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Strauss and Watkins on Hobbes' Political Philosophy: A Review

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204 THE POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEWER<br />

determinism. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> turns immediately to politics <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> draws the<br />

inference—drawn by Hobbes—that a pers<strong>on</strong> who cannot move his<br />

body in accord with internal endeavour is not free. A pers<strong>on</strong><br />

who—out of c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> for something external—has a different<br />

endeavour than he would otherwise have is free. Thus, the pers<strong>on</strong><br />

who obeys a comm<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> for fear of what will happen if he does not,<br />

does so freely.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> looks at the implicati<strong>on</strong>s for the theory of punishment<br />

which may be drawn from Hobbes’s mechanical c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> of liber-<br />

ty (135-137). First, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> notes approvingly Hobbes’s answer to<br />

the charge that a purely utilitarian theory of punishment justifies<br />

“framing” <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> “punishing” publicly an innocent party as a warning<br />

to others. Such would not be punishment by definiti<strong>on</strong> because<br />

“punishment” is <strong>on</strong>ly for those who have broken the law <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> not for<br />

the innocent. Sec<strong>on</strong>d, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> notes Hobbes’s answer to the charge<br />

that, in establishing a sovereign authority men have acted c<strong>on</strong>trary<br />

to their natures by giving to the sovereign the authority to kill them.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> says the subject has not given away the right of self-defense<br />

nor has the sovereign received any right to bear arms against his sub-<br />

jects. Each subject still possesses his own original right to preserve<br />

himself although he has renounced the right to assist others in self-<br />

defense against the sovereign <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> has agreed to aid the sovereign in<br />

the exercise of the sovereign’s natural right against transgressors of<br />

the sovereign’s law (136).<br />

Hobbes’s theory of justice was implied by his theory of language.<br />

Chapter VIII, “Language,” is the last of the secti<strong>on</strong>s where<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> attempts to show the systematic coherence of Hobbes’s<br />

ideas. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> argues that Hobbes created a “nominalist theory of<br />

the state.” He proposes that, <strong>on</strong> Hobbes’s theory, the aggregati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

men moves from the moral vacuum of the resolved state of nature of<br />

composed political/moral order <strong>on</strong>ly when: (a) each man gives the<br />

use of his name to the sovereign; (b) the sovereign creates “good”<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> “evil” by giving those names to things <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> acts; <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> (c) the<br />

sovereign causes men to obey his comm<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>s for fear of his punish-<br />

ment. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> explains Hobbes’s complex theory of mark-sign-<br />

name-thing semantic relati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> calls Hobbes’s theory of the<br />

meaning of words a “Humpty Dumpty” theory (144). <str<strong>on</strong>g>Watkins</str<strong>on</strong>g> asks<br />

if Hobbes’s theory of the truth of propositi<strong>on</strong>s is also a Humpty

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