PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN THE NOMINAL ...

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an additional layer in the metrical tree, the mora, below the syllable level, as seen in Figure 1-14. Moraic theory assigns weight values to segments within the syllable. Hayes (1989) and others assume that syllable-initial consonants are extramoraic; the moraic count begins with the syllable nucleus and may also include post-nucleic segments. Word (Wd) | Foot (F) | Syllable (σ) | Mora (μ) Figure 1-14. The revised prosodic hierarchy A heavy syllable contains at least two moras, that is long vowel or vowel plus coda, and a light syllable contains no more than one. Tree representations of the syllable appear in Figure 1-15. Ewen and van der Hulst (2001, 151) distinguish between rhyme-weight languages (nucleus + coda) and nucleus-weight languages (nucleus only). σ σ σ σ | | μ μ μ μ μ μ | | | C V C V C C V C C VV light heavy light* heavy (*nucleus-weight languages only) A B B´ C Figure 1-15. Tree structures for heavy and light syllables based on moraic count. The first pattern, A, is universally recognized as light for languages with moraic trochees. What constitutes a heavy syllable, however, is not universal. Pattern B depends on a coda consonant for the two mora count. For a nucleus-weight language, pattern B′, this same configuration, CVC, would be considered a light syllable. Pattern C, where VV represents a long vowel, would be a heavy syllable for a nucleus-weight language. Latin displays both 40
patterns B and C; these correspond to the familiar long by position and long by nature in traditional Latin grammars. Some languages also admit superheavy syllables (long vowel + coda consonant). The superheavy syllable does have a role in determining placement of accent in some varieties of Arabic (see Goldsmith1990, 197-200). In these cases the superheavy foot is final which begs the question of extrametricality. In Latin, however, there are instances of non final superheavy feet such as claustra, n. pl. ‘gate’ and maestus ‘sad,’ as well as monosyllabic aut ‘or’ and haec, f. sg. ‘this.’ Selkirk’s (1980, 570) model of a superfoot, Figure 1-16, implies that the primary stress foot node dominates another stress foot containing a stray syllable. Σ´ Σs σw Figure 1-16. Selkirk’s superfoot. The stray syllable could be a non-canonical syllable, that is, without nucleus. Certainly when comparing haec to the full form haece this is a plausible explanation. Because /k/ can no longer function as onset of a final syllable it must attach itself to the preceding syllable. However, if the final consonant in a superheavy foot is parsed as belonging to another syllable, collocation of the primary accent in Latin becomes problematic (Steriade 1988). For example, if multiplex is treated as mul.ti.plek.s the penultimate syllable is now ‘plek’ and, as a heavy syllable, would attract word stress. Description of the word level accent in Latin requires the mora layer in the prosodic hierarchy in order to distinguish between cases like călămus ‘reed’ and cālāmus ‘we convoke.’ Tree configurations for the two are in Figure 1-17. Primary accent is indicated by the syllable in bold with a superscript 1. 41
Page 1 and 2: PERSISTENCE OF THE LATIN ACCENT IN
Page 3 and 4: To the memory of my parents, Manuel
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .
Page 7 and 8: Four-syllable Nouns................
Page 9 and 10: 3-5 Vulgar Latin constraints on acc
Page 11 and 12: 4-31 Possible heavy/light syllable
Page 13 and 14: 5-22 Distribution of heavy/light sy
Page 15 and 16: 2-3 Iambic shortening..............
Page 17 and 18: 5-13 Relative frequency of 3-syllab
Page 19 and 20: 6-9 Outcomes of disyllablic nouns w
Page 21 and 22: etween primary accent and the segme
Page 23 and 24: of those constraints in the three m
Page 25 and 26: B “this perfect correlation canno
Page 27 and 28: The vowel labeled [+stress] in Figu
Page 29 and 30: The word agreement in Figure 1-6 Li
Page 31 and 32: monosyllable. Therefore, it is mark
Page 33 and 34: specific rules. In the Halle/Vergna
Page 35 and 36: ut of those pieces of a syllable th
Page 37 and 38: and a period indicates non-head ele
Page 39: With regard to extension, bounded s
Page 43 and 44: In order to achieve the binary patt
Page 45 and 46: output.” The assessment of output
Page 47 and 48: constraints in recognizing universa
Page 49 and 50: glides liquids nasals voiced voicel
Page 51 and 52: It can be seen from Table 1-4 that
Page 53 and 54: discussion). Additionally, initial
Page 55 and 56: Both MAX and DEP have consequences
Page 57 and 58: is the case of syllabic nasals and
Page 59 and 60: Jacobs 1999, 384). Examples of fina
Page 61 and 62: Gradient constraints (Hayes 2000, B
Page 63 and 64: DEPI/O and ROOT-IDENT. However, if
Page 65 and 66: antepenultimate accent was once con
Page 67 and 68: structure, such as constraints on c
Page 69 and 70: co-occurrence of both pitch and str
Page 71 and 72: 2-2 the first line shows the poetic
Page 73 and 74: poetry and song is well known in ma
Page 75 and 76: Table 2-3. Early Latin syncope 1. L
Page 77 and 78: The OT derivation of pre-classical
Page 79 and 80: 2-5 the results of the new constrai
Page 81 and 82: Iambic Shortening and Cretic Shorte
Page 83 and 84: eproduced in Table 2-6, are all two
Page 85 and 86: there are two underlying, inviolabl
Page 87 and 88: (nom. sg.), capitis (gen. sg.). Not
Page 89 and 90: celiandre. However, Portuguese coen
Page 91 and 92:
lengthening to devlop in a language
Page 93 and 94:
‘sorrowful.’ Allen (1973, 137)
Page 95 and 96:
means that not all elements on the
Page 97 and 98:
(2.16) H/R: Align the head foot to
Page 99 and 100:
more successful in learning primary
Page 101 and 102:
CHAPTER 3 FROM QUANTITY SENSITIVE T
Page 103 and 104:
terminology, it is also characteriz
Page 105 and 106:
Clusters of the type liquid + stop
Page 107 and 108:
one most propitious for syncope, th
Page 109 and 110:
How syncope actually affects the as
Page 111 and 112:
complex codas for Catalan and coda
Page 113 and 114:
ca(pi.clum,), (ar)(ti.clus), (ver)(
Page 115 and 116:
Jacobs’s suggestion of syncope as
Page 117 and 118:
espectively 5 (The other languages
Page 119 and 120:
When the difference is computed as
Page 121 and 122:
città to project two moras to sati
Page 123 and 124:
frequency of occurrence. The invent
Page 125 and 126:
Port. olho; from -g’l-, as in VL
Page 127 and 128:
number of the left corresponds to A
Page 129 and 130:
Apocope Apocope is further evidence
Page 131 and 132:
141 faseolus non fassiolus. Cat. fe
Page 133 and 134:
The authors of the study on Catalan
Page 135 and 136:
(3.6) MAX-IO-V[lo]: If an input V s
Page 137 and 138:
Table 3-16. Latin words of 2 to 5 s
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CHAPTER 4 ACCENTUAL PATTERNS IN THE
Page 141 and 142:
preference for heavy syllables in p
Page 143 and 144:
Sihler (1995, 266-269) notes that t
Page 145 and 146:
to pre-tonic and post-tonic vowels
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appear in shaded cells. Results are
Page 149 and 150:
the resolution of complex internal
Page 151 and 152:
to at least one syllable except for
Page 153 and 154:
In the case of Latin two-syllable w
Page 155 and 156:
Table 4-5. Contingency table for H/
Page 157 and 158:
Lat. tructa, ae, f. ‘trout’ 14
Page 159 and 160:
fronting of preceding vowel, Portug
Page 161 and 162:
stages of Catalan, for example, Old
Page 163 and 164:
232 disyllabic first declension Lat
Page 165 and 166:
HC A) Penultimate Accent HV L B) An
Page 167 and 168:
Table 4-12. Contingency table for H
Page 169 and 170:
The new prosodic template that has
Page 171 and 172:
construct a foot to the left of the
Page 173 and 174:
higher degree of prominence because
Page 175 and 176:
Table 4-16. Tableau for output of f
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100.0% 80.0% 60.0% 40.0% 20.0% 0.0%
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eina, rainha (cf. Lloyd 1987, 320);
Page 181 and 182:
provides a pronunciation of [pə'ri
Page 183 and 184:
Table 4-21. Tableau for selection o
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STW (A stressed syllable is bimorai
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suggested that such words may never
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stressed syllable is bimoraic). Mai
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The difference in distribution of h
Page 193 and 194:
100.00% 80.00% 60.00% 40.00% 20.00%
Page 195 and 196:
heavy; the same situation holds for
Page 197 and 198:
L.L.L1.L. The primary cause of loss
Page 199 and 200:
epresentation of a segment in stand
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violations specific to their langua
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In the input forms in Table 4-37 th
Page 205 and 206:
Combining the results of both group
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‘corner of one’s mouth’ is pr
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Veinte presas H L L H hemos hecho L
Page 211 and 212:
In terms of syllabic loss, the L.L.
Page 213 and 214:
78 cases represented in the data se
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pronounced [əmέʎʎə] and [am
Page 217 and 218:
Catalan (peripheral areas of Centra
Page 219 and 220:
penultimate accent, for example, Ch
Page 221 and 222:
coincide with a morpheme or prefix.
Page 223 and 224:
For the languages in question, then
Page 225 and 226:
morpheme. The second pattern with i
Page 227 and 228:
Because the five-syllable words are
Page 229 and 230:
Surprisingly, Portuguese shows the
Page 231 and 232:
unaccented syllable. It is always m
Page 233 and 234:
CHAPTER FIVE VOWEL LOSS AND THE RIS
Page 235 and 236:
this declension class and feminine
Page 237 and 238:
some cases. The constraints that pr
Page 239 and 240:
high percentage of cases in both Ca
Page 241 and 242:
(5.2) MAX SEGMENT INPUT-OUTPUT (abb
Page 243 and 244:
315) employs the concept of the dem
Page 245 and 246:
glide accounts for the somewhat low
Page 247 and 248:
The effect of demotion of MAX V is
Page 249 and 250:
The locus of primary accent is pred
Page 251 and 252:
nominative and accusative (Gran dic
Page 253 and 254:
108). The final consonant of the CC
Page 255 and 256:
Catalan peu ( Port. exame. As in Ta
Page 257 and 258:
100.0% 80.0% 60.0% 40.0% 20.0% 0.0%
Page 259 and 260:
Three-syllable Nouns The outcomes o
Page 261 and 262:
For example, in most varieties of C
Page 263 and 264:
80.0% 70.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0%
Page 265 and 266:
to-Head) constraint calls for a hea
Page 267 and 268:
coda-less tonic syllable in aspecto
Page 269 and 270:
20 15 10 5 0 H L H L H L H L S3 S2
Page 271 and 272:
(C)V.'CVC2.C1V → (C)V.'CVC1. Loss
Page 273 and 274:
irmão ‘brother’ (< germānus,
Page 275 and 276:
preference for the two-syllable tem
Page 277 and 278:
and HV syllables are combined. Agai
Page 279 and 280:
-ón and Por. -ão, outcomes of Lat
Page 281 and 282:
100.0% ➊ ➋ ➌ 80.0% 60.0% 40.0
Page 283 and 284:
the HV type syllable in Ibero-Roman
Page 285 and 286:
NOCODACAT, CAS, POR or SONSEQ (in t
Page 287 and 288:
24 20 16 12 8 4 CAT ➊ ➋ 0 H.H.'
Page 289 and 290:
coda position may not be identical
Page 291 and 292:
uniformity in the nature of the fir
Page 293 and 294:
an uneven trochee due to its decrea
Page 295 and 296:
not belong to a learned register wh
Page 297 and 298:
The nine cases of ultimate accent i
Page 299 and 300:
100 80 60 40 20 0 L.L.'L.L ➊ ➎
Page 301 and 302:
that the proposed parsing, L('H), i
Page 303 and 304:
frequent L('H.L.L) (data points 1 a
Page 305 and 306:
learned or semi-learned in nature,
Page 307 and 308:
24 20 16 12 ➌ ➍ 8 ➊ 4 ➋ ➎
Page 309 and 310:
60 50 40 30 20 10 0 ➋ ➊ ➌ ,H.
Page 311 and 312:
Classical Latin it is treated here
Page 313 and 314:
Table 5-22. Distribution of heavy/l
Page 315 and 316:
There are few cases of reduction to
Page 317 and 318:
5-35 have a unifying factor, a syll
Page 319 and 320:
eduction strategies seen here, apoc
Page 321 and 322:
5-38, 5-39, 5-40) is a four-syllabl
Page 323 and 324:
CHAPTER SIX PREFERRED PROSODIC TEMP
Page 325 and 326:
Level 2: Assign * to the head foot
Page 327 and 328:
for continuation of a heavy initial
Page 329 and 330:
The set of five-syllable nouns with
Page 331 and 332:
Patterns with Antepenultimate Accen
Page 333 and 334:
that coincide in the three language
Page 335 and 336:
deletion of a pretonic vowel. Thus,
Page 337 and 338:
were disyllabic, then the two most
Page 339 and 340:
locus of accent for Catalan. This i
Page 341 and 342:
verb system as well where verbs of
Page 343 and 344:
positions of non-prominence and rig
Page 345 and 346:
(6.9) Max/front: A vowel in the inp
Page 347 and 348:
250 200 150 100 ➍ 50 0 -50 '
Page 349 and 350:
displacement of accent to the penul
Page 351 and 352:
liebre, Port. lebre (
Page 353 and 354:
Table 6-8. Continued 'L.H L.'H H.'H
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350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 CAT CA
Page 357 and 358:
While perhaps not representative of
Page 359 and 360:
180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 C
Page 361 and 362:
input to this preferred template co
Page 363 and 364:
Table 6-13. Distribution and origin
Page 365 and 366:
een shown here that the datasets of
Page 367 and 368:
APPENDIX A APPENDIX PROBI Väänän
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172 anus non anucla. 173 tondeo non
Page 371 and 372:
x Row 2: End Rule (Final, Word) wea
Page 373 and 374:
monstro [mõʃtɾu] and Cat. monstr
Page 375 and 376:
D → F F Each dipode consists of t
Page 377 and 378:
stress-based poetic verse emerges a
Page 379 and 380:
utilize Latin. However, Wright (198
Page 381 and 382:
of bearing an accent. Therefore, fu
Page 383 and 384:
383 Etymon Dcl σ Ac Temp Gen CAT
Page 385 and 386:
Page 387 and 388:
Page 389 and 390:
Page 391 and 392:
Page 393 and 394:
Page 395 and 396:
Page 397 and 398:
397 Etymon HV.HC1.X (14) Dcl σ Ac
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Page 401 and 402:
Page 403 and 404:
Page 405 and 406:
405 Etymon HV1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
Page 407 and 408:
Page 409 and 410:
Page 411 and 412:
411 Etymon HC.HC1.X (1) Dcl σ Ac T
Page 413 and 414:
Page 415 and 416:
Page 417 and 418:
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419 Etymon HV1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
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443 Etymon L.HC1.X (14) Dcl σ Ac T
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451 Etymon L.HC1.X (18) Dcl σ Ac T
Page 453 and 454:
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457 Etymon L1.L.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Tem
Page 459 and 460:
459 Etymon L.HC1.X (1) Dcl σ Ac Te
Page 461 and 462:
Page 463 and 464:
Page 465 and 466:
Page 467 and 468:
467 Etymon L1.L.X (2) Dcl σ Ac Tem
Page 469 and 470:
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Page 473 and 474:
Page 475 and 476:
475 Etymon HV1.L (43) Dcl σ Ac Tem
Page 477 and 478:
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LIST OF REFERENCES Abaurre, Maria B
Page 505 and 506:
Bonet, Eulàlia, and Joan Mascaró.
Page 507 and 508:
Davies, Mark. (2002-2004). Corpus d
Page 509 and 510:
———. 2004. Positional weight
Page 511 and 512:
Hulst, Harry van der, Bernadet Hend
Page 513 and 514:
Lloyd, Paul M. 1987. Historical pho
Page 515 and 516:
———. 2000. Variation and chan
Page 517 and 518:
Saltarelli, Mario. 2003. A constrai
Page 519 and 520:
Yip, Moira. 1991. Coronals, consona
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