PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN THE NOMINAL ...

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ut builds on the lower level prominence principles that operate at the level of the stress foot and the syllable. ω (Word) | Σ (Stress Foot) | σ (Syllable) Figure 1-10. Prosodic hierarchy of the word. The three tier system presented here is able to effectively solve the dilemma of the word pair considered above, bombast and ballast. The Liberman/Prince analysis is given in Figure 1-11 alongside Selkirk’s (1980, 565) prosodic hierarchy. The addition of the stress foot layer provides an explanation for the phonetic difference between the unstressed final syllables in the two words. Since the final syllable in bombast forms a stress foot it receives a secondary accent while the strong member of the binary branch carries the primary accent. R s w [ˈbɒm. bæst] + + ω | Σ Σs Σw | | σs σw [ˈbɒm. bæst] s w [ˈbæl. ləst] + - [ˈbæl. ləst] A A1 B B1 R ω | Σ σs σw Figure 1-11. Application of prosodic category labels to differentiate word accent. A, B (Liberman/Prince analysis). A1, B1 (Selkirk analysis). Selkirk (1980, 574-575) cites the work of Halle and Vergnaud as further support for dispensing with the segmental feature [±stress] in favor of a hierarchical metrical system that computes word level accent on the basis of universal principles of prosody as well as language 32
specific rules. In the Halle/Vergnaud analysis a potential stress bearing syllable in English is one with a branching rhyme consisting of a tense or long vowel, or a vowel followed by a coda. The final syllable of ballast does branch yet it would be labeled weak in the Halle/Vergnaud metrical tree (cf. Figure 1-11B). The failure to project on the metrical plane is not easily explained without reliance on the stress foot (cf. Figure 1-11, A1). Autosegmental Theory Autosegmental theory represents a significant departure from the SPE approach to accent and early metrical theory accounts. In terms of visual or spatial representation of the prosodic word autosegmental theory utilizes a multidimensional representation in opposition to the linear sequence of SPE and the bidimensional, hierarchical representation of metrical trees and grids. The foundation of the prosodic word Goldsmith (1990, 48-50) construes as the skeletal tier. The skeletal tier is a string of units or slots that could be represented as C (consonant), V (vowel), or simply as X without specifying the nature of the segment. The phonological features associate to the CV elements on the skeletal tier. However, other segments may also associate with the CV tier. These constitute autosegments. The autosegmental tier was initially devised as a way of representing tone; tone often affects several segments including discontinuous segments. In similar fashion, an autosegmental tier can be used to visualize the interaction between phonological segments, syllable structure, and assignment of word accent. Following the model given by Goldsmith (1990, 195), an autosegmental representation of the Latin word bŏnĭtātem, fem. sg. acc. (‘goodness’), is provided in Figure 1-12. Proceeding from the syllable tier the solid lines represent the relationship between the phonological segments and the syllable in the familiar hierarchy: syllable > onset, rhyme (> nucleus, coda). The syllable requires a vocalic segment in order to be well formed. The number of segments associated with the syllable appear in the skeletal tier. Thus, the last two-syllables are seen to branch. Goldsmith’s autosegmental 33
Page 1 and 2: PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN
Page 3 and 4: To the memory of my parents, Manuel
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .
Page 7 and 8: Four-syllable Nouns................
Page 9 and 10: 3-5 Vulgar Latin constraints on acc
Page 11 and 12: 4-31 Possible heavy/light syllable
Page 13 and 14: 5-22 Distribution of heavy/light sy
Page 15 and 16: 2-3 Iambic shortening..............
Page 17 and 18: 5-13 Relative frequency of 3-syllab
Page 19 and 20: 6-9 Outcomes of disyllablic nouns w
Page 21 and 22: etween primary accent and the segme
Page 23 and 24: of those constraints in the three m
Page 25 and 26: B “this perfect correlation canno
Page 27 and 28: The vowel labeled [+stress] in Figu
Page 29 and 30: The word agreement in Figure 1-6 Li
Page 31: monosyllable. Therefore, it is mark
Page 35 and 36: ut of those pieces of a syllable th
Page 37 and 38: and a period indicates non-head ele
Page 39 and 40: With regard to extension, bounded s
Page 41 and 42: patterns B and C; these correspond
Page 43 and 44: In order to achieve the binary patt
Page 45 and 46: output.” The assessment of output
Page 47 and 48: constraints in recognizing universa
Page 49 and 50: glides liquids nasals voiced voicel
Page 51 and 52: It can be seen from Table 1-4 that
Page 53 and 54: discussion). Additionally, initial
Page 55 and 56: Both MAX and DEP have consequences
Page 57 and 58: is the case of syllabic nasals and
Page 59 and 60: Jacobs 1999, 384). Examples of fina
Page 61 and 62: Gradient constraints (Hayes 2000, B
Page 63 and 64: DEPI/O and ROOT-IDENT. However, if
Page 65 and 66: antepenultimate accent was once con
Page 67 and 68: structure, such as constraints on c
Page 69 and 70: co-occurrence of both pitch and str
Page 71 and 72: 2-2 the first line shows the poetic
Page 73 and 74: poetry and song is well known in ma
Page 75 and 76: Table 2-3. Early Latin syncope 1. L
Page 77 and 78: The OT derivation of pre-classical
Page 79 and 80: 2-5 the results of the new constrai
Page 81 and 82: Iambic Shortening and Cretic Shorte
Page 83 and 84:
eproduced in Table 2-6, are all two
Page 85 and 86:
there are two underlying, inviolabl
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(nom. sg.), capitis (gen. sg.). Not
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celiandre. However, Portuguese coen
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lengthening to devlop in a language
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‘sorrowful.’ Allen (1973, 137)
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means that not all elements on the
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(2.16) H/R: Align the head foot to
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more successful in learning primary
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CHAPTER 3 FROM QUANTITY SENSITIVE T
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terminology, it is also characteriz
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Clusters of the type liquid + stop
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one most propitious for syncope, th
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How syncope actually affects the as
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complex codas for Catalan and coda
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ca(pi.clum,), (ar)(ti.clus), (ver)(
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Jacobs’s suggestion of syncope as
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espectively 5 (The other languages
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When the difference is computed as
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città to project two moras to sati
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frequency of occurrence. The invent
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Port. olho; from -g’l-, as in VL
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number of the left corresponds to A
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Apocope Apocope is further evidence
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141 faseolus non fassiolus. Cat. fe
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The authors of the study on Catalan
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(3.6) MAX-IO-V[lo]: If an input V s
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Table 3-16. Latin words of 2 to 5 s
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CHAPTER 4 ACCENTUAL PATTERNS IN THE
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preference for heavy syllables in p
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Sihler (1995, 266-269) notes that t
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to pre-tonic and post-tonic vowels
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appear in shaded cells. Results are
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the resolution of complex internal
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to at least one syllable except for
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In the case of Latin two-syllable w
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Table 4-5. Contingency table for H/
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Lat. tructa, ae, f. ‘trout’ 14
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fronting of preceding vowel, Portug
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stages of Catalan, for example, Old
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232 disyllabic first declension Lat
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HC A) Penultimate Accent HV L B) An
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Table 4-12. Contingency table for H
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The new prosodic template that has
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construct a foot to the left of the
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higher degree of prominence because
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Table 4-16. Tableau for output of f
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100.0% 80.0% 60.0% 40.0% 20.0% 0.0%
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eina, rainha (cf. Lloyd 1987, 320);
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provides a pronunciation of [pə'ri
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Table 4-21. Tableau for selection o
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STW (A stressed syllable is bimorai
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suggested that such words may never
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stressed syllable is bimoraic). Mai
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The difference in distribution of h
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100.00% 80.00% 60.00% 40.00% 20.00%
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heavy; the same situation holds for
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L.L.L1.L. The primary cause of loss
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epresentation of a segment in stand
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violations specific to their langua
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In the input forms in Table 4-37 th
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Combining the results of both group
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‘corner of one’s mouth’ is pr
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Veinte presas H L L H hemos hecho L
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In terms of syllabic loss, the L.L.
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78 cases represented in the data se
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pronounced [əmέʎʎə] and [am
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Catalan (peripheral areas of Centra
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penultimate accent, for example, Ch
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coincide with a morpheme or prefix.
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For the languages in question, then
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morpheme. The second pattern with i
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Because the five-syllable words are
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Surprisingly, Portuguese shows the
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unaccented syllable. It is always m
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CHAPTER FIVE VOWEL LOSS AND THE RIS
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this declension class and feminine
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some cases. The constraints that pr
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high percentage of cases in both Ca
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(5.2) MAX SEGMENT INPUT-OUTPUT (abb
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315) employs the concept of the dem
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glide accounts for the somewhat low
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The effect of demotion of MAX V is
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The locus of primary accent is pred
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nominative and accusative (Gran dic
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108). The final consonant of the CC
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Catalan peu ( Port. exame. As in Ta
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100.0% 80.0% 60.0% 40.0% 20.0% 0.0%
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Three-syllable Nouns The outcomes o
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For example, in most varieties of C
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80.0% 70.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0%
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to-Head) constraint calls for a hea
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coda-less tonic syllable in aspecto
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20 15 10 5 0 H L H L H L H L S3 S2
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(C)V.'CVC2.C1V → (C)V.'CVC1. Loss
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irmão ‘brother’ (< germānus,
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preference for the two-syllable tem
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and HV syllables are combined. Agai
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-ón and Por. -ão, outcomes of Lat
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100.0% ➊ ➋ ➌ 80.0% 60.0% 40.0
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the HV type syllable in Ibero-Roman
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NOCODACAT, CAS, POR or SONSEQ (in t
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24 20 16 12 8 4 CAT ➊ ➋ 0 H.H.'
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coda position may not be identical
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uniformity in the nature of the fir
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an uneven trochee due to its decrea
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not belong to a learned register wh
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The nine cases of ultimate accent i
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100 80 60 40 20 0 L.L.'L.L ➊ ➎
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that the proposed parsing, L('H), i
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frequent L('H.L.L) (data points 1 a
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learned or semi-learned in nature,
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24 20 16 12 ➌ ➍ 8 ➊ 4 ➋ ➎
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60 50 40 30 20 10 0 ➋ ➊ ➌ ,H.
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Classical Latin it is treated here
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Table 5-22. Distribution of heavy/l
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There are few cases of reduction to
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5-35 have a unifying factor, a syll
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eduction strategies seen here, apoc
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5-38, 5-39, 5-40) is a four-syllabl
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CHAPTER SIX PREFERRED PROSODIC TEMP
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Level 2: Assign * to the head foot
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for continuation of a heavy initial
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The set of five-syllable nouns with
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Patterns with Antepenultimate Accen
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that coincide in the three language
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deletion of a pretonic vowel. Thus,
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were disyllabic, then the two most
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locus of accent for Catalan. This i
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verb system as well where verbs of
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positions of non-prominence and rig
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(6.9) Max/front: A vowel in the inp
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250 200 150 100 ➍ 50 0 -50 '
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displacement of accent to the penul
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liebre, Port. lebre (
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Table 6-8. Continued 'L.H L.'H H.'H
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350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 CAT CA
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While perhaps not representative of
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180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 C
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input to this preferred template co
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Table 6-13. Distribution and origin
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een shown here that the datasets of
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APPENDIX A APPENDIX PROBI Väänän
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172 anus non anucla. 173 tondeo non
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x Row 2: End Rule (Final, Word) wea
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monstro [mõʃtɾu] and Cat. monstr
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D → F F Each dipode consists of t
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stress-based poetic verse emerges a
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utilize Latin. However, Wright (198
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of bearing an accent. Therefore, fu
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383 Etymon Dcl σ Ac Temp Gen CAT
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397 Etymon HV.HC1.X (14) Dcl σ Ac
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405 Etymon HV1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
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411 Etymon HC.HC1.X (1) Dcl σ Ac T
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419 Etymon HV1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
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443 Etymon L.HC1.X (14) Dcl σ Ac T
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451 Etymon L.HC1.X (18) Dcl σ Ac T
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457 Etymon L1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Tem
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459 Etymon L.HC1.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
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467 Etymon L1.L.X (2) Dcl σ Ac Tem
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475 Etymon HV1.L (43) Dcl σ Ac Tem
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LIST OF REFERENCES Abaurre, Maria B
Page 505 and 506:
Bonet, Eulàlia, and Joan Mascaró.
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Davies, Mark. (2002-2004). Corpus d
Page 509 and 510:
———. 2004. Positional weight
Page 511 and 512:
Hulst, Harry van der, Bernadet Hend
Page 513 and 514:
Lloyd, Paul M. 1987. Historical pho
Page 515 and 516:
———. 2000. Variation and chan
Page 517 and 518:
Saltarelli, Mario. 2003. A constrai
Page 519 and 520:
Yip, Moira. 1991. Coronals, consona
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