concessions after years of decline. But the upturn in the economy, which could continue through much of <strong>1981</strong>. offers no prospects of a permanent rise in living standards for the working people, whatever the capitalists might claim. Already there are reports that the expansion ol production is encountering limits: further development depends increasingly on new machinery and factories. This in turn depends on expanding exports and enormous aid to bring in sufficient foreign exchange to buy the equipment overseas. Because of the capitalist basis of the economy, new investment in production is largely in the hands of the multi-national companies dom+ inating Zimbabwe- With these companies facing declining profits world-wide, they will not step up investment unless the government can guarantee high profits, low taxation, and a 'disciplined' workforce, - The /VNINZAPU government is thus dependent on the big sanctionsbusters of the past—Rio Tinto ZincAn^lo American, Johannesburg Consolidated Investments, and the General Mining Corporation—lo develop the economy. These companies, mostly based in South Africa, demand guarantees for profits and against nationalisation. At the moment hopes arc pinned on mining exports, which increased by 62% in value in the first half of 1980. Hul this expansion has not been based *»n much increase in output, rathe: on the rise in ihe price of gold, nickc' and other ores on the world market On top of this, l'Hl does not look like a good year tor mining expor,s as the I nrod S ates economy moves into decline. All these factors limit :hc possibility of major reforms on a capitalist basis without an enormous struggle by the workers. While the government is going ahead with a three-year national development plan drawn up by the Minister of Economic Planning v without discussion with the workers and peasants), the demands of the masses are becoming more urgent. Black Zimbabv eans are demanding jobs for themselves and their children, an end to cheap labour, land for -he peasants, urban housing, and equal education for all. Despite a year in office the present government is no nearer to putting the bulk of these demands on the agenda of reforms. In fact, these aspirations are impossible lo meet within the present economic system, even at the highest growth rate. •* m WW
Page 1 and 2: YA BASEBEIMZI Journal of the Marxis
Page 3 and 4: YA BASEBENZ1 Contents INTRODUCTION
Page 5 and 6: Introduction These five articles ar
Page 7 and 8: 4 has enslaved not only the million
Page 9 and 10: FREDERICK ENGELS THE WAGES SYSTEM
Page 11 and 12: Editor's note For the reader today,
Page 13 and 14: A Fair Days Wages for a Fair Days W
Page 15 and 16: 8 the contrary, the produce of the
Page 17 and 18: ecause they have not done that. On
Page 19 and 20: In our last issue wc considered the
Page 21 and 22: ecame a risky thing to indulge in a
Page 23 and 24: 12 classes of society necessarily b
Page 25 and 26: Social Classes - Necessary and Supe
Page 27 and 28: 14 order of the day for the last te
Page 29 and 30: Further Reading These articles of E
Page 31 and 32: 18 Kennedy whose potential as a cap
Page 33 and 34: For the masses of Namibia, the stru
Page 35 and 36: 22 SWAPO gels. Why is the South Afr
Page 37: 24 ZIMBABWE Throughout Southern Afr
Page 41 and 42: 28 and develop what they call "a re
Page 43 and 44: 30 MONONO f A BONA MASAPOA RONA The
Page 45 and 46: 3 2 It is without doubt only on the
Page 47 and 48: has mobilised the youth, the heroic
Page 49 and 50: 36 only be served by the leadership
Page 51 and 52: 38 Starvation f in the midst of Ple
Page 53 and 54: 40 "The history of a revolution is
Page 55 and 56: 42 lendency in the Russian Social*
Page 57 and 58: 44 and out. Millions of peasants, t
Page 59 and 60: lism With workers' democracy—Ihe
Page 61: Editorial White election Trade unio

Inqaba ya basebenzi Number 2 April 1981 - DISA

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