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leadership crises and decline of opposition parties in

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America <strong>in</strong> particular, party organization could be seen as structured upon the<br />

plebiscitarian pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> its purest form.<br />

Although Weber seems to leave little doubt about the implications <strong>of</strong> this<br />

development for the political system, it should be noted that his <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

relationship between political <strong>leadership</strong> <strong>and</strong> democracy is rather more positive than it<br />

would seem at first glance, while for both Ostrogorski <strong>and</strong> Michels the absence <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>ternal party democracy seems to underm<strong>in</strong>e the democratic system as a whole,<br />

Weberian analysis, is a conception <strong>of</strong> democracy rather ak<strong>in</strong> to that later embraced by<br />

Joseph Schumpeter,which suggests that strong <strong>and</strong> responsible political <strong>leadership</strong> may <strong>in</strong><br />

fact be a necessity for the healthy function <strong>of</strong> democracy. This is so because, unless it is<br />

controlled by strong political <strong>leadership</strong>, bureaucracy could, by virtue <strong>of</strong> the efficiency <strong>of</strong><br />

its organization, easily obta<strong>in</strong> a predom<strong>in</strong>ant political position <strong>and</strong> become the de-facto<br />

rul<strong>in</strong>g group, without be<strong>in</strong>g accountable to the public. Responsible <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>cipled<br />

political leaders are therefore needed to keep bureaucratic <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>in</strong> check <strong>and</strong> to ensure<br />

that they take care <strong>of</strong> ‘impartial adm<strong>in</strong>istration’ <strong>and</strong> do not engage <strong>in</strong> politics.<br />

Political <strong>parties</strong> have always been among the h<strong>and</strong>ful <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions whose activities<br />

are absolutely essential for the proper function<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> representative democracy. Given the<br />

centrality <strong>and</strong> fundamental position <strong>of</strong> political <strong>parties</strong>, it is not surpris<strong>in</strong>g that students <strong>of</strong><br />

democracy have, s<strong>in</strong>ce the very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> modern political science, recognized the<br />

importance <strong>of</strong> constantly monitor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> analyz<strong>in</strong>g their evolution <strong>and</strong> the quality <strong>of</strong> their<br />

performance (Richard 2002). Bryce (1921), for example, argued “that <strong>parties</strong> are<br />

<strong>in</strong>evitable: no free country has been without them; <strong>and</strong> no one has shown how<br />

representative government could work without them”.<br />

xlii

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