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Virtual Methods

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that users converse with the robot as if it were human, even probing deeply personal<br />

questions and engaging in discursive sexual intercourse with the robot). The<br />

impersonal nature of chatting with a robot has had one striking consequence: the<br />

robot receives several hundred more queries in a single month than are received by<br />

the combined human editors of the CAC in an entire year. Being overtly nonhuman<br />

coupled with the anonymity of online chatting seems to have facilitated<br />

users to disclose more about themselves, to sustain conversations without fear of<br />

becoming a nuisance, and to ask many more frank questions without concern for<br />

being judged on the quality of the questions. The robot is itself merely a talking<br />

version of a very large FAQ, with one distinct advantage: it has a human-like face<br />

and a human voice, masking mechanical impersonality with programmed personality.<br />

It can freely be flirted with and insulted; in turn, it can make sexual comments<br />

of its own, fight back, or quickly lead the user into new subjects for<br />

discussion. This is a degree of ‘interpersonal’ discourse that simply does not occur<br />

between CAC editors and members of its public on an everyday basis.<br />

ANACAONA is a ‘distortion’ in the CAC’s co-production network, involving different<br />

sets of authors and interests and generating different types of consumption<br />

patterns.<br />

Cyber-cultural Patterns of Circulation<br />

Centring the Links • 103<br />

The fact that the CAC brings together numerous web sites into one directory,<br />

numerous webmasters into one discussion and email list, and several researchers<br />

into particular online publications, can serve to at least simulate a sense of collectivity,<br />

and indirectly perhaps, a sense of centrality. One of these senses of collectivity,<br />

especially among webmasters who have produced content that is then linked<br />

and highlighted by the CAC, involves the question of common interests in<br />

Caribbean indigenous issues. The second sense of collective orientations sometimes<br />

involves related content (essays on Taino or Carib history and culture, information<br />

on archaeological sites, language resources; sometimes sites will<br />

appropriate content from other sites). Third, to some extent the various sites share<br />

perspectives (exemplified by a shared idiom for discussing and presenting<br />

Caribbean indigenous issues). A fourth facet relates to shared symbols in terms of<br />

images that are often recycled from one site to another (petroglyphic icons, depictions<br />

of shamanic objects, animal figures seen as sacred symbols in Amerindian<br />

cosmologies). The fifth consists of boundaries (formed for example by sites crossreferencing<br />

each other for users, by use of hyperlinks and ‘webrings’ and through<br />

the granting of awards). A sixth involves mutual advantage (the legitimacy of each<br />

site bolstered by the fact that other such sites exist as well, thus rendering any one<br />

site less of a ‘one-click wonder’). The seventh consists of regular exchange (electronic<br />

newsletters, email petitions, mailing lists, listservs, newsgroups, message

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