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Virtual Methods

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86 • Jason Rutter and Gregory W. H. Smith<br />

number of RumCommers in order to interview them. We attended four<br />

RumRendezvous in a variety of locations in the UK. These meetings were held<br />

over a Saturday and Sunday and offered an opportunity for those who had met only<br />

online to test their assumptions face-to-face. We took notes after these meetings<br />

and compared them to the accounts lodged on the newsgroup and on personal web<br />

sites in the days that followed. We drank coffee with RumCommers, ate meals and<br />

got drunk with them, sat on their furniture or floors and slept in their homes. No<br />

great privations to be sure – certainly nothing on the scale of those faced by<br />

anthropologists – but we ‘went out’ (Molotch 1994) rather than adopt the supposedly<br />

easier task of just watching our computer screens. Like other ethnographers,<br />

we had many reasons to be grateful to the generosity of our informants. We used<br />

our ordinary skills of sociability in order to study sociability practices. A web site<br />

to disseminate research findings was set up (but was never used when we realized<br />

it would compromise our assurances of anonymity and confidentiality).<br />

We adopted overt roles as researchers in all our dealings with RumCommers.<br />

These dealings mainly concerned arrangements in connection with interviews and<br />

RumRendezvous meetings. In our self-presentations we endeavoured to be<br />

innocuous in appearance and attitude. There was a slightly age-graded division of<br />

labour when interviewing. The less old in years of the two of us (and more computer<br />

literate) (JR) interviewed younger RumCommers. The other (GS) became<br />

skilled at disguising his lack of computing knowledge; he interviewed many of the<br />

older RumCommers, who tended to be less preoccupied with technical concerns.<br />

In fact the level of technical knowledge needed to address the sociological questions<br />

that concerned us was not high. We cultivated the role of unobtrusive, interested<br />

outsiders seeking to learn about the history and ways of RumCom. Our<br />

participation was ‘minimal’ and ‘restrained’ (Emerson 1981: 368) and we seldom<br />

posted to the group.<br />

Our major method of data collection was the messages that were placed in a<br />

database for ease of retrieval. This proved a valuable resource since many<br />

RumCommers did not have a clear recollection of threads, even the ones they had<br />

actively participated in themselves. We constructed a simple questionnaire that<br />

gave us some very basic demographic information but which more importantly led<br />

to an interview in a substantial proportion of cases. Phone and face-to-face interviews<br />

were carried out mainly in the second half of 1998 to find out how people<br />

became involved in computing and the Internet and what they got out of participating<br />

in RumCom. We managed to interview about 18 per cent of the total<br />

number of active posters on RumCom.local, including several of the heavier<br />

posters. Interviews were taped and transcribed. One of us visited the administrative<br />

headquarters on a Scottish island, a visit that also permitted interviews with<br />

some of RumCom.local’s longest established members. The managing director<br />

supplied organizational data. These were the data-gathering activities that, along

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