A. Ottino Origin myths, hierarchical order, and the negotiation of ...

Status in the Balinese Village ofTrunyan 493
Gelgel, former rulers of Trunyan. The remainder of the population resided
in the banjar jaba ('outside' banjar). As the enclosure of the banjar jero
was not rebuilt, this banjar is no longer manifest today, but the awareness
of a difference in status between members of the banjar jero and those of
the banjar jaba remains strong.
The desa adat is further divided into two cosmological divisions known
as sibak: a male (sibak muni i0 ) and a female sibak (sibak luh). This division
does not correspond to any residential arrangement. It pertains mostly to
the ritual domain. A representative of each sibak is needed to take care of
the shrines of the main village deities, and the participation of members of
both sibak is required in the preparation of major public rituals
(Danandjaja 1980:634-48). Each dadia belongs to one of these two sibak.
At marriage, a couple become members of the husband's dadia'?, sibak.
The sibak division pertains also to the nature of the leadership of the desa
adat. In the traditional system of desa adat leadership, there has to be a
representative of each sibak for each function in the council of elders
(Danandjaja 1980:267-9). This leadership system runs parallel to the more
recent system introduced by the Pasek Gelgel and to the system of leadership
of the administrative village (desa dinas) (Danandjaja 1980:263).
According to the mythical tradition of Trunyan, both sibak were formed
by the progeny of the first king of Trunyan and his wives. Members of the
sibak muni are believed to originate from their male progeny, and members
of the sibak luh from their female progeny. Membership of the sibak muni
is exclusively by birth into a dadia included in the category of first
settlers. All other dadia belong to the sibak luh. Newcomers are integrated
into the sibak luh through 'adoption' by members of that sibak
(Danandjaja 1980:132)."
Origin myths and significant dyads
Danandjaja collected twelve myths, legends and other narratives on the
origin and historical past of Trunyan (Danandjaja 1980:40-53). I shall
consider here only those which explain the village hierarchical order by
reference to ancestral origin. The first three myths (to be referred to as
myths A, B and C in this section) teil of the origin of the local population
and the establishment of the small kingdom of Trunyan. Two other myths
account for the status of two later arrivals, who are also included in the
category of first settlers. There is no myth to account for the origin of the
Pasek Gelgel, who are still considered 'outsiders who came to colonize'
the area (Danandjaja 1980:123), possessing their own history, separate
10 I am following Danandjaja's own spelling of muni here, which is usually spelt
muani elsewhere in Bali, since Danandjaja noted that the Trunyanese dialect differs
somewhat from ordinary Balinese.
11 Unfortunately Danandjaja does not specify how this adoption is effected, nor does
he mention the performance of any ritual to ratify the adoption.